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1 

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i 


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i 


THE 


Publtratiouo  of  tbc  i:)nurr  ^ocutp. 


Eltablillied  May  ijih,   1858. 


Champlain's  Voyages. 


M::fe 


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„ 

i 


PRINTED  FOR  THE  SOCIETY, 

By  John  Wilson  and  Son. 
1880. 


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TWO   IIUNDilED  AND   KIITY  COPIES. 


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VOYAGES 


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f       Samuel   de  Champlain. 


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TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  FRENCH 

By  C^IARLES    POMKROY   OTIS,   Ph.D. 
WITH   HISTORICAL   ILLUSTRATIONS. 

AND   A 

MEMOIR 

By  the  rev.  EDMUND  F.  SLAFTER,  A.M. 


'  I 


i 


Vol.  I. 
1567- 1635. 

FIVE    ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Bositon: 

PUBLISHED   BY  THE  PRINCE  SOCIETY. 

1880. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1880,  by 

BDMUND  P.   SLAFTBR, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


V.I 


lElittor : 

Thm  rev.  EDMUND   F.  SLAFTER.  A.M. 


PREFACE. 


i 


HE  labors  and  achievements  of  the  navigators 
and  cxi^lorers,  who  vifitcd  our  coalls  between 
the  lall  years  of  the  fifteenth  and  the  early  years 
of  the  feventeenth  centuries,  were  naturally 
enough  not  fully  appreciated  by  their  contemporaries,  nor 
were  their  relations  to  the  future  growth  of  European 
interefts  and  races  on  this  continent  comprehended  in 
the  age  in  which  they  lived.  Numberlefs  events  in  which 
they  were  aclors,  and  perfonal  characleriHics  which 
might  have  illuftrated  and  enriched  their  hiftory,  were  there- 
fore never  placed  upon  record.  In  intimate  connection 
with  the  career  of  Cabot,  Cartier,  Roberval,  Ribaut,  Lau- 
donniere,  Goihold,  Pring,  and  Smith,  there  were  vafl  do- 
mains of  perfonal  incident  and  interefting  fa6t  over  which 
the  waves  of  oblivion  have  paffed  forever.  Nor  has  Cham- 
plain  been  more  fortunate  than  the  reft.  In  ftudying  his  life 
and  chara(fter,  we  are  conftantly  finding  ourfclves  longing  to 
know  much  where  we  are  permitted  to  know  but  little.     His 

early 


\{ 


VI 


Preface, 


early  years,  the  proccffcs  of  his  education,  his  home  virtues, 
his  filial  affection  and  duty,  his  focial  and  domcflic  habits 
and  mode  of  life,  we  know  iniperfecily  ;  gathering  only  a 
few  rays  of  light  here  and  there  in  numerous  directions,  as 
wc  follow  him  along  his  lengthened  career.  The  reader  will 
therefore  fail  tn  find  very  much  that  he  might  well  defire  to 
know,  and  that  I  (hould  have  been  but  too  happy  to  embody 
in  this  work.  In  the  pofitivc  abfence  of  knowledge,  this 
want  could  only  be  fupplied  from  the  field  of  pure  imagina- 
tion. To  draw  from  this  Iburce  would  have  been  alien  both 
to  my  judgment  and  to  my  tafte. 

But  the  effential  and  important  events  of  Champlain's 
public  career  are  happily  embalmed  in  imperifliable  records. 
To  gather  thefe  up  and  weave  them  into  an  impartial  and 
truthful  narrative  has  been  the  fimple  purpofe  of  my  pref- 
ent  attempt.  If  I  have  fucccedcd  in  marflialling  the  authen- 
tic deeds  and  purpofes  of  his  life  into  a  complete  whole, 
giving  to  each  undertaking  and  event  its  true  value  and  im- 
portance, lb  that  the  hiftorian  may  more  eaiily  comprehend 
the  fulncfs  of  that  life  which  Champlain  confecrated  to  the 
progrefs  of  geographical  knowledge,  to  the  aggrandizement 
of  France,  and  to  the  diffemination  of  the  Chriflian  faith  in 
the  church  of  which  he  was  a  member,  I  fliall  feel  that  my 
aim  has  been  fully  achieved. 

The  annotations  which  accompany  Dr.  Otis's  faithful  and 
fcholarly  tranflation  are  intended  to  give  to  the  reader  fuch 

information 


Preface, 


\  II 


I 


information  as  he  may  need  for  a  full  iindcrflanding  of  the 
text,  and  which  he  could  not  otherwifc  obtain  witiiout  the 
inconvenience  of  troublelonie,  and,  in  many  inllances,  of  dif- 
ficult and  pcrplexini;  invelligations.  The  Iburces  of  my 
information  are  fo  fully  given  in  connection  with  the  notes 
that  no  further  reference  to  them  in  this  place  is  recpiired. 

In  the  progrefs  of  the  work,  I  have  found  niylclf  under 
great  obligations  to  numerous  friends  for  the  loan  of  rare 
books,  and  for  valuable  fucjgeflions  and  affiftance.  The 
rcadinefs  with  which  hiflorical  fcholars  and  the  cuftodians  of 
our  great  depofitories  of  learning  have  refponded  to  my  in- 
quiries, and  the  cordiality  and  courtefy  with  which  they  liave 
uniformly  proffered  their  affiflance,  have  awakened  my  dcej> 
efl  gratitude.  I  take  this  opportunity  to  tender  my  cordial 
thanks  to  thofe  who  have  thus  obliged  and  aided  me.  And, 
while  I  cannot  fpread  the  names  of  all  upon  thefe  pages,  I 
haften  to  mention,  firfl:  of  all,  my  friend.  Dr.  Otis,  with  whom 
I  have  been  fo  clofel)  affociated,  and  whofe  courteous  man- 
ner and  kindly  fuggeflions  have  rendered  my  tal"k  always  an 
agreeable  one.  I  defire,  likewife,  to  mention  Mr.  George 
Lamb,  of  Bofton,  who  has  gratuitoufly  ext  uted  and  con- 
tributed a  map,  illuflrating  the  explorations  of  Champlain  ; 
Mr.  Juftin  Winfor,  of  the  Library  of  Harvard  College;  Mr. 
Charles  A.  Cutter,  of  the  Bofton  Athenceum ;  Mr.  John 
Ward  Dean,  of  the  Library  of  the  New  England  Hifloric 
Genealogical  Society ;  Mrs.  John  Carter  Brov.n,  of  Provi- 
dence, 


,1- 


M 


VUl 


Preface. 


dence,  R.  I.;  Mifs  S.  E.  Dorr,  ot  Bofton ;  Monfieur  L. 
Dclifle,  Dire(5leur  General  de  la  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  of 
Paris ;  M.  Mcfchinet  De  Richemond,  Archiviftc  de  la  Cha- 
rente  Infericure,  La  Rochelle,  France  ;  the  Hon.  Charles 
H.  Bell,  of  Exeter,  N.  H.;  Francis  Parkman,  LL.D.,  of 
Bullon ;  the  Abbe  H.  R.  Cafgrain,  of  Riviere  Quelle,  Can- 
ada; John  G.  Shea.  LL.D.,  of  New  York;  Mr.  James 
IVL  LeMoine,  of  Quebec ;  and  Mr.  George  Prince,  of  Bath, 
Maine. 

I  take  this  occafion  to  flate  for  the  information  of  the 
members  of  the  Prince  Society,  that  fome  important  fads 
contained  in  the  Memoir  had  not  been  received  when  the 
text  and  notes  of  the  fecond  volume  were  ready  for  the 
prefs,  and,  to  prevent  any  delay  in  the  completion  of  the 
whole  work,  Vol.  H.  was  iffued  before  Vol.  L,  as  will  appear 
by  the  dates  on  their  refped've  title-pages. 


f 


% 


E.   F.   S. 


Boston,  14  Arlington  Street, 
November  10,   1880. 


Ik 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


hi 


Page 

Preface    

v-viu 

Memoir  of  Samuel  de  Champlain     .     .  ,  ,„, 

i~ZU4 

Annotationes  Postscript.k  ....  ,^.  . 

20^—214 

Preface  to  the  Traxslation 2i---'m 

Dedication  to  the  Admiral,  Charlls  dk  Montmorfxcv      .     .     227 

Extract  from  the  Licexse  ok  the  Kixc; 220 

The  Savages,  or  Voyage  of  Sif.ur  de  Champlain,   1603       .  231-291 
Champlain's  Explanvtion  of  the  Carte  df,  la  Novvelle 

France,  16^2 

^  293-304 

The  Prince  Society,  its  Constitution  and  Members  .     .       305-318 

ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Engraved  Portrait  of  Champlain  on  Wood,  after  the  En- 
graving of  Moncornet  by  E.   Ronjat,  hcliotypc. 

Map  illustrating  the  Explorations  of  Champlain,  Iieliotype. 

Engraved  Portrait  of  Champlain,  after  a  Painting  by 
Th.  Hamel  from  an  Engraving  of  Moncornet,  /led 

Illuminated  Title-page  of  the  Voyage  of  1615  et  1618,  hdio- 
type. 

Carte  de  la  Novvelle  France,  1632,  heliotype. 


\\ 


:H'( 


Index 


12\ 


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,T  t 


MEMOIR 


OF 


SAMUEL     DE     CHAMPLAIN. 


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* 

i 


CHAPTER   I. 

Paren'tage.  —  Birth.  — Home  AT  Brouage.  —  Its  Situation'.  —  A  Mili- 
tary Station.  —  Its  Salt  Works. —  His  Education.  — Early  Love 
OF  THE  Sea.  —  Quarter-.Master  in  Brittany.  —  Catholics  and 
Huguenots.  —  Catherine  de  Medicis.  —  The  League.  —  Duke  ue 
]\Iercceur.  —  Marshal  d'Aumont.  —  De  Saint  Luc.  —  Marshal  de 
Brissac — Peace  of  Vervins. 

HAMPLAIN  was  defcended  from  an  anceflry 
whofe  names  are  not  recorded  among  the  re- 
nowned families  of  France.  He  was  the  fon 
of  Antoine  de  Champlain,  a  captain  in  the 
marine,  and  his  wife  Marguerite  LeRoy.  They 
lived  in  the  little  village  of  Brouage,  in  the  ancient  prov- 
ince of  Saintonge.  Of  their  fon  Samuel,  no  contempora- 
neous record  is  known  to  exifl  indicating  either  the  day  or 
year  of  his  birth.  The  period  at  which  we  find  him  engaged 
in  adlive  and  refponfible  duties,  fuch  as  are  ufually  affigned 
to  mature  manhood,  leads  to  the  conje6lure  that  he  was  born 

about 


U. 


Memoir  of 


1567. 


about  the  year  1567.  Of  his  youth  Httle  is  known.  The 
forces  that  contributed  to  the  formation  of  his  character  are 
moftly  to  be  inferred  from  the  abode  of  his  early  years,  the 
occupations  of  thofe  by  whom  he  was  furrounded,  and  the 
temper  and  fpirit  of  the  times  in  which  he  Hved. 

Brouage  is  fituated  in  a  low,  marfliy  region,  on  the  fouth- 
ern  bank  of  an  inlet  or  arm  of  the  lea,  on  the  fouthweft- 
ern  fliores  of  France,  oppofite  to  that  part  of  the  I  Hand  of 
Oleron  where  it  is  feparatcd  from  the  mainland  only  by  a 
narrow  channel.  AlthouQ-h  this  little  town  can  boafl  a  cfreat 
antiquity,  it  never  at  any  time  had  a  large  population.  It  is 
mentioned  by  local  hiflorians  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the 
eleventh  century.  It  was  a  feigniory  of  the  family  of  Pons. 
The  village  was  founded  by  Jacques  de  Pons,  after  whofe 
proper  name  it  was  for  a  time  called  Jacopolis,  but  foon  re- 
fumed  its  ancient  appellation  of  Brouage. 

An  old  chronicler  of  the  fixteenth  century  informs  us  that 
in  his  time  it  was  a  port  of  great  importance,  and  the  theatre 
of  a  large  foreign  commerce.  Its  harbor,  capable  of  receiv- 
ing large  fhips,  was  excellent,  regarded,  indeed,  as  the 
fineft  in  the  kingdom  of  France.'  It  was  a  favorite  idea  of 
Charles  VIII.  to  have  at  all  times  feveral  war-fhips  in  this 
harbor,  ready  againfl  any  fudden  invafion  of  this  part  of  the 
coafl. 

At  the  period  of  Champlain's  boyhood,  the  village  of 
Brouage  had  two  abforbing  interefls.  Firfl,  it  had  then  re- 
cently 

^  The    following    from    Marfhal    de  duqnel  ddpenu  celui  de  Brouage.  qui  eft 

Montluc    refers    to  Brouage  in    1568.  le  plus  beau  port  de  mer  de  la  France." 

Speaking  of  the  Huguenots  he  fays: —  Coin/iietitaires,  Paris,  1760,  Tom.   III., 

"  Or  ils  n'en  pouvoient  choifir  un  plus  a  p.  340. 
leur  advantage,  que  celui  de  la  Rochelle, 


II 


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I  1567.  Samuel  de  Chmnplain.  x 

I  cently  become  a  military  post  of  importance;  and  fecond,  it 

'%  was  the   centre   of  a  lai-ge   manufacture  of   fait.     To   thelc 

two  interelb,  the  whole  population  gave  their  thoughts,  their 
energy,  and  their  enterprife. 

In  the  reign  of  Charles  IX.,  a  fhort  time  before  or  per- 
haps a  little  after  the  birth  of  Champlain,  the  town  was 
fortified,  and  diftinguiihed  Italian  engineers  were  employed 
to  defign  and  execute  the  work.^  To  prevent  a  Hidden  at- 
tack, it  was  furrounded  by  a  capacious  moat.  At  the  four 
angles  formed  by  the  moat  were  ele\-ated  aruc^ures  of  earth 
and  wood  planted  upon  piles,  with  baflions  and  projecling 
angles,  and  the  ufual  devices  of  military  architecture  for  the 
attainment  of  ftrength  and  facility  of  defence.^ 

During  the  civil  wars,  ftretching  over  nearly  forty  years  of 
the  laa  half  of  the  fixteenth  century,  with  only  brief  and 
fitful  periods  of  peace,  this  little  fortified  town  was  a  poft 
ardently  coveted  by  both  of  the  contending  parties.  Situ- 
ated on  the  fame  coafl,  and  only  a  few  miles  from  Rochelle, 
the  fironghold  of  the  Huguenots,  it  was  obviouHy  exceed' 
ingly  important  to  them  that  it  ihould  be  in  their  poffelllon, 
both  as  the  key  to  the  commerce  of  the  furrounding 
country  and  from  the  very  great  annoyance  which  an 
enemy  holding  it  could  offer  to  them  in  numberlefs  ways. 
Notwithi^anding  its  llrong  defences,  it  was  ncverthelefs 
taken  and  retaken  feveral  times  during  the  ftrugoles  of  that 

period. 


'tJO' 


2    <!  ■ 


"La  Riviere  Pui'.ailld  q-i  on  dtoit  y^^r//6'//f,  par  Arcere.  Ji  la  Ro-helle   17  Yi 

Gouverneur.  fut  charge'  de  faire  travail-  Tom.  I.,  p    n,         '         '^°-'^^"^'  '7:.6. 

phano,  Callnt.o  d'Urbin.  &  le  Cavalier  PAunis,  1152-1548,  par  M    D^  Maffion 

O    og,o    tous  Ingenieurs  Italiens,  pre-  Paris.  183d,  VoL  II.,  p.  406  ' 

fideient   aux   imw^xxx.'' —  Hfjioire  La  .  F   4^" 


Ml 
■ii 


ii! 


n 


i 


Memoir  of 


'570- 


I    j 


i    I 


period.  It  was  furrendered  to  the  Huguenots  in  1570,  but 
was  immediately  reflored  on  the  peace  that  prefently  fol- 
lowed.  The  king  of  Navarre'*  took  it  by  flrategy  in  1576, 
placed  a  ftrong  garrifon  in  it,  repaired  and  flrengthencd  its 
fortifications ;  but  the  next  year  it  was  forced  to  furrender  to 
the  royal  army  commanded  by  the  duke  of  Mayenne.^  In 
1585,  the  Huguenots  made  another  attempt  to  gain  poffeffion 
of  the  town.  The  Prince  of  Conde  encamped  with  a  ftrong 
force  on  the  road  leading  to  Marennes,  the  only  avenue  to 
Brouage  by  land,  while  the  inhabitants  of  Rochelle  co-oper- 
ated by  fending  down  a  fleet  which  completely  blocked  up 
the  harbor.^     While  the  fiege  was  in  fuccefsful  progrefs,  the 

prince 

*  The  Kinp;  of  Navarre  "  fent  for  lives  of  the  Souldiers  and  inhaliitants, 
Monlieur  dc  Slirahcaii  under  colour  of     which  aiireement  the  Duke  punctually 

oblerved."'  —  Hi:.  Civ.  Warrcs,  by 
Davihi.  London,  1647,  p.  472.  Seo  alfo 
Memoirs  of  Sully,  l^hila.,  1817,  \'ol.  I., 
p.  69. 

"Zt-  Jeudi  XXVIII  Mars.  Fut  tenu 
Confeil  au  Cabinet  de  la  Royne  mere 
du  Roy  [pour]  avifer  ce  que  M.  du 
Maine  avoit  11  faire,  &  j'ai  mis  en  avant 
Tenterprife  de  Brouage.  —  Journal  de 
Henri  III.,  Paris,  1744,  Tom.  III.,  p. 
220. 

^  "  The  Prince  of  Condt5  refolved  to 
befietje  Proiiage,  wiierein  was  the  Sicur 
de  St.  Luc,  one  of  tiie  League,  with  no 
contemptible  number  of  infantry  and 
some  other  crentlemen  of  the  Country. 
Tlie  Rochellers  confented  to  tin's  Kn- 
terprii'e,  both  for  tiieir  profit,  and  repu- 
tation which  redounded  by  it ;  and 
having  fent  a  great  many  Shi[)s  thither, 
befieged  the  Fortrefs  by  Sea,  whihl  the 
Prince  having  polTelTed  tliat  pailage 
which  is  the  only  >vay  to  Broiiage  by 
land,  and  having  Ouit  up  the  Defendants 


treating  with  him  concerning  other  bufi- 
nelTes,  and  forced  him  to  deliver  up 
Brouage  into  his  hands,  a  Fort  of  great 
importance,  as  well  for  that  it  lies  upon 
the  Coail:  of  tiie  Ocean-sea,  as  becaufe 
it  abounds  with  fucli  llore  of  falt-pits, 
which  yeeld  a  great  anci  conRant  reve- 
nue ;  he  made  the  Sieur  de  Montaut 
Governour,  and  put  into  it  a  flrong 
Garrifon  of  his  dependents,  furnidiing 
it  with  ammunition,  and  fortifying  it 
with  exceeding  diligence."  —  His.  Civ. 
IVarres  of  France,  Ijy  Henrico  Caterino 
Davila,  London,  1^147,  p.  455. 

'"  "  The  Duke  of  Mayenne,  having 
without  difficulty  taken  Thone-Charente, 
and  Marans,  had  laid  fiege  to  Broiiage.a 
place,  for  fituation,  llrcngth,  and  tlie 
profit  of  the  falt-pits,  of  very  great  im- 
portance ;  when  tlie  Prince  of  Conde, 
having  tryed  all  pofliiile  means  to  relieve 
the  befieged,  the  Hugonots  after  fome 
difficulty  were  brougiit  into  fuch  a  con- 
dition,  that  about  the  end   of  Auguft 

they  delivered  it  up,  faving  only  the     within  the  circuit  of  their  walls,  ftraight- 

ned 


I 


;? 


■e 
u 


■^^ 


1586. 


Samtiel  de  Champlain, 


prince  unwifely  drew  off  a  part  of  his  command  for  the  relief 
of  the  caftle  of  Angiers;'  and  a  month  later  the  fiege  was 
abandoned  and  the  Huguenot  forces  were  badly  cut  to 
pieces  by  de  Saint  Luc,^  the  military  governor  of  Brouage, 
who  purfued  them  in  their  retreat. 

The  next  year,  1586,  ';he  town  was  again  threatened  by 
the  Prince  of  Conde,  who,  having  colleckd  another  army, 
was  met  by  De  Saint  Luc  near  the  ifland  of  Oleron,  who 
fallied  forth  from  Brouage  with  a  itrong  force ;  and  a  confli6t 
ensued,  lafling  the  whole  day,  wuth  equal  lofs  on  both  fides, 
but  with  no  decifive  refults. 

Thus  until  1589,  when  the  King  of  Navarre,  the  leader  of 
the  Huguenots,  entered  into  a  truce  with  Henry  HI.,  from 
Champlain's  birth  through  the  whole  period  of  his  youth 
and  until  he  entered  upon  his  manhood,  the  little  town 
within  whofe  walls  he  was  reared  was  the  fitful  fcene  of  war 
and  peace,  of  alarm  and  conllidl. 

But 


ned  the  Siege  very  clofely  on  that  fide." 
—  D(xvila,  p.  582.  See  alfo,  llijloire 
de  Thoit,  i\  Londres,  1734,  Tom.  IX.,  p. 

3S3- 

The  ''locking  up  the  harI)or  at  tliis 
time  appears  to  have  been  more  effective 
tliir.  convenient.  Twenty  boats  or  rafts 
filled  with  earth  and  Hone  were  funk 
will)  a  purpofe  of  dellroying  the  harbor. 
De  Saint  Luc,  the  governor,  fucceeded 
in  removing  only  four  or  five.  The 
entrance  for  veffels  afterward  remained 
di^Ticult  except  at  high  tide.  Subfe- 
quently  Car'linal  de  Richelieu  expended 
a  hundred  thoufand  francs  to  remove  the 
relt,  but  did  no'  fucceed  in  removing 
one  of  them.  —  l\ii'  Hijloire  de  La  Ro- 
chelle,  par  Arcere,  Tom.  I.  p.  121. 

'  The  Prince  of  Cond^.  "  Leaving 
Monfieur  de  St.  Mefmes  with  the  In- 


fantry and  Artillery  at  the  Siege  of 
Brouage,  and  siiving  order  that  the  Fleet 
ihould  continue  to  block  it  up  by  fea, 
hee  departed  upon  the  eight  of  October 
to  relieve  the  Caflle  of  Angiers  with 
800  (Gentlemen  and  1400  Harqucbuz'crs 
on  horfehack."  —  /A?'7'Ar,  p.  5S3.  See 
alfo  Memoirs  of  Sjilly,  I'hila..  1S17.  Vol. 
L,  p.  123  ;  Hijloire  de  Thou,  h.  Londres, 
1734,  Tom.  I.X.,  p.  385. 

^  '•  .SV.  Liu-  fallying  out  of  Broiiage, 
and  following  thofe  tiiat  were  fcatterecl 
foverall  wayes,  made  a  great  (laughter 
of  them  in  many  places  :  whereupon 
the  Commander,  defpairing  to  rally  the 
Army  any  more,  j^ot  away  as  well  as 
they  could  porfilily.  to  fecure  their  own 
flrong  holds."  —  J/is.  Civ.  IP'inres  of 
Fraiire,  by  Henrico  Caterino  Davila, 
London,  1(14?'  P'  588. 


r 

i 


ii' 


\ 


(1 


Mcvioir  of 


15S9. 


T>ut  in  t1io  intcn'als,  wIkmi  tho  \va\-os  of  ri\-il  llrit'i*  fctiKHl 
into  the  calm  of  a  temporary  {hmi-o.  iho  cili/i'iis  returned 
with  alacrity  to  their  iifual  employment,  the  nianiifactmv  of 
fait,  which  was  the  ahkn-bini;  article  <<A  commerce  in  their 
port. 

This  maniifacuire  was  carried  on  nu)rc  extcnfivelv  in 
Saintonge  than  in  any  other  part  of  iM-ance.  'I'he  fait  was 
obtained  by  rubjecling  water  drawn  from  the  ocean  to  folar 
cvajioration.  The  low  marlh-lands  which  were  very  exten- 
five  about  l^roiiage,  on  the  fouth  towards  Marennes  and  ow 
the  north  towards  Rochefort.  were  eminently  adai^ted  to  this 
jiurpofe.  The  whole  of  this  vatl  region  was  cut  up  into  lalt 
ballns.  generally  in  the  form  t)f  parallelograms,  excavated  at 
dit'ferent  depths,  the  earth  and  rubbilh  scooped  out  and 
thrown  on  the  fides,  forming  a  platform  or  path  leading  from 
balin  to  bafm,  the  wh(.)le  prefenting  to  the  eye  the  appe.ir- 
ance  of  a  vail:  chels-board.  i  he  argillaceous  earth  at  the 
bottom  of  the  pans  was  made  hard  to  pirevent  the  efcape  of 
the  water  by  percolation.  This  was  done  in  the  larger  ones 
bv  leading  horfes  over  the  furface,  until,  lavs  an  old  chroni- 
cler,  the  ballns  "  would  hold  water  as  if  they  were  brafs." 
The  water  was  introduced  from  the  lea,  through  iluiccs  and 
fieves  of  pierced  planks,  palling  over  broad  furfaces  in  Ihal- 
low  currents,  furnilhing  an  opportunity  for  evaporation  from 
the  moment  it  left  the  ocean  until  it  found  its  way  into  the 
numerous  falt-bafins  covering  the  whole  expanfe  of  the 
marlhy  plains.  The  water  once  in  the  bafins,  the  procefs  of 
evaporation  was  carried  on  by  the  lun  and  the  wind,  affilled 
by  the  workmen,  who  agitated  the  water  to  haflen  the  pro- 
cefs.    The  firft  formation  of  fait  was  on  the  furface,  having 


f 

T 

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'I 
3J 


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1^    I 


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,589. 


Samuel  dc  Chaviplain. 


7 


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or 

* 

a  white,  iMvaniy  ajipraiMnro,  cxhalini;-  an  aL;Tooal)lo  pcrfunu' 
rcrcniblini;'  that  of  vioKls.  This  was  the  lincll  and  nioll 
dt'hcatc  laU,  wliilc  that  precipitated,  or  faUiii;^  to  the  bottom 
of  the  bafiii,  was  of  a  chirher  hue. 

When  the  crylhilH/.ation  was  completed,  the  fait  was  Leath- 
ered up,  (h"ained,  and  piled  in  conical  heaj)s  on  the  platforms 
or  paths  along  the  fides  of  the  bahns.  At  the  height  of  the 
feafon,  wl  eh  began  in  May  and  ended  in  September,  when 
the  whole  marlh  region  was  covered  with  countlefs  white 
cones  of  lalt,  it  prefented  an  interelling  picture,  not  unlike 
the  tented  camji  of  a  va(l  army. 

The  lalt  was  carried  from  the  marlhes  on  pack-horfes, 
ec[uippcd  each  with  a  white  canvas  bag,  led  by  boys  either  to 
the  cjuay,  where  large  vclTels  were  lying,  or  to  fmall  barcpies 
which  could  be  brought  at  high  tide,  by  natural  or  artificial 
inlets,  into  the  very  heart  of  the  marlh-fields. 

When  the  period  for  removing  the  fait  came,  no  time  was 
to  be  loft,  as  a  fuddcn  fall  of  rain  might  dellroy  in  an  hour 
the  ))rodu(;:ls  of  a  month.  A  fmall  quantity  only  could  be 
tranfported  at  a  time,  and  confequcntly  great  numbers  of 
animals  were  employed,  which  were  made  to  haften  over  the 
fmuous  and  angulated  paths  at  their  higheft  fpccd.  On 
reaching  the  fliips,  the  burden  was  taken  by  men  Rationed 
for  the  purpofe,  the  boys  mounted  in  hafle,  and  galloped 
br.ck  for  another. 

The  fcene  prefented  in  the  labyrinth  of  an  extenfive  falt- 
marfli  was  lively  and  entertaining.  The  pi6turefque  drefs 
of  the  workmen,  with  their  clean  white  frocks  and  linen 
tights ;  the  horfes  in  great  numbers  mantled  in  their  fnowy 
falt-bags,  winding  their  way  on  the  narrow  platforms,  moving 

in 


8 


Me7noir  of 


1589. 


in  all  cUrc(5Hons,  turning  now  to  the  right  hand  and  now  to 
the  left,  doubling  almofl;  numberlefs  angles,  here  advancing 
and  again  retreating,  often  going  two  leagues  to  make  the 
diflance  of  one,  main.aining  order  in  apparent  confufion, 
altogether  prefentcd  to  the  diflant  obferver  the  afped  of  a 
grand  cqueftrian  mafquerade. 

The  extent  of  the  works  and  the  labor  and  capital  inverted 
in  them  were  doubtlefs  large  for  that  period.  A  contempo- 
rary of  Champlain  informs  us  that  the  wood  employed  in  the 
conflrudtion  of  the  works,  in  the  form  of  gigantic  fluices, 
bridges,  beam-partitions,  and  fieves,  was  fo  vaft  in  quantity 
that,  if  it  were  deflroyed,  the  forefls  of  Guienne  would  not 
fufifice  to  replace  it.  He  alfo  adds  that  no  one  who  had  feen 
the  fait  works  of  Saintonge  would  efiimate  the  expenfe  of 
forming  them  lefs  than  that  of  building  the  city  of  Paris 
itfelf. 

The  port  of  Brouage  was  the  bufy  mart  from  which 
the  fait  of  Saintonge  was  diflributed  not  only  along  the 
coart:  of  France,  but  in  London  and  Antwerp,  and  we  know 
.lot  what  other  markets  on  the  continent  of  Europe.' 

The 

•  An  old  writer  gives  us  foine  idea  of        Traxslation.  —  The)-  import  in  fine 

the  vaft  quantities  of  fait  exported  from  6000   centenarii    of    fait,   each    one   of 

France  by  the  amount  fent  to  a  fingle  which   contains    100  bufheis,  weighing 

country.  at  leaft   225   or  230  pounds,  according 

"Important  denique  fexies  mille  vel  to  the  purity  and  whitenefs  of  tiiefalt; 

circiter  centenarios  faiis,  quorum  finguli  therefore  fix  thoufand  centenarii,  com- 

conftant  centenis  modiis,  ducentenas  ut  puting  each   at  thirty  golden   nummi, 

minimum  &  vicenas  quinas,  vel  &  tri-  amount  to  180,000  aurei. 
cenas,  pro  falls  ipfius  candore  purita-         It  may  not  be  eafy  to  determine  the 

teque,  libras  pondo  pendentibus.    fena  value    of    this    importation    in    money, 

igitur  ilia  centenariorum   millia,  compu-  fince   the   value   of   gold   is   conftantly 

tatis  in  fingulos  aureis  nummis  tricenis,  changing,    but    the    quantity   imported 

centum  &  octoginta  referunt  aureorum  may  be  readily  determined,  which  was 

millia." —  Bel^^icce  Dcfcriptio,  a   Lud.  according     to    the     above     Itatement, 

Gvicciardino,  Amftelodami,  1652,  p.  244.  67,500  tons. 


i 


% 


'589 


Savuiel  de  Ckaviplain. 


'he 

fine 
of 


The  early  years  of  Chaniplain  wciv  of  nocefTity  intiniatcly 
alTociatcd  with  tlic  flirring  fcenes  thus  prcfcntccl  in  tliis  prof- 
perous  little  fcaport.  As  \vc  know  that  he  was  a  careful 
obferver,  endowed  by  nature  with  an  active  temperament 
and  an  unalual  degree  of  practical  ienle,  we  are  fure  that 
no  event  elcaped  his  attention,  and  that  no  niyllery  was  per- 
mitted to  go  unfolved.  The  military  and  commercial  enter- 
prife  of  the  place  brought  him  into  daily  contact  with  men 
of  the  highell:  character  in  their  dei)artments.  The  falt- 
faclors  of  Brouage  were  perfoni'i  of  experience  and  activity, 
who  knew  their  bufinefs,  its  methods,  and  the  niarkets  at 
home  and  abroad.  The  fortrefs  was  commanded  by  dillin- 
guiflied  officers  of  the  French  army,  and  was  a  rendezvous 
of  the  young  nobility  ;  like  other  fmiilar  places,  a  training- 
fchool  for  military  command.  In  this  alTociation,  whether 
near  or  remote,  young  Champlain,  with  his  eagle  eye  and 
quick  ear,  was  receiving  lelTons  and  influences  which  were 
daily  fliaping  his  unfolding  capacities,  and  gradually  com- 
pacling  and  cryllallizing  them  into  the  hrmnefs  and  ftrength 
of  chara6ter  which  he  fo  largely  dilplaycd  in  after  years. 

His  education,  fuch  as  it  was,  was  of  courfe  obtained  dur- 
ing  this  period.     He  has  himlelf  given  us  no  intimation  of 

its 

A  treaty  of  April  30.  1527,  between  De  Witt,  writinij  about  the  year  1658, 

Francis  I.  of  France  and  Henry  VIII.  fays  they  received  in  Holland  of  "  f dt, 

of    Enijiand.    provided    as   follows: —  yearlv,  the  ladint;  of  500  or  600  fhips, 

"  And,  helides,  fhould  furnilh  unto  the  exported  from  Kochel,  Maran,  Brouaoje, 

faid  //t'«n'.  as  lonu;  as  hee  lived,  yearly,  the  Ifland  of  Oleron,  and  Ree." — Re- 

of  the  .Salt  of  Broiia^e,  the  value' of  fif-  fiub/ick  of  }Iolland,  by  John  De  Witt, 

teene   thoufand    Crowncs."' — Life  and  London,  1702,  p.  271.     But  it  no  longer 

Knii^nc  of  Hony  Mil.,  by  Lord  Her-  holds  the  pre-eminence  which  it  did  three 

bert  of  Cherhury,  London,  1649,  p,  206.  centuries    ago,      Saintonge   long  fince 

Saintonge  continued  for  a  long  time  yielded  the  palm  to  Brittany, 
to  be  the  fource  of  large  exports  of  fait. 


ii     lU 


«-t! 


h 


lO 


Memoir  of 


1589. 


its  charadler  or  extent.  i\  careful  examination  of  his  nu- 
merous writings  will,  however,  render  it  obvious  that  it  was 
limited  and  rudinientary,  fearcely  extending  beyond  the  fun- 
damental branches  which  were  then  regarded  as  neceffary  in 
the  ordinary  tranfae'tions  of  buiinefs.  As  the  refult  of  in- 
flruc^ion  or  alfociation  with  educated  men,  he  attained  to  a 
good  general  knowledge  of  the  French  language,  but  was 
never  nicely  accurate  or  eminently  fkilful  in  its  ufe.  He  evi- 
dently gave  fonie  attention  in  his  early  years  to  the  fludy 
and  practice  of  drawing.  While  the  r))ecimens  of  his  work 
that  have  come  down  to  us  are  marked  by  grave  defe6ts,  he 
ajjpears  neverthelefs  to  have  acquired  facility  and  fome  (kill 
in  th'j  art,  which  he  made  exceedingly  uleful  in  the  illuflra- 
tion  of  his  difcoveries  in  the  new  world. 

During  Champlain's  youth  and  the  earlier  years  of  his 
manhoc^d,  he  appears  to  have  been  engaged  in  practical  navi- 
gation. In  his  addrefs  to  the  Queen  ""  he  lays,  "  this  is  the 
art  which  in  my  early  years  won  my  love,  and  has  induced 
me  to  expofe  myself  almofl  all  my  life  to  the  impetuous 
waves  of  the  ocean."  That  he  began  the  pra6tice  of  naviga- 
tion at  an  early  period  may  likewife  be  inferred  from  the  fadrt 
that  in  1599  he  was  put  in  command  of  a  large  French  (hip 
of  500  tons,  which  had  been  chartered  by  the  Spanilh  au- 
thorities for  a  voyage  to  the  Weft  Indies,  of  which  we  fliall 
fpeak  more  particularly  in  the  fequel.  It  is  obvious  that  he 
could  not  have  been  intrufted  with  a  command  fo  difficult 
and  of  fo  great  refponfibility  without  practical  experience  in 
navigation ;  and,  as  it  will  appear  hereafter  that  he  was  in 

the 

w  Vide  (Euvres  de  Champlain,  Quebec  ed.,  Tom.  III.  p.  v. 


1592- 


Savmel  dc  Cka7}?/'/iiin. 


II 


the  army  fcvcral  years  duiiiig  tlic  civil  war,  probably  from 
1592  to  1598,  his  cxiicrioncc  ill  navigation  mull  have  been 
obtained  anterior  to  that,  in  the  years  of  his  youth  and  early 
manhood. 

Hrouayie  offered  an  excellent  op^jiortunity  for  fuch  an  em- 
ployment. Its  port  was  open  to  the  conmierce  of  foreii^n 
nations,  and  a  large  number  of  velTels,  as  we  iiave  already 
feen,  was  employed  in  the  yearly  dillribution  of  the  fait  of 
Saintongc,  not  only  in  the  feaport  towns  of  France,  but  in 
Enirland  and  on  the  Continent.  In  thefe  coafling  cxpedi- 
tions,  Champlain  was  acquiring  Ikill  in  navigation  which  was 
to  be  of  very  great  fervice  to  him  in  his  future  career,  and 
likewife  gathering  up  rich  flores  of  experience,  coming  in 
conta(5t  with  a  great  variety  of  men,  obferving  their  manners 
and  cuftoms,  and  quickening  and  flrcngthening  his  natural 
tade  for  travel  and  adventure.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  he 
was,  at  leall  during  fome  of  thefe  years,  employed  in  the  na- 
tional marine,  which  was  fully  employed  in  guarding  the 
coafl  againfl:  foreign  invafion,  and  in  retraining  the  power  of 
the  Huguenots,  who  were  firmly  feated  at  Rochelle  with  a 
fufficient  naval  force  to  give  annoyance  to  their  enemies 
along  the  whole  weflcrn  coafl  of  France. 

In  1592,  or  foon  after  that  date,  Champlain  was  appointed 
quarter-mafter  in  the  royal  army  in  Brittany,  difcharging  the 
office  feveral  years,  until,  by  the  peace  of  Vcrvins,  in  1598,  the 
authority  of  Henry  IV.  was  firmly  eflablilhed  throughout 
the  kingdom.  This  war  in  Brittany  conflituted  the  clofing 
fcene  of  that  mighty  flruggle  which  had  been  agitating  the 
nation,  wafling  its  refourccs  and  its  beft  blood  for  more 
than  half  a  century.     It  began  in  its  incipient  ftages  as  far 

back 


i 


\i 


\ 


\ 


\\ 


It 


IJI 


ii 


ii   \ 


)     ! 


>     1 


I  . 


12 


Memoir  of 


1562. 


back  as  the  decade  following  1530,  when  the  preacliing  of 
Cah'in  in  the  Kinoxlom  of  Navarre  becian  to  make  known 
his  tranfcendent  power.  The  new  faith,  whieh  was  making 
rapid  llrides  in  other  countries,  eahly  awakened  the  warni 
heart  and  active  temperament  of  the  b'rench.  The  principle 
of  private  judgment  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  Protef- 
tant  teaching,  its  fpontaneity  as  oppofed  to  a  faith  impofcd 
by  authority,  commended  it  efpecially  to  the  learned  and 
thoughtful,  while  the  fame  principle  awakened  the  quick  and 
impulfive  nature  of  the  maffes.  The  effort  to  ])ut  down  the 
movement  by  the  exterminati(..n  of  thofe  engaged  in  it, 
proved  not  only  unfuccefsful,  but  recoiled,  as  ufual  in  fuch 
cafes,  upon  the  hand  that  flruck  the  blow.  Confifcations,  im- 
prilbnments,  and  the  flake  daily  increafed  the  number  of 
thofe  which  thefe  i'evere  meafures  were  intended  to  dimin- 
ifli.  It  was  impoffible  to  mark  its  progrels.  When  at  inter- 
vals all  was  calm  and  placid  on  the  furface,  at  the  lame  time, 
down  beneath,  where  the  eye  of  the  detective  could  not 
penetrate,  in  the  clolet  of  the  fcholar  and  at  the  firefide  of 
the  artifan  and  the  peafant,  the  new  gofpel,  filently  and  with- 
out obfervation,  was  Ipreading  like  an  all-pervading  leaven." 
In  1562,  the  reprelTed  forces  of  the  Huguenots  could  no 
longer  be  reflrained,  and,  burlting  forth,  ailumed  the  form 

of 

11  In  155S.  it  was  cflimated  tliat  tlicre  tliat  God  liridlcd  tliem  in  furli  manner 

V'cre  already  400.000  iierfons  in  France  that  we  were  preferved  nndcr  I!  is  pro - 

wlio   were   declared   adlierents   of    the  tection.'' — In-Diard l\jlilTy.\^?>o.    I'idc 

Reformation.  —  Rankcs  Civil  Wars  in  Morlays  Life  of  Paliff\\  \'ol.   II.,  p. 

Fiaiiit\  \'o\.  T..  p.  234.  274. 

"AlthouLih  our  alVemblies  were  mofl  Wlicn  Tlenry  W.  l)efieixed  Paris,  its 

frequently  held  in  the  depth  of  mi(hiii;ht,  population  was  more  <hau    200,000. — 

and  our  enemies  very  often    heard  us  Malte-Brun. 
paffing  through  the  llreet,  yet  fo  it  was, 


"•| 


V  ^ 


i 


1 


1562.  Savmel  de  Cha^nplain,  13 

of  organized  civil  war.  With  llic  exception  of  temporary 
lulls,  originating  in  policy  or  cxhauilion,  there  was  no  ceUa- 
tion  of  arms  until  159S.  Although  it  is  ufually  and  i)erhaps 
bell  defcribed  as  a  religious  war,  the  Itruggle  was  not  alto- 
gether  between  tlie  Catholic  and  the  Huguenot  or  Protel- 
tant.  There  were  many  other  elements  that  came  in  to  give 
their  coloring  to  the  conteft,  and  efpecially  to  determine'^the 
courfe  and  policy  of  individuals. 

The  ultra-Catholic  defircd  to  maintain  the  old  faith  with 
all  its  ancient  i^redige  and  power,  and  to  crulh  out  and  ex- 
clude every  other.  With  this  party  were  found  the  court, 
certain  ambitious  and  powerful  families,  and  nearly  all  the 
officials  of  the  church.  In  dole  alliance  with  it  were  the 
Roman  Pontiff,  the  King  of  Spain,  and  the  Catholic  princes 
of  Germany. 

The  Huguenots  defired  what  is  commonly  known  as  lib- 
erty of  confcience  ;  or,  in  other  words,  freedom  to  worlhip 
God  according  to  their  own  views  of  the  truth,  without  in- 
terference or  reftriaion.  And  in  clofe  alliance  with  them 
were  the  Queen  of  England  and  the  Proteltant  princes  of 
Germany. 

Perfonal  motives,  irrefpec^ive  of  principle,  united  many 
perfons  and  families  with  either  of  thefe  great  parties  which 
feemed  mort  likely  to  fubferx-e  their  private  ambitions.  The 
feudal^  fyflem  was  nearly  extincl.-  in  form,  but  its*  fpirit  was 
flill  ali\-e.  The  nobles  who  had  long  held  fway  in  fome  of 
the  provinces  of  France  defired  to  hold  them  as  dillincl: 
and  feparate  go\ernments,  and  to  tranfmit  tnem  as  an  inher- 
itance to  their  children.  This  motive  often  determined  their 
political  affociation. 

Durino- 


i      ,! 


ii 


1'      i 


I      I 


14 


Me^iioir  of 


1585. 


During  mofl  of  the  period  of  this  long  civil  war,  Catherine 
de  Medicis  '^  was  either  regent  or  in  the  exercife  of  a  con- 
trolling influence  in  the  government  of  France.  She  was  a 
woman  of  commanding  perfon  and  extraordinary  ability, 
flvilful  in  intrigue,  without  confcience  and  without  perfonal 
religion.  She  hefitated  at  no  crime,  however  black,  if 
through  it  Ihe  could  attain  the  objeds  of  her  ambition. 
Neither  of  her  three  Tons,  Francis,  Charles,  and  Henry,  who 
came  fucceffively  to  the  throne,  left  any  legal  heir  to  fucceed 
him.  The  fucccffion  became,  therefore,  at  an  ea'-ly  period, 
a  queflion  of  great  interelt.  If  not  the  potent  caufe,  it  was 
neverthelefs  intimately  connected  with  molt  of  the  blood- 
flied  of  that  bloody  period. 

A  folemn  league  was  entered  into  by  a  large  number  of 
the  ultra-Catholic  nobles  to  fecure  two  avowed  objects,  the 
fucceffion  of  a  Catholic  prince  to  the  throne,  and  the  utter 
extermination  of  the  Muguenots.  Henry,  King  of  Navarre, 
afterwards  Henry  IV.  of  France,  admitted  to  be  the  legal  heir 
to  the  throne,  was  a  Proteflant,  and  therefore  by  the  decree 
of  Hie  League  difqualif^ed  to  fucceed.  Around  his  ftandard, 
the  Huguenots  rallied  in  great  numbers.  With  him  were 
affociated  the  princes  of  Conde,  of  royal  blood,  and  many 
other  diflinguiflied  nobl,  s.  They  contended  for  the  double 
purpofe  of  fecuring  tte  throne  to  its  rightful  heir  and  of 
emancipating  and  eaablifliing  the  Protcflant  faith. 

But  there  was  another  clafs,  acling  indeed  with  one  or  the 

other 

l-,rL''i;j^'';'i'".^  '^r   ^^^■'Y'''  y^  o^   ']     and  curled  lip  reminded  the  fpedator  of 
lar2;e  and.  at  the  lame  time,  hrm  and     her  j^reat  uncle,  Leo  X."— Oi-//  JVars 

nn'!fi;  I  .•?'■'  '  }V  ^o"nf^'»'-i"ce  had    m  France,  by  Leopold  Ranke,  London, 
an  ohve  tint,  and  her  prominent   eyes     1852,  p.  28 


1 


x^ 


1598.  Saninel  de  Chainplain.  r  5 

other  of  thefe  two  great  parties,  neverthclefs  influenced  by 
very  different  motives.  It  n-as  compofed  of  moderate  Catli- 
olics,  who  cared  little  for  the  political  rchenK\s  and  civil  power 
of  the  Roman  Pontiff,  who  dreaded  the  encroachments  of  the 
King  of  Spain,  who  were  firmly  patriotic  and  defircd  the 
aggrandizement  and  glory  of  France. 

The  ultra-Catholic  party  was,  for  a  long  period,  by  far  the 
moft  numerous  and  the  more  powerful ;  but  the  Huguenots 
were  fufficiently  flrong  to  keep  up  the  flruggle  with  taryino- 
fuccefs  for  nearly  forty  years.  * 

After  the  alliance  of  Henry  of  Navarre  with  Henry  HI 
againft  the  League,  the  moderate  Catholics  and  the  Huo-ue^ 
nots  were  united  and  fought  together  under  the  royal  ftand- 
ard  until  the  clofe  of  the  war  in  1598. 

Champlain  w^as  perfonally  engaged  in  the  war  in  Brittany 
for  feveral  years.  This  j^rovince  on  the  weftcrn  coast  of 
Prance,  conftituting  a  tongue  of  land  jutting  out  as  it  were 
mto  the  fea,  ifolated  and  remote  from  the  great  centres  of 
the  war,  was  among  the  lail  to  furrender  \o  the  arms  of 
Henry  IV.  The  Huguenots  had  made  but  little  proorefs 
vvithm  its  borders.  The  Duke  de  Mercoeur  -^  had  been  its 
governor  for  fixteen  years,  and  had  bent  all  his  energies  to 

Due  ^cti'''Merc^;r;'"horn^^   ^°'''''^"''     -"^  "^'-^^'^  '^''^  M^r.\i^^on  to  Henry  IV. 
September    oTcS     °^  L"    '598.   on   which    occaf.on    his^nly 

ShTcount  rie  Vn^l       ^^    f"","^     rf'-^u-jhter  Fran^oife,  probably  the  rich- 

fe'ond  wife     Inne  Vr^.'r'    ;r  '"'     f '  ^'t'^'    ''"    ^^^  l<-S^lo-f  was   con- 
hilfl-rothf.^  ,.f  T     "^,^^\".).  and  was     tracted  in  marracre   to    Cefar    Due  de 

of  Henry      I^    le'u"n,^°"f'  "^'  ^^'""^     ^^  ^-<~\^^-^-^^-  the  illegitimate  fon  of      enry 

of   3.  ita^nv  in  i  c8  '     H  "''  f  ^""^'T?'       ^'-  '-^'  ^'"'^"^'^^  crKilrocs.  the  Duchel's 

part;  oSe  Lit  before  TlT^^^^  de    lieaufort.      The  Due  de    AIercu..ur 

pone^;;;-f^;h;--^-- ?r;^?!!  iK^^ 


it 


fMj. 


*    h  \ 


i    f 


i6 


Memoir  of 


1592. 


feparate  it  from  France,  organize  it  into  a  diflinct  kingdom, 
and  tranimit  its  fceptre  to  his  own  family. 

Cliamplain  informs  us  tliat  lie  was  quarter-maflcr  in  the 
army  of  the  king  under  Marfhal  d'Auniont,  de  Saint  Luc, 
and  Marshal  dc  Briffac,  diflinguilhed  officers  of  the  French 
army,  who  had  been  fucceffively  in  command  in  that  province 
for  the  purpofe  of  reducing  it  into  obedience  to  Henry  IV. 

IMarlhal  d'Aumont"  took  command  of  the  army  in  Brit- 
tany in  1592.  He  was  then  feventy  years  of  age,  an  able 
and  patriotic  officer,  a  moderate  Catholic,  and  an  uncompro- 
mifing  foe  of  the  League.  He  had  expreffed  his  fympathy 
for  Henry  IV.  a  long  time  before  the  death  of  Henry  III., 
and  when  that  event  occurred  he  immediately  efpoufed  the 
caufe  of  the  new  monarch,  and  was  at  once  appointed  to  the 

command 


"  Jean  d'Aumont,  born  in  1522,  a 
Marflial  of  France  who  fervcd  under  fix 
kings,  Francis  I.,  Henry  II.,  Francis  II., 
Cliarles  IX.,  Henry  III.,  and  Henry  IV. 
He  dillinguiflied  himleif  at  tlie  liattles  of 
Dreu\,  Saint-Denis,  Montcontour,  and 
in  tlie  famous  fiege  of  Kochelie  in  1573. 
After  the  death  of  Henry  III.,  he  was 
the  firfl  to  recognize  Henry  IV.,  whom 
he  fcrved  witli  the  fame  zeal  as  he  had 
his  five  predeceflbrs.  He  took  part  in 
the  lirilhant  l)attle  of  Arqucs  in  15S9. 
In  the  following  year,  lie  fo  dillinguifl'ied 
himfelf  at  Ivry  that  Henry  IV.,  inviting 
him  to  fup  with  him  after  this  memora- 
ble battle,  addrelTed  to  him  thefe  flatter- 
ing words,  ''  II  ell  jurte  que  vous  foyez  du 
feltin,  apr^s  m'avoir  fi  bien  fervi  a  mes 
noces."  At  the  fiege  of  the  Chateau  de 
Camper,  in  Upper  Brittany,  he  received 
a  mulket  fliot  which  fractured  his  arm, 
and  died  of  the  wound  on  the  19th  of 
Auguft,  159s,  at  the  age  of  feventy- 
tliree  years.     "  Ce  grand  capitaine  qui 


avoit  fi  bien  meritd  du  Roi  et  de  la 
nation,  emporta  dans  le  tombeau  les 
regrets  des  Officiers  &  des  foldats, 
qui  pleurerent  amcrement  la  perte  de 
leur  General.  La  Bret;>gne  qui  le  re- 
gardoit  comme  fnn  pere.  le  Roi,  tout 
le  Royaunie  enfin,  furcnt  e.xtrcme- 
ment  touchez  de  fa  mort.  Malgre  la 
haine  mutuelle  des  factions  qui  divi- 
foient  la  France,  il  etoit  fi  efiimc  dans  les 
deux  partis,  que  f'il  fe  fut  agi  de  trouver 
un  chevalier  Francois  fans  reproche,  tel 
que  nos  peres  en  ont  autrefois  eu.  tout 
le  monde  auroit  jettd  les  yeux  fur 
d'Aumont."  —  Hijloire  Utih'ciJ'elle  de 
yacquc-Aiigtiflc  de  Tlioii,  h,  Londres, 
1/34,  Tom.  XII.,  p.  446.  Viae  alfo, 
Larouffe;  Ca7iideiCs  His.  Queen  Eliza- 
be  thXon(lor\,i6-j  ^.  pjx  486,  487 ;  Memoirs 
of  Sully,  Philadelphia.  1817,  pp.  122, 
210;  CEuvres  de  Branioine,  Tom.  IV., 
p]5.  46-49;  Hisfoire  de  Brefai^ne,  par 
M.  riaru,  Paris,  1826,  Vol.  III.  p.  319; 
Freer'' s  His.  Henry  IV.,  Vol.  II.,  p.  70. 


1596. 


Sa7mtel  de  Chaiuplain. 


17 


command  of  one  of  the  three  great  divifions  of  the  French 
army.  He  received  a  wound  at  the  fiege  of  the  Chateau 
de  Camper,  in  Brittany,  of  which  he  died  on  the  19th  of 
Auguil,  1595. 

De  Saint  Luc,  already  in  the  fervice  in  Brittany,  as  lieu- 
tenant-general under  D'Aumont,  continued,  after  the  death 
of  that  officer,  in  fole  command. '^  He  raifed  the  ficge  of  the 
Chateau  de  Camper  after  the  death  of  his  fuperior,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  capture  feveral  other  poffs,  marching  through  the 
lower  part  of  the  province,  repreffing  the  licenfe  of  the  fol- 
diery,  and  introducing  order  and  difcipline.  On  the  5th  of 
September,  1596,  he  was  appointed  grand-mafter  of  the 
artillery  of  France,  which  terminated  his  fpecial  fervice  in 
Brittany, 

The  king  immediately  appointed  in  his  place  Marflial  de 
Briffac,'^  an  officer  of  broad  experience,  who  added  other 


^^  Franqois  d'Efpinay  de  Saint-Luc, 
fometimes  called  Le  Bra'i'e  Saint  Luc, 
was  born  in  1554,  and  was  killed  at  the 
battle  of  Amiens  on  the  Sth  of  Sejitem- 
ber.  1507.  He  was  early  appointed 
governor  of  Saintonire,  and  of  the  P'^or- 
trefs  of  Broua.2;e,  which  he  fuccefsfully 
defended  in  1585  aijainfl:  the  attack  of 
the  King  of  Navarre  and  the  Prince  de 
Conde.  He  affifted  at  the  battle  of 
Coutras  in  1 587.  He  ferved  as  a  lieuten- 
ant-general in  Brittany  from  1592  to 
1596.  In  1594,  he  planned  with  BrilTac, 
his  brother-in-law,  then  governor  of 
Paris  for  the  League,  for  the  furrender 
of  Paris  to  Henry  IV.  For  this  he  was 
offered  the  baton  of  a  IVIarflial  of  France 
by  the  king,  which  he  modeltly  declined, 
and  begged  that  it  might  be  given  to 
BrilTac.  In  157S,  through  the  influence  or 
authority  of  Henry  III.,  he  married  the 


great 

heirefs,  Jeanne  de  CofTe-Briflac,  filter  of 
Charles  de  ColTe- BrilTac,  mentioned  in 
note  16,  pcjka,  a  lady  of  no  perfonal  at- 
tractions, but  of  excellent  underllanding 
and  character. —  Vide  Cource/les^  Hif- 
toirc  Cicnealoi^iqite  dcs  Pairs  de  France, 
\'ol.  II.;  Bircli's  Memoirs  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  163,  191  ;  Freer  s 
Henry  I//.,  p.  162  :  De  Mezera/s  His. 
France,  1683,  p.  861. 

1*^  Charles  de  Cone-BrilTac,  a  Mar- 
flial of  France  and  governor  of  Angiers. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  League  as 
early  as  1585.  He  conceived  the  idea 
of  making  France  a  republic  after  the 
model  of  ancient  Rome.  He  laid  his 
views  before  the  chici  Leaguers  but  none 
of  them  ai)i)roved  his  plan.  He  delivered 
up  Paris,  of  which  he  was  governor,  to 
Henry  IV.  in  1594,  for  which  he  received 
the  Marfhal's  baton.     He  died  in  1621, 

at 


\ 


\ 


\ij 


A 


wmmmmmm 


: 


i 


4 


i8 


Memoir  of 


1598. 


great  qualities  to  thofe  of  an  able  foldier.  No  cHflinguifhed 
battles  fignalized  the  remaining  months  of  the  civil  war  in 
this  province.  The  exhauflcd  refources  and  faltering  cour- 
age  of  the  people  could  no  longer  be  fuftained  by  the  flatter- 
ies or  promifes  of  the  Duke  de  Mercoeur.  Wherever  the 
fquadrons  of  the  marfhal  made  their  appearance  the  flag  of 
truce  was  raifed,  and  town,  city,  and  fortrefs  vied  with  each 
other  in  their  hafle  to  bring  their  enfigns  and  lay  them  at 
his  feet. 

On  the  feventh  of  June,  1598,  the  peace  of  Vervins  was 
publiflied  in  Paris,  and  the  kingdom  of  France  was  a  unit, 
with  the  general  fatisfaction  of  all  parties,  undei  the  able, 
wife,  and  catholic  fovereign,  Henry  the  Fourth.'^ 

CHAPTER  11. 


at  the  fiege  of  Saint  Jean  d'Angely. — 
Vide  Davila,  pp.  538,  584,  585  ;  Sully, 
Philadelpliia,  1817,  Vol.  I.,  p.  420; 
B  rati  tome,  Vol.  III.,  p.  84 ;  His.  Col- 
lections, London,  1598,  p.  35  ;  De  Thou, 
a  Londres,  t724,  Tome  XII,,  p.  449. 

1'  "  By  the  Articles  of  this  Treaty  the 
king  was  to  reftore  the  County  of  Cliaro- 
lois  to  the  king  of  Spain,  to  be  by  him 
held  of  the  Crown  of  France j  who  in 
exchange  reftor'd  the  towns  of  Calice, 
Ardres,  Montbulin,  Dour  lens,  la  Capelle, 
and  le  Catclct  in  Picardy,  and  Blavet  in 


Britanny :  which  Articles  were  Ratifi'd 
and  Sign'd  by  his  IMajelty  the  eleventh 
of  June  [1598]  ;  who  in  his  gayety  of 
humour,  at  fo  happy  a  concluiion,  told 
the  Duke  of  Efpernon,  That  with  one 
da/It  of  his  Pen  he  had  dofie  greater 
things,  than  he  could  of  a  long  time 
have  perforni'd  -with  the  befl  Sivords  of 
his  Kingdom."  —  Life  of  the  Duke  of 
Efpernon,  London,  1670,  p.  203  ;  Hif- 
toire  du  Roy  Henry  le  Grand,  par  Pre- 
fixe,  Paris,  1681,  p.  243. 


T,-^ 


A 


1592. 


I 


I 


:* 


M 

3 


Sanmel  de  Ckamplain. 


19 


1 

i 

CHAPTER   II. 

Quarter-master.  —  Visit  to  West  Indies,  South  America,  Mexico. — 
His  Report. —  Suggests  a  Ship  Canal. —Voyage  of  1603.  —  Earlier 
Voyages.  —  Cartier,  De  la  Roque,  Marquis  de  la  Roche,  Sieur 
DE  Chauvin,  De  Chastes. — Preliminary  Voyage.  —  Return  to 
P'rance.  —  Death  of  de  Chastes.  —  Siicur  de  Monts  obtains  a 
Charter,  and  prepares  for  an  Expedition  to  Canada. 

HE  fcrvice  of  Champlain  as  quarto r-maftcr  in 
the  war  in  Brittany  commenced  probably  with 
the  appointment  of  JMarflial  d'Aumont  to  the 
command  of  the  army  in  1592,  and,  if  we  are 
right  in  this  conjecture,  it  covered  a  period  of 
not  far  from  fi.x  years.  The  activity  of  the  army,  and  tlie 
difficulty  of  obtaining  fupplies  in  the  general  deflitution  of 
the  province,  impoied  upon  him  conftant  and  perplexing 
duty.  But  in  the  midfl:  of  his  embarraffments  he  was  gath- 
ering up  valuable  experience,  not  only  relating  to  the  con- 
du6l  of  war,  but  to  the  tranfaClions  of  bufinefs  under  a 
great  variety  of  forms.  He  was  brought  into  clofe  and 
intimate  relations  with  men  of  character,  ftanding,  and  influ- 
ence. The  knowledge,  difcipline,  and  felf-control  of  which 
he  was  daily  becoming  maftcr  were  unconfcioufly  fitting  him 
for  a  career,  humble  though  it  might  feem  in  its  feveral 
ftages,  but  neverthelefs  noble  and  potent  in  its  relations  to 
other  generations. 

At  the  dole  of  the  war,  tlie  army  which  it  had  called  into 
exigence  was  diibanded,  the  foldiers  departed  to  their  homes, 
the  office  of  quarter-marter  was  of  neceffity  vacated,  and 
Champlain  was  left  without  employmen.. 

Cading 


1 


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If 

I 

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ii. 


20 


Memoir  of 


1598. 


Carting  about  for  fome  new  occuintion,  following  his  in- 
flindtive  love  of  travel  and  adventure,  he  conceived  the  idea 
of  attempting  an  exploration  of  the  Spanifh  Weft  Indies, 
with  the  pur})ofe  of  bringing  back  a  report  that  should  be 
uleful  to  I*"rance.  But  this  was  an  enterprile  not  ealy  either 
to  inaugurate  or  carry  out.  The  colonial  eflablilhments  of 
Spain  were  at  that  time  hermetically  fealed  againft  all  inter- 
courfe  with  foreign  nations.  Armed  fliips,  like  watch-dogs, 
were  ever  on  the  alert,  and  foreign  merchantmen  entered 
their  ports  only  at  the  peril  of  confilcation.  It  was  necef- 
fary  for  Spain  to  fend  out  annually  a  fleet,  under  a  convoy 
of  fliips  of  war,  for  the  tranfportation  of  merchandife  and 
fupplies  for  the  colonies,  returning  laden  with  cargoes  of 
almoft  pricelels  value.  Champlain,  fertile  in  expedient,  pro- 
pofed  to  himfelf  to  vifit  Spain,  and  there  form  fuch  acquaint- 
ances and  obtain  fuch  influence  as  would  fecure  to  him  in 
fome  way  a  paffage  to  the  Indies  in  this  annual  expedition. 

The  Spanifli  forces,  allies  of  the  League  in  the  late  war,  had 
not  yet  departed  from  the  coaft  of  France.  He  haftened  to 
the  port  of  Blavet,'^  where  they  were  about  to  embark,  and 
learned  to  his  furprife  and  gratification  that  feveral  French 
fliips  had  been  chartered,  and  that  his  uncle,  a  diftinguiflied 
French  mariner,  commonly  known  as  the  Provencal  Cappi- 
^aiue,hu.d  received  orders  from  Marflial  de  Briffac  to  con.du6t 
the  fleet,  on  which  the  garrifon  of  Blavet  was  embarked,  to 
Cadiz  in  Spain.     Champlain  eaflly  arranged  to  accompany 

his 

^8  Blavet  was  fituated  at  the  mouth  of  other  places  held  by  the  Spanifli,  was 

the  River  Blavet,  on  the  Ibutliern  coart  furrendcred  by  the  treaty  of  Vervins,  in 

of  Brittany.     Its  occupation  had  been  June,  1598.     it  was  rebuilt  and  fortified 

granted  to  the  Spanilli  by  the  Duke  de  by  Louis  XIII.,  and  ie  now  known  as 

Mercceur  during  the  civil  war,  and,  with  Port  Louis. 


1 


M 


'^m 


v^V 


•m 


I599- 


Savmel  de  Champlain, 


21 


his  uncle,  who  was  in  command  of  the  "  St.  Julian,"  a  (Ironp^, 
well-built  Ihip  of  five  hundred  tons. 

Having  arrived  at  Cadiz,  and  the  objecfl;  of  the  voyage 
having  been  accomplifhed,  the  French  (liips  were  difmirfcd, 
with  the  exception  of  the  "  vSt.  Julian,"  which  was  retained, 
with  the  Provincial  Captain,  who  had  accepted  the  office  of 
pilot-general  for  that  year,  in  the  lervice  of  the  King  of 
Spain. 

After  lingering  a  month  at  Cadiz,  they  proceeded  to  St. 
Lucar  dc  Barameda,  where  Cham  plain  remained  three 
months,  agreeably  occupied  in  making  obfervations  and 
drawings  of  both  city  and  country,  including  a  vifit  to  Se- 
ville, Ibme  fifty  miles  in  the  interior. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  fleet  for  the  annual  vifit  to  the  Weft 
Indies,  to  which  we  have  already  alluded,  was  fitting  out  at 
Saint  Lucar,  and  about  to  fail  under  the  command  of  Don 
Franciico  Colombo,  who,  attracted  by  the  fize  and  good 
failing  qualities  of  the  "Saint  Julian,"  chartered  her  for  the 
voyage.  The  fervices  of  the  pilot-general  were  required  in 
another  direction,  and,  with  the  approbation  of  Colombo,  he 
gave  the  command  of  the  "Saint  Julian"  to  Chami)lain. 
Nothing  could  have  been  more  gratifying  than  this  appoint- 
ment, which  alTured  to  Champlain  a  vifit  to  the  more 
important  Spanilli  colonies  under  the  moft  favorable  cir- 
cumflances. 

He  accordingly  fet  fail  with  the  fleet,  which  left  Saint 
Lucar  at  the  beginning  of  January,  1599. 

Paffmg  the  Canaries,  in  two  months  and  fix  days  they 
fighted   the  little  ifland   of  Defeada,"^   the   vcjUbule  of    the 

great 

'*  Defeada,  fignifyini;  in  Spanifh  the  defired  land. 


\ 


K 


% 


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w 


8***!^"; 


^m 


I 


I 


^  \i 


22 


Memoir  of 


1600. 


great  Caribbean  archipelago,  touched  at  Giiadaloiipc,  wound 
their  way  among  tlie  group  called  the  Virgins,  turning  to 
the  Ibuth  made  for  Margarita,'"  then  famous  for  its  pearl 
filheries,  and  froni  thence  failed  to  St.  Juan  de  Porto-rico. 
Here  the  ileet  was  divided  into  three  Iquadrons.  One  was 
to  go  to  Porto-bello,  on  the  Ifthmus  of  Panama,  another  to 
the  coaft  of  South  America,  then  called  Terra  Firma,  and 
the  third  to  Mexico,  then  known  as  New  Spain,  This  latter 
fquadron,  to  which  Champlain  was  attached,  coafted  along 
the  norlliern  fliore  of  the  illand  of  Saint  Domintjjo,  other- 
wile  Hifpaniola,  touching  at  Porto  Platte,  Mancenilla,  Mof- 
quitoes,  Monte  Chrifto,  and  Saint  Nicholas.  Skirting  the 
Ibuthern  coaft  of  Cuba,  reconnoitring  the  Caymans,'  they 
at  length  cafl:  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  San  Juan  d'Ulloa,  the 
ifland  fortrefs  near  Vera  Cruz.  While  here,  Champlain 
made  an  inland  journey  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  where  he 
remained  a  month.  He  alfo  failed  in  a  patachc,  or  advice- 
boat,  to  Porto-bello,  when,  after  a  month,  he  returned  again 

to 

'^^  3far!^artta,  a  SpnniOi  word  from 
the  Greek  fidfyyaiiirrji,  fmnifying  a  pearl. 
The  following  account  by  an  eye-witnefs 
will  not  be  uninlerellini!; :  '*  Kfpecially 
it  yieldeth  Hore  of  pearls,  thofe  gems 
which  the  Latin  writers  call  UhIohcs^ 
becaiife  ;//////  (hio  repcriimtur  difcrcti, 
they  always  are  found  to  grow  in  couples. 
In  this  Ifland  there  are  many  rich  Mer- 
chants, who  have  thirty,  forty,  fifty 
Dlackviore  flaves  only  to  fi(h  out  of  the 
fea  about  the  rocks  thele  pearls.  .  .  . 
They  are  let  down  in  bafkets  into  the 
Sea,  and  fo  long  continue  under  the 
water,  until  by  pulling  the  rope  by  which 
they  are  let  down,  they  make  their  fign 
to  be  taken  up.  .  .  .     From  Margarita 


are  all  the  Pearls  fent  to  be  refined  and 
bored  to  Car/htij^ouj,  where  is  a  fair 
and  goodly  (freet  of  no  other  fliops  then 
of  thefe  Pearl  drelTers.  Commonly  in 
the  month  of  yiify  there  is  a  Oiip  or  two 
at  moll  ready  in  the  Ilkand  to  carry  the 
King's  revenue,  antl  the  Merchant's 
pearls  to  Carfkai^cna.  One  of  thefe 
(hips  is  valued  commonly  at  three  fcore 
thoufiind  or  four  fcore  thoufand  ducats 
and  fometimes  more,  and  therefore  are 
reafonable  well  manned  ;  for  that  the 
Spam'art/s  much  fear  our  Eiii^liJJi  and 
the  Ilol/aiiii  i\\v^s." — Vide  New  Survey 
of  the  IVeJt  Indies,  by  Thomas  Gage, 
London.  1677,  p.  174. 
^^  Caymans,  Crocodiles. 


I 


« 


4 


ifioi. 


Samtiel  de  Cha7nplain. 


23 


to  San  Juan  d'Ulloa.  The  fquadron  then  failed  for  Ha- 
vana, from  which  place  Chaniplain  was  conimiffioned  to 
vifit,  on  public  bufinefs,  Cartagena,  within  the  prelent  limits 
of  New  Grenada,  on  the  coaft  of  South  America.  The 
whole  armada  was  finally  collected  together  at  1  lavana,  and 
from  thence  took  its  departure  for  Sj^ain,  paffmg  through 
the  channel  of  Bahama,  or  Gulf  of  Florida,  fighting  Her- 
muda  and  the  Azores,  reaching  Saint  Lucar  early  in  March, 
1 601,  after  an  abfence  from  that  port  of  two  years  and  two 
months.-' 

On  Champlain's  return  to  France,  he  prepared  an  elabo- 
rate report  of  his  obfervations  and  difcoveries,  luminous 
with  fixty-two  illuHirations  fketched  by  his  own  hand.  As  it 
was  liis  avowed  purpofe  in  making  the  vo}'age  to  procure 
information  that  fliould  be  valuable  to  his  government,  he 
undoubtedly  communicated  it  in  fome  form  to  Pienry  IV. 
The  document  remained  in  manufcript  two  hundred  and 
fifty-feven  years,  when  it  was  firfl  printed  at  London  in  an 
Englifh  tranflation  by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  in  1859.  It  is 
an  exceedingly  intereiling  and  valuable  tract,  containing  a 
lucid  defcription  of  the  peculiarities,  manners,  and  cufloms 
of  the  people,  the  foil,  mountains,  and  rivers,  the  trees,  fruits, 
and  plants,  the  animals,  birds,  and  fiflies,  the  rich  mines  found 
at  different  points,  with  frequent  allufions  to  the  fyftem  of 
colonial  management,  together  with  the  character  and  fources 
of  the  vafl  wealth  which  thefe  fettlements  were  annually 
yielding  to  the  Spanifli  crown. 

The 

^2  For  an  interefting  account  of  the  Englifh  corfairs,  see  Notes  on  Giovanni 
bed  route  to  and  from  the  Well  Indies  da  Verrazano,  by  J.  C.  Brevoort,  New 
in  order  to  avoid  the  vigilant  French  and    York,  1 874,  p.  1 0 1 . 


I 


\ 


r 


I  \ 


24 


Memoir  of 


1601. 


The  reader  of  this  little  trc.itife  will  not  fail  to  fee  the 
drift  and  tendency  of  Chaniplain's  mind  and  character  un- 
folded on  nearly  every  page.  His  indomitable  perfeverancc, 
his  careful  obfervation,  his  honeft  pur[)ole  and  amiable 
fpirit  are  at  all  times  apparent.  Although  a  Frenchman, 
a  foreigner,  and  an  entire  ftranger  in  the  Spanilh  fleet,  ho 
had  won  the  confidence  of  the  commander  ib  completely, 
that  he  was  allowed  by  Ipecial  permilTion  to  vifit  the  City  of 
Mexico,  the  Illhmus  of  Panama,  and  the  coaft  of  South 
America,  all  of  which  were  prominent  and  important  centres 
of  intereff,  but  ncverthelels  lying  beyond  the  circuit  made 
by  the  Iquadron  to  which  he  was  attached. 

For  the  mofl:  part,  Champlain's  narrative  of  what  he  faw 
and  of  what  he  learned  from  others  is  given  in  fimple  terms, 
without  inference  or  comment. 

His  views  are,  however,  clearly  apparent  in  his  defcription 
of  the  Spanifh  method  of  converting  the  Indians  by  the 
Inquifition,  reducing  them  to  Havery  or  the  horrors  of  a 
cruel  death,  together  with  the  retaliation  praftifed  by  their 
furviving  comrades,  refulting  in  a  milder  method.  This 
treatment  of  the  poor  favages  by  their  more  favage  maflers 
Champlain  illuftrates  by  a  graphic  drawing,  in  which  two 
flolid  Spaniards  are  guarding  half  a  dozen  poor  wretches 
who  ar-;  burning  for  their  faith.  In  another  drawing  he 
reprefenls  a  miferable  victim  receiving,  under  the  eye  and 
diredlion  of  the  priefl;,  the  blows  of  an  uplifted  baton,  as  a 
penalty  for  not  attending  church. 

Champlain's  forecafl:  and  fertility  of  mind  may  be  clearly 
feen  in  his  fuggeffion  that  a  ship-canal  acrofs  the  Iflhmus  of 
Panama  would  be  a  work  of  great  pra6tical  utility,  faving,  in 

the 


% 


■is 


I 


4 


AW 


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iS 


a 


1601. 


Samuel  de  Chain  plain. 


25 


the  vovacfc  to  tlic  Pacific  fide  of  the  Klhmus,  a  dif^mce  of 
more  than  fifteen  hundred  leat;iies.'^ 

As  it  was  the  poHcy  of  Spain  to  withhokl  as  much  as  pof- 
fiblc  all  knowledge  of  her  colonial  fyQem  and  wealth  in  the 
Wefl:  Indies,  we  may  add,  that  there  is  pr()bal)ly  no  work 
extant,  on  this  fiibjed,  n-ritten  at  that  period,  lb  full,  impar- 
tial,  and  truthful  as  this  tra6l  by  Champiain.  it  v;ls  un- 
doubtedly written  out  fron''  notes  and  (ketches  made  on  the 

fpot 


"  At  tlie  time  tliat  CIiini,ila!n  was  at 
tlie  ilUimus,  ill  I5<jo-i6oi,  tlit  };(j1(1  and 
filver  of  I'trii  were  l)roii^iit  to  I'anama, 
then  tranl'iiortcrl  on  mules  a  dillanci;  of 
aliout  four  Icaijues  to  a  river,  known  as 
tlie  RioCii.itjres,  whence  they  were  con- 
veyed liy  water  tirlt  to  Chains,  and 
thence  alouL,^  the  coall  to  I'orto-bello, 
and  there  lliippt\i  lo  Spain. 

Chamjilain  lefers  to  a  fliip-canal  in 
the  following  words  :  "  One  mitiht 
judnc,  if  the  cei  itory  four  leajjucs  in 
extent  lyini^  between  I'anama  and  this 
river  were  cut  throui^h.  he  could  |iafs 
from  the  fnuth  fea  to  that  on  the  other 
fide,  and  thus  fhorten  the  route  by  more 
than  fifteen  hundred  leagues.  From 
Panama  to  the  Straits  of  Mnscllan 
would  confbtute  an  ifland,  and  from 
Panama  to  New  Foundland  another,  lb 
that  the  whole  of  America  would  be  in 
two  i (lands." —  Vide  Brief  Difcovrs  des 
C7tflfe<!  PlvsRemnrqvablcs,  par  Sammvel 
Champiain  de  Brovage,  1509.  Quebec 
ed.,  Vol.  I.  p.  41.  This  projeft  of  a 
(hip  canal  acrofs  the  illhmus  thus  fUi,'- 
geiled  by  Champiain  two  hundred  and 
eighty  years  ago  is  now  attracting  the 
pui)lic  attention  both  in  this  country  and 
in  Europe.  Several  fchemcs  are  on  foot 
for  bringing  it  to  pafs,  and  it  will  un- 
doubtedly be  accompliflied,  if  it  (hall  be 
found  after  the  moft  careful  and  thorough 
invertigation  to  be  within  the  fcope  of 


human  power,  and  to  olTer  adequate 
commercial  advantages. 

Some  of  the  dilViculties  to  bo  over- 
come are  ("uggeded  by  Mr.  Mar(h  in  the 
following  excerpt :  — 

"The  moll  colollal  project  of  canali- 
zation ever  Aiggelted,  whether  we  con- 
fider  the  ijliyTnal  diriiciilties  of  its  execu- 
tion, the  magnitude  and  imjiortance  of 
the  waters  jjropofed  to  be  united,  or  the 
didance  which  would  be  faved  in  navi- 
gation, is  that  of  a  channel  between  the 
(lulf  of  Mexico  and  the  {'acific,  acrofs 
the  Illhmus  of  Darien.  I  do  not  now 
fpcak  of  a  lock-canal,  by  way  of  the 
Lake  of  Nicaragua,  or  any  other  route, 
—  for  fuch  a  work  would  not  differ  elTen- 
tially  from  other  canals  and  would 
fcarcely  iioilVfs  a  geographical  char- 
after, —  but  of  an  opL-n  cut  between  the 
two  feas.  The  late  furvcy  by  Captain 
Selfridge.  fhowing  that  the  loweft  point 
on  the  dividing  ridge  is  7^13  feet  above 
the  fea-levcl.  mull  be  confidcred  as  de- 
termining in  the  negative  the  quellion 
of  the  poffibility  of  fuch  a  cut,  by  any 
means  now  at  the  control  of  man  .  and 
both  the  (anguine  expectations  of  bene- 
fits, and  the  clreary  fuggellions  of  danger 
from  the  realization  of  this  great  dream, 
may  now  be  difmilTed  as  equally  chimer- 
ical."-- Vide  The  Earth  as  Modified  by 
Huvian  Aflion,  by  George  P.  Marfh, 
New  York,  1874,  p.  612. 


Ii 


i 

i 

'1 

'  1 

1 

\  1 

Ci 

1 

I     >■ 


(il 


26 


Memoir  of 


1602. 


; 


I  f! 


^  li 


1  r 


fpot,  and  probably  occupied  the  early  part  of  the  two  years 
that  followed  his  return  from  this  expedition,  during  which 
period  we  arc  not  aware  that  he  entered  upon  any  other  im- 
portant cnterprife.-'' 

This  tour  among  the  Spanilh  colonies,  and  the  defcription 
which  Champlain  gave  of  them,  information  fo  much  de- 
fired  and  yet  fo  difificuli  to  obtain,  appear  to  have  made  a 
ftrong  and  favorable  impreffion  upon  the  mind  of  Henry 
IV.,  whose  quick  comprehenfion  of  the  charac?tcrof  men  was 
one  of  the  great  cjualities  of  this  diftinguilhed  fovereign. 
He  clearly  faw  that  Champlain's  chnraCler  was  made  up  of 
thofe  elements  which  are  indifpeniable  in  the  fervants  of  the 
executive  will.  He  accordingly  afligned  him  a  penfion  to 
enable  him  to  refide  near  his  perfbn,  and  probably  at  the 
fame  time  honored  him  widi  a  place  within  the  charmed 
circle  of  the  nobility. ^^ 

While  Champlain  was  refidlng  at  court,  rejoicing  doubt- 
lefs  in  his  new  honors  and  fuh  of  the  marvels  of  his  recent 
travels,  he  formed  the  accjuaintance,  or  perhaps  renewed  an 
old  one,  with  Commander  de  Chafles,^^'  for  many  years  gov- 
ernor 


2*  A  tranflation  of  Champlain's  Voy- 
age to  the  Welt  Indies  and  Mexico  was 
made  by  Alice  Wilmcre.  edited  by 
Norton  Shaw,  and  publilhcd  by  the 
Hakluyt  Society,  London,  1S59. 

'^^  No  pofitive  evidence  is  known  to 
exifl  as  to  the  time  when  Cliamplain  was 
ennol)led.  It  feems  molt  Hkely  to  have 
been  in  acknowledgment  of  his  valuable 
report  made  to  Henry  W .  after  his  vifit 
to  tlie  Welt  Indies. 

'^^  Amyar  de  Challes  died  on  the  13th 
of  -May,  1603,  greatly  refpected  and  be- 
loved by  his  fellow-citizens.     He  was 


charged  by  his  government  with  many 
important  and  refponlible  duties.  In 
1 583,  he  was  lent  by  Henry  II I ., or  rather 
by  Catherine  de  Medicis,  to  the  Azores 
with  a  military  force  to  fuftain  the  claims 
of  Antonio,  the  Prior  of  Crato,  to  the 
throne  of  Portugal.  He  was  a  warm 
friend  and  fupporter  of  Henry  IV.,  and 
took  an  active  part  in  the  battles  of 
Ivry  and  Arques.  He  commanded  tlie 
French  fleet  on  the  coalts  of  Brittany; 
and,  during  the  long  Itruggle  of  tliis 
monarch  with  internal  enemies  and  ex- 
ternal foes,  he  was  in  frequent  communi- 
cation 


,1 

-I 
I 


f 


ill 

lis 

% 

'5 


»■• '  ■ 


l6o2. 


Samncl  de  Champlain. 


27 


cmor  of  Dieppe,  who  had  given  a  long  life  to  tlie  Icrvice  of 
liis  countiy,  both  by  iea-^  and  by  land,  and  was  a  warm  and 
attached  friend  of  Henry  IV.  The  enthufiafm  of  the  young 
voyager  and  the  long  experience  of  the  old  commander  made 
their  interviews  mutually  inftruclive  and  entertaining.  De 
Chaltes  had  obferved  and  lludied  with  great  intereft  the  re- 
cent efforts  at  colonization  on  the  coall  of  North  America. 
His  zeal  had  been  kmdled  and  his  ardor  deepened  doubtleis 
by  the  glowing  recitals  of  his  young  friend.  It  was  eafy  for 
him  to  believe  that  France,  as  well  as  Spain,  might  gather  in 
the  golden  fruits  of  colonization.  The  territory  claimed  by 
r^rance  was  farther  to  the  north,  in  climate  and  in  foureej  of 
wealth  widely  different,  and  would  require  a  different  m.an- 
agenient.  He  had  determined,  therefore,  to  fend  out  an 
expedition  for  the  purpofe  of  obtaining  more  definite  infor- 
mation than  he  already  poffeffed,  with  the  view  to  furren- 
dcr  fubfequently  his  government  of  DiejDpe,  take  up  his 
abode  in  the  new  world,  and  there  dedicate  his  remaining 
years  to  the  fervice  of  God   and  his  king.     He  according!)' 

obtained 


caiion  witli  the  Ensilifli  to  fecure  their 
co-Ojieration,  particuhirly  at^ainll  the 
Sjjanilh.  He  accompanied  the  Duke 
di'  lioullon.  tlie  dillinmiillicd  Humienot 
noiilcman,  to  Kivj;land,  to  lie  ])relent  and 
witnefs  the  oath  of  (^iieen  KHzabeth  to 
the  treaty  made  with  France. 

On  this  occafioii  he  received  a  vaUi- 
abk'  jewel  as  a  prflent  from  the  Kn^lifh 
queen.  He  afterwards  directed  die  cere- 
monies and  entertainment  of  tile  Earl  of 
Shrewfbury.  who  was  deputed  to  receive 
the  ratification  of  the  before-mentioned 
treaty  by  Henry  IV.  Vide  BiijFx  J  lis. 
Spain  and  Poriiiiial,  London.  1S33,  ]>. 
129  et  pajjim;  Denis    His,  P'lrtugal^ 


Paris,  1846,  p.  296  ;  Freer' s  Life  of 
Henry  //'.,  Vol.  I.  p.  121.  et  paffini; 
JMenioirs  of  Sully.  Philadeljihia.  1S17, 
\'ol.  I.  1).  204;  lUrcIis  Menuiirs  Queen 
Elizi  belli,  London.  1754,  \'ol.  H.  pp. 
121,  145,  151,  154,  155  ;  AJfelini  MSS. 
Chron.,  cited  by  Shaw  in  Nar.  Voya^^e 
to  ll'ejt Ind.  and Mexieo,  Hakluyt  Soc, 

IS59,  p.    XV. 

^"  "'  Au    nieme    terns    les    nouvelles 

vinrent que  le  Commandeur 

de  Challes  dreffoit  une  j^rande  Armce  de 
Mer  en  IJretafrne."  —  Journal  de  Henri 
HI.  (isSG),  Paris,  1744,  Tom.  IIL  p. 
279. 


w 


1!     ■ 


I'll 


II 


ill 


" » 


■:i0'A 


iPin 


28 


Memoir  of 


1603. 


f  'I 
5  1* 


i  if 


I  |i 


^    J;  ^ 


■1^ 


'Mr  i 
I'  : 


obtained  a  commiffion  from  the  king,  alTociating  with  himfelf 
fome  of  the  principal  merchants  of  Rouen  and  other  cities, 
and  made  preparations  for  defpatching  a  pioneer  fleet  to  re- 
connoitre and  fix  upon  a  proper  place  for  lettlement,  and  to 
determine  what  equipment  would  be  neceffary  for  the  con- 
venience and  comfort  of  the  colony.  He  fecured  the  fervices 
of  Pont  Grave,'^  a  diftinguiflied  merchant  and  Canadian  fur- 
trader,  to  conduct  the  expedition.  Having  laid  his  views 
open  fully  to  Champlain,  he  invited  him  alio  to  join  the  ex- 
ploring party,  as  he  defired  the  opinion  and  advice  of  fo 
careful  an  obferver  as  to  a  proper  plan  of  future  operations. 

No  propofition  could  have  been  more  agreeable  to  Chani- 
plain  than  this,  and  he  expreffed  himfelf  quite  ready  for  the 
enterprife,  provided  De  Chaftes  would  fecure  the  confent  of 
the  king,  to  whom  he  was  under  very  great  obligations. 
De  Challes  readily  obtained  the  defired  permiffion,  coupled, 
however,  wiMi  an  order  from  the  king  to  Champlain  to  bring 
back  to  him  a  faithful  report  of  the  \oyage.  Leaving  Paris, 
Champlain  haftened  to  Honfieur,  armed  with  a  letter  of  in- 
ftructions  from  M.  de  Gefures,  the  fecretary  of  the  king,  to 
Pont  Grave,  directing  him  to  receive  Champlain  and  afford 
him  every  facility  for  feeing  and  exploring  the  country  which 
they  were  about  to  vifit.  They  failed  for  the  flio'- '^  of  the 
New  World  on  the  15th  of  March,  1603. 

The  reader  fliould  here  obferve  that  anterior  to  this  date  no 
colonial  fettlement  had  been  made  on  the  northern  coafhs  of 

America. 

28  Du  Pont  Gravd  was  a  merchant  of  He  was  greatly  reri)ected  by  Champlain, 

St.  Malo.     He  had  been  alTociated  with  and  was  clofely  aflbciated  with  liim  till 

Chauvin  in  the  Canada  trade,  and  con-  1629.     y\fter  the  En<;li(h  captured  Que- 

tinued  to  vifit  the  St.  Lawrence  for  this  bee,  he  appears  to  have  retired,  forced 

purpofe  almoft  yearly  for  thirty  years,  to  do  lb  by  the  infirmities  of  age. 


|!fj 

5     ■  I- 


1497- 


Samuel  de  Champlain. 


29 


America.  Thcfe  regions  had,  however,  been  frequented  by 
European  fifhermcn  at  a  very  early  period,  certainly  within 
the  decade  after  its  dilcovery  by  John  Cabot  in  1497.  Hut 
the  Balques,  Bretons,  and  Normans,"^  who  vifited  tliele 
coafts,  were  intent  upon  their  employment,  and  conlequently 
brought  home  only  meagre  information  of  the  country  from 
whofe  lliores  they  yearly  bore  away  rich  cargoes  of  fifli. 

The  firft  voyage  made  by  the  French  for  the  puipofe  of 
difcovery  in  our  northern  waters  of  which  we  have  any 
authentic  record  was  by  Jacques  Cartier  in  1534,  and  an- 
other was  made  for  the  fame  purpofe  by  this  diftinguiflied 
navigator  in  1535.  In  the  former,  he  coafled  along  the  fhores 
of  Newfoundland,  entered  and  gave  its  prefent  name  to  the 
Bay  of  Chaleur,  and  at  Gafpe  took  formal  poffeffion  of  the 
country  in  the  name  of  the  king.  In  the  fccond,  he  afcended 
the  St.  Lawrence  as  far  as  Montreal,  then  an  Indian  villaire 
known  by  the  aborigines  as  Hochelaga,  fituated  on  an  iOand 
at  the  bafe  of  an  eminence  which  they  named  Mont-Royal, 
from  which  the  present  commercial  metropolis  of  the  Domin- 
ion derives  its  name.  After  a  winter  of  srreat  fufferins:,  which 
they  paffed  on  the  St.  Charles,  near  Quebec,  and  the  death  of 
many  of  his  company,  Cartier  retarned  to  France  early  in 
the  fummer  of  1536.  In  1541,  he  made  a  third  voyage, 
under  the  patronage  of  Fran9ois  de  la  Roque,  Lord  de  Ro- 
berval,  a  nobleman  of  Picardy.  He  failed  up  the  St.  Law- 
rence, 


2»  Jean  Parmentier,  of  Dieppe,  ;iuthor 
of  tlie  Difiorfo  dun  ^ran  capitano  in 
Ramulio.  \'ol.  III.,  p.'423,  wrote  in  tiie 
year  1539,  and  lie  fays  the  T'.retons  and 
Normans  were  in  our  nortiiern  waters 
thirty-fiveyearsiiefore,  wiiich  wouldbein 
1504.      Vide  Mr.  Parkman's  learned  note 


and  citations  \n  Pioneers  of  r^rance  in 
the  A'ew  World,  pp.  171.  172.  Tlie 
alcove  isdciulitlefs  the  authority  on  which 
tlie  early  writers,  such  as  i^ierrc  P>iaril, 
Champlain.  and  others,  make  the  year 
1504  the  period  when  the  French  voy- 
ages for  fiiliing  commenced. 


t 


f. 


'J 


H 


H 


'I  i 


\  1 1 


■   I 


ly 


i  •  a ! 


>u. 


!  -1    il 
I   I 


30 


Me7noir  of 


1542 


il 


rencc,  anchoring  probably  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Cap 
Rouge,  aljout  four  leagues  above  Quebec,  where  he  built  a 
fort  which  he  named  Charkjhoiirg-Royal.  Here  he  paffed 
another  dreary  and  dilheartening  winter,  and  returned  to 
France  in  the  fpring  of  1542.  His  patron,  De  Roberval, 
who  had  failed  to  fulfil  his  intention  to  accompany  him  the 
preceding  year,  met  him  at  St.  John,  Newfoundland.  In  vain 
Roberval  urged  and  commanded  him  to  retrace  his  courfe  ; 
but  the  refolute  old  navigator  had  too  recent  an  experience 
and  law  too  clearly  the  inevitable  obftacles  to  fuccefs  in  their 
undertaking  to  be  diverted  from  his  purpofe.  Roberval  pro- 
ceeded up  the  Saint  Lawrence,  apparently  to  the  fort  juft 
abandoned  by  Cartier,  which  he  repaired  and  occupied  the 
next  winter,  naming  it  Roy-Fran^ois  ;^°  but  the  dilaflers 
which  followed,  the  ficknefs  and  death  of  many  of  his  com- 
pan}^  foon  forced  him,  likewife,  to  abandon  the  enterprile 
and  return  to  France. 

Of  these  voyages,  Cartier,  or  rather  his  pilot-general,  has 
left  full  and  elaborate  reports,  giving  interefting  and  detailed 
accounts  of  the  mode  of  life  among  the  aborigines,  and  of 
the  character  and  producT;s  of  the  country. 

The  entire  want  of  fuccefs  in  all  thefe  attempts,  and  the 
abforbing  and  wafting  civil  wars  in  France,  paralyzed  the 
zeal  and  put  to  reft  all  afpirations  for  colonial  adventure  for 
more  than  half  a  century. 

But  in  1598,  when  peace  again  began  to  dawn  upon  the 
nation,  the  fpirit  of  colonization  revived,  and  the  Marquis 
de  la  Roche,  a  nobleman  of  Brittany,  obtained  a  royal  com- 

miffion 

80  Vide  Voyage  of  lohn  .iiphonfc  of  Xanctoigne,  Hakluyt,  Vol.  III.,  p.  293. 


i 


"4 


V 


A 


,598. 


Samncl  de  Cliamplain, 


31 


miffion  with  extraordinary  and  cxclufivc  powers  of  govern- 
ment and  trade,  identical  with  thofe  granted  to  Roberwal 
nearly  fixty  years  before.  Having  fitted  out  a  veffel  and 
placed  on  board  forty  convicts  gathered  out  of  the  priibns  of 
France,  he  embarked  for  the  northern  coafls  of  America. 
The  firft  land  he  made  was  Sable  Illand,  a  mull  forlorn  fand- 
heap  rifing  out  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  fome  tliirty  leagues 
foutheaft  of  Cape  Breton.  Here  he  left  thele  wretched  crim- 
inals to  be  the  ftrength  and  hope,  the  bone  and  finew  of  the 
little  kingdom  which,  in  his  fancy,  he  piftured  to  himlelf 
rifing  under  his  foflering  care  in  the  New  World.  While 
reconnoitring  the  mainland,  probably  fome  part  of  No\a 
Scotia,  for  the  purpole  of  felefting  a  fuitable  location  for  his 
intended  fettlement,  a  furious  gale  fwept  him  from  the  coall, 
and,  either  from  neceffty  or  inclination,  he  returned  to 
France,  leaving  his  hopeful  cclonills  to  a  fate  hardly  fur- 
paffed  by  that  of  Selkirk  himfelf,  and  at  the  fame  time  dif- 
miffins:  the  brijrht  vifions  that  had  fo  lon^:  haunted  his  mind, 
of  perfonal  aggrandizement  at  the  head  of  a  colonial  eilab- 
lifliment. 

The  next  year,  1599,  Sieur  de  Saint  Chauvin,  of  Nor- 
mandy, a  captain  in  the  royal  marine,  at  the  fuggeflion  of 
Pont  Grave,  of  Saint  Malo,  an  experienced  fur-trader,  to 
whom  we  have  already  referred,  and  who  had  made  feveral 
voyages  to  the  northweft  anterior  to  this,  obtained  a  commif- 
fion  fufiiciently  comprehenfive,  amply  providing  for  a  colo- 
nial fettlement  and  the  propagation  of  the  Chrifi:ian  faith, 
with,  indeed,  all  the  privileges  accorded  by  that  of  the  Mar- 
quis de  la  Roche.  But  the  chief  and  prefent  obje(5l  which 
Chauvin  and  Pont  Gravb  hoped  to  attain  was  the  monopoly 

of 


11 


f 


i 


li'n 


I 


^•; 


i 


i4 


!!  :!'■ 


Ill 


i 


32 


Memoir  of 


1600, 


of  the  fur  trade,  which  they  had  good  reafon  to  beHeve  they 
could  at  that  time  condudl  with  fuccefs.  Under  this  com- 
miffion,  an  expedition  was  accord'ngly  fitted  out  and  failed 
for  TadoulTac.  Succefsful  in  its  main  object,  with  a  full 
cargo  of  valuable  furs,  they  returned  to  France  in  the  au- 
tumn, leaving,  however,  fixteen  men,  fome  of  v'hom  periflied 
during  the  winter,  while  the  reft  were  relcucd  from  the  fame 
fate  by  the  charity  of  the  Indians.  In  the  year  1600,  Chau- 
vin  made  another  voyage,  which  was  equally  remunerative, 
and  a  third  had  been  proje6ted  on  a  much  broader  fcale, 
when  his  death  intervened  and  prevented  its  execution. 

The  death  of  Sieur  de  Chauvin  appears  to  have  vacated 
his  commiffion,  at  leaft  pradically,  opening  the  way  for  an- 
other, w^hich  was  obtained  by  the  Commander  de  Chaftes, 
whofe  expedition,  accompanied  by  Chaniplain,  as  we  have 
already  fecn,  left  Honfleur  on  the  15th  of  March,  1603.  It 
confifted  of  two  barques  of  twelve  or  fifteen  tons,  one  com- 
manded by  Pont  Grave,  and  the  other  by  Sieur  Prevert,  of 
Saint  Malo,  and  was  probably  accompanied  by  one  or  more 
advice-boats.  They  took  with  them  two  Indians  who  had 
been  in  France  fome  time,  doubtlefs  brought  over  by  De 
Chauvin  on  his  laft  voyage.  With  favoring  winds,  they  foon 
reached  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  fighted  Cape  Ray,  the 
northern  point  of  the  Ifland  of  Cape  Breton,  Anticofti  and 
Gaspe,  coafting  along  the  fouthern  fide  of  the  river  Saint 
Lawrence  as  far  as  the  Bic,  where,  croffing  over  to  the 
northern  fliore,  they  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  Tadouffac. 
After  reconnoitring  the  Saguenay  twelve  or  fifteen  leagues, 
leaving  their  veffels  at  TadoulTac,  where  an  a6live  fur  trade 
was  in  progrefs  with  the  Indians,  they  proceeded  up  the  St. 

Lawrence 


1603. 


Savmcl  de  Cliaviplain. 


33 


Lawrence  in  a  light  boat,  palTcd  Quebec,  the  Three  Rivers, 
Lake  St.  Peter,  the  Riclielieu,  whicli  they  called  the  river 
of  the  Iroquois,  making  an  excuriion  up  this  llream  five  or 
fix  leagues,  and  then,  continuing  their  courfe,  paffing  Mon- 
treal, they  finally  call  anchor  on  the  northern  fide,  at  the 
foot  of  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  not  being  able  to  proceed 
further  in  their  boat. 

Having  previoufly  conftruded  a  fki ff  for  the  purpofe,  Pont 
Grave  and  Champlain,  with  five  lailors  and  two  Indians  with 
a  canoe,  attempted  to  pafs  the  falls.  But  after  a  long  and 
perfevering  trial,  exploring  the  fliores  on  foot  for  Ibme  miles, 
they  found  any  further  progrels  quite  impoffible  with  their 
prefent  equipment.  They  accordingly  abandoned  the  under- 
taking and  fet  out  on  their  return  to  Tadouffac.  They 
made  fliort  flops  at  various  points,  enabling  Champlain  to 
purfue  his  inveftigations  with  thoroughnefs  and  deliberation. 
He  interrogated  the  Indians  as  to  the  courfe  and  extent  of 
the  St.  Lawrence,  as  well  as  that  of  the  other  large  rivers,  the 
location  of  the  lakes  and  falls,  and  the  outlines  and  general 
features  of  the  country,  making  rude  drawings  or  maps  to 
illuftrate  what  the  Indians  found  difficult  otherwife  to  ex- 
plain.^' 

The  favages  alfo  exhibited  to  them  fpecimens  of  native 
crpper,  which  they  reprefented  as  having  been  obtained  from 
the  diftant  north,  doubtlefs  from  the  neighborhood  of  Lake 
Superior.  On  reaching  Tadouffac,  they  made  another  ex- 
curfion  in  one  of  the  barques  as  far  as  Gafpe,  obferving  the 

rivers, 

^1  Compare    the   refult  of  thefe   in-     La  Hontan,   1684,  ed.   1735,  Vol.  I.  p. 
quiries  as  dated  by  Champlain.  p.  252  of    30. 
this  vol.  and  New   Voyages^  by  Baron 

5 


\k:\ 


ii 


t;' 

'J 

if 


I 


'i  li  t 


!  ! 


m\ 


i 


f 


I  11 


H 


\   f 


'   f 


I  :    i 


i<       ) 


U       i 


^       I 


34 


Memoir  of 


1603. 


rivers,  bays,  and  coves  along  the  route.  When  they  had 
completed  their  trade  with  the  Indians  and  had  fecured  from 
them  a  valuable  collection  of  furs,  they  commenced  their  re- 
turn voyage  to  France,  touching  at  Icveral  important  points, 
and  obtaining  from  the  natives  Ibme  general  hints  in  regard 
to  the  exigence  of  certain  mines  about  the  head  waters  of 
the  Bay  of  Fundy. 

Before  leaving,  one  of  the  Sagamores  placed  his  fon  in 
charge  of  Pont  Grave,  that  he  might  fee  the  wonders  of 
France,  thus  exhibiting  a  commendabl '  appreciation  of  the 
advantages  of  foreign  travel.  They  alfo  obtained  the  gift  of 
an  Iroquois  woman,  who  had  been  taken  in  war,  and  was 
foon  to  be  immolated  as  one  of  the  vi6lims  at  a  cannibal 
fealt.  Befides  thele,  they  took  with  them  alfo  four  other  na- 
tives, a  man  from  the  coaft  of  La  Cadie,  and  a  woman  and 
two  boys  from  Canada. 

The  two  little  barques  left  Gafpe  on  the  24th  of  Augufl; 
on  the  5th  of  September  they  were  at  the  fifliing  llations 
on  the  Grand  Banks,  and  on  the  20th  of  the  fame  month 
arrived  at  Havre  de  Grace,  having  been  abfent  fix  months 
and  fix  days. 

Champlain  received  on  his  arrival  the  painful  intelligence 
that  the  Commander  de  Chaftes,  his  friend  and  patron, 
under  whofe  aufpices  the  late  expedition  had  been  con- 
du6led,  had  died  on  the  13th  of  May  preceding.  This  event 
was  a  perfonal  grief  as  well  as  a  ferious  calamity  to  him,  as 
it  deprived  him  of  an  intimate  and  valued  friend,  and  caft  a 
cloud  over  the  bright  vifions  that  floated  before  him  of  dif- 
coveries  and  colonies  in  the  New  World.  He  loft  no  time 
in  repairing  to  the  court,  where  he  laid  before  his  fovereign, 

Henry  IV., 


,1 


1603. 


Samuel  de  Chaviplain. 


35 


Henry  IV.,  a  map  conllrucled  by  his  own  hand  of  the  re- 
gions which  he  had  jull  vifited,  together  with  a  very  particu- 
lar narrative  of  the  voyage. 

This  "  petit  dilcours,"  as  Champlain  calls  it,  is  a  clear, 
conipa6l,  well-drawn  paper,  containing  an  account  of  the 
character  and  produces  of  the  country,  its  trees,  plants,  fruits, 
and  vines,  with  a  deicription  of  the  native  inhabitants,  their 
mode  of  living,  their  clothing,  food  and  its  preparation,  their 
banquets,  religion,  and  method  of  burying  their  dead,  with 
many  other  interefting  particulars  relating  to  their  habits 
and  culloms. 

Henry  IV.  manifefled  a  deep  intereft  in  Champla.n's  nar- 
rative. He  liftened  to  its  recital  with  great  apparent  latif- 
fa6lion,  and  by  way  of  encouragement  promiled  not  to 
abandon  the  undertaking,  but  to  continue  to  beftow  upon  it 
his  royal  favor  and  patronage. 

There  chanced  at  this  time  to  be  rcfiding  at  court,  a  Hu- 
guenot gentleman  who  had  been  a  faithful  adherent  of  Henry 
IV.  in  the  late  war,  Pierre  du  Guafl,  Sieur  de  IMonts,  gen- 
tleman ordinary  to  the  king's  chamber,  and  governor  ui"  Pons 
in  Saintonge.  This  nobleman  had  made  a  trip  for  pleafure 
or  recreation  to  Canada  v/ith  De  Chauvin,  leveral  years  before, 
and  had  learned  fomething  of  the  country,  and  efpecially  of 
the  advantages  of  the  fur  trade  with  the  Indians.  He  was 
quite  ready,  on  the  death  of  De  Challes,  to  take  up  the  en- 
lerprife  which,  by  this  event,  had  been  brought  to  a  fudden 
and  difaftrous  termination.  He  immediately  devifed  a 
fcheme  for  the  eftablifliment  of  a  colony  under  the  patron- 
age of  a  company  to  be  compoied  of  merchants  of  Rouen, 
Rochelle,  and  of  other  places,  their  contributions  for  cover- 


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ing  the  cxpcnfe  of  the  entcrprifc  to  be  fupplcmentcd,  if  not 
rendered  entirely  unnecelTary,  by  a  trade  in  furs  and  peltry 
to  be  condiicled  by  the  company. 

In  lefs  than  two  months  after  the  return  of  the  laft  expe- 
dition, i)e  Monts  had  obtained  from  Henry  IV.,  though 
contrary  to  the  advice  of  his  moll  influential  minifter,^'  a  char- 
ter conllituting  him  the  king's  lieutenant  in  La  Cadic,  with 
all  neceffary  and  deHrable  powers  for  a  colonial  fettlement. 
The  grant  included  the  whole  territory  lying  between  the 
40th  and  46th  degrees  of  north  latitude.  Its  fouthern 
boundary  was  on  a  parallel  of  Philadelphia,  while  its  north- 
ern was  on  a  line  extended  due  weft  from  the  moft  eafterly 
point  of  the  Illand  of  Cape  Breton,  cutting  New  Brunfwick 
on  a  parallel  near  Fredcricton,  and  Canada  near  the  junc- 
tion of  the  river  Richelieu  and  the  St.  Lawrence.  It  will 
be  obferved  that  the  parts  of  New  France  at  that  time  bcft 
known  were  not  included  in  this  grant,  viz.,  Lake  St.  Peter, 
Three  Rivers,  Quebec,  Tadouffac,  Gafpe,  and  the  Bay  Cha- 
leur.  Thefe  were  points  of  great  importance,  and  had 
doubtlefs  been  left  out  of  the  charter  by  an  overfight  arifing 
from  an  almoft  total  want  of  a  definite  geographical  knowl- 
edge of  our  northern  coaft.  Jullly  apprehending  that  the 
places  above  mentioned  might  not  be  included  within  the 
limits  of  his  grant,  De  Monts  obtained,  the  next  month,  an 
extenfion   of  the   bounds  of  his  exclufive  right  of  trade,  fo 

that 


*2  The  Duke  of  Sully's  difhpproba- 
tion  is  exprufled  in  the  following 
words  ;  "  The  colony,  that  was  fent  to 
Canada  this  year,  was  among  the  num- 
ber of  thole  things  that  had  not  my  ap- 
probation ;  there  was  no  kind  of  riches 


to  be  expe6f ed  from  all  thofe  countries 
of  the  new  world,  which  are  beyond  the 
fortieth  degree  of  latitude.  His  mnjelty 
gave  the  conducl  of  this  expedition  to  the 
Sieur  du  .Mont."  —  Memoirs  of  Sully, 
Philadelphia,  1817,  Vol.  III.  p.'  185. 


i 


\ 


\ 


1604. 


Samuel  do  Chaniplain, 


37 


that  it  fliould  comprehend  the  whole  region  of  the  gulf  and 
river  of  St.  Lawrence." 

The  following  winter,  1603-4,  was  devoted  by  De  Monts 
to  organizing  his  company,  the  collection  of  a  luitable  band 
of  colonills,  and  the  necelTary  preparations  for  the  voyage. 
His  commiffion  authorized  him  to  leize  any  idlers  in  the  city 
or  country,  or  even  convicts  condemned  to  tranr})()rtation, 
to  make  up  the  bone  and  fmew  of  the  colony.  To  what 
extent  he  reforted  to  this  method  of  fillino:  hi^  ranks,  we 
know  not.  Early  in  April  he  had  gathered  togethc-  about 
a  hundred  and  twenty  artilans  of  all  trades,  laborers,  and  iol- 
diers,  who  were  embarked  upon  two  lhii)s,  one  of  120  tons, 
under  the  direction  of  Sieur  de  Pont  Grave,  commanded, 
however,  by  Captain  Morel,  of  Ilonfleur;  another  of  150 
tons,  on  which  Ue  IMonts  himfelf  enibarked  with  feveral  no- 
blemen and  gentlemen,  having  Captain  Timothec,  of  Havre 
de  Grace,  as  commander. 

De  IMonts  extended  to  Champlain  an  invitation  to  join 
the  expedition,  which  he  readily  accepted,  but,  ncvcrtheleis, 
on  the  condition,  as  in  the  previous  voyage,  of  the  king's 
affent,  which  was  freely  granted,  nexerthclefs  with  the  com- 
mand that  he  fliould  prepare  a  faithful  report  of  his  obfer- 

vatlons  and  difcoveries. 

CHAPTKR   III. 

23  "  Frequenter,  nec:ocier,  et  cominu-  quemin,    TndoufTac,    ct    hi  riviere    de 

niquer  durant  iedit  temjis  de  dix  ans,  Canada,  tant  d'un  cote  que  d'autre,  et 

depuis  le  Cap  de  Raze  jufques  au  qua-  toutes  les  ISaycs  et  rivieres  qui  entrant 

ranticmedeurc.  comprenant  toute  lacute  au  dedans  delilites  cotes." — Extract  of 

de  la  Cadie.  terre  et  Ca]>  Breton.  Hayes  Commiffion,   Hijtoirc  lii:    hi   Xoiccllc- 

de  Sainct-Cler,  de  Chaleur.  He  Percce,  Fraiicr.  \yxx  Lelcarbot,  Paris,  iS66,  \'ol. 

Gachepii,  Chinfchedec,  Mefamichi,  Lef-  II.  p.  416. 


%  u 


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38 


Memoir  of 


1C04. 


X      \\ 


CI  I  AFTER  III. 

Die  Mdnts  i.kavf.s  fok  La  Cadik  — 'I'm;  Coasts  of  Nova  Scotia.  —  Tiir. 
Bay  of  I'"irNi)Y.  — Si:ak(  11  fok  Coim-fk   Mink. — Cuampi.ain   kxflokfs 

TIIF    I'FNOIISCOT.  —  Die    MONTS'S    ISLAND.  —  SUFFFUINGS   OF  Till:  Col.ONY. 

—  Kxi'i.ouATio\  OF  TIIF  Coast  as  far  as  Nauset,  on  Cai'IC  Cod. 

\\i  iMONTS,  with  Champlaln  and  the  other  no- 
blemen, left  Havre  de  Graee  on  the  7th  April, 
1O04,  while  Pont  Grave,  with  the  other  velVel, 
followed  three  days  later,  to  rendezvous  at  Can- 
leau. 

Taking  a  more  Ibutherly  courfe  than  he  had  originally 
intended,  De  Monts  came  in  light  of  La  Heve  on  the  8th  of 
May,  and  on  the  1 2th  entered  Liverpr  '  harbor,  where  he 
found  Captain  Roffignol,  of  Havre  de  c,  carrying  on  a 

contraband  trade  in  furs  with  the  Indians,  whom  he  arrefled, 
and  confifcated  his  vcilel. 

The  next  day  they  anchored  at  Port  Mouton,  where  they 
lingered  three  or  four  weeks,  awaiting  news  from  Pont 
Grave,  who  had  in  the  mean  time  arrived  at  Canfeau,  the 
rendezvous  agreed  upon  before  leaving  France.  Pont  Grave 
had  there  dilcovered  leveral  Bafque  fliips  engaged  in  the  fur- 
trade.  Taking  polTeffion  of  them,  he  lent  their  mailers  to 
De  INIonts.  The  fliips  were  fublequently  confifcated  and 
fent  to  Rochelle. 

Captain  Fouqucs  was  defpatched  to  Canfeau  in  the  veffel 
which  had  been  taken  from  Roffignol,  to  bring  forward  the 
fupplies  which  had  been  brought  over  by  Pont  Grave. 

Having  tranflhipped  the  provifions  intended  for  the  colony, 

Pont  Grave 


' 


i6o4> 


Savmel  dc  Chaviplain, 


39 


Pont  Grave  procucdctl  through  the  Straits  of  Caiileau  up 
the  St.  Lawrence,  to  trade  witli  the  Indians,  upon  the  lirofils 
of  which  the  company  reHed  largely  for  replenilhing  their 
t  re  a  fury. 

In  the  mean  time  Champlain  was  font  in  a  l)ar(|ue  of  eight 
tons,  witli  the  iccrctary  Sieur  Ralleau,  Mr.  Simon,  the  miner, 
and  ten  men,  to  reconnoitre  the  coall  towards  the  welt. 
Sailing  along  the  fliore,  touching  at  numerous  jjoints,  doub- 
ling Cape  Sable,  he  entered  the  Bay  of  Inmdy,  and  after 
exploring  St.  Mary's  Bay,  and  difcovering  leveral  mines  of 
both  iilvcr  and  iron,  returned  to  Port  Mouton  and  made  to 
De  Monts  a  minute  and  careful  report. 

De  Monts  immediately  weighed  anchor  and  (ailed  for  the 
Bay  of  St.  Mary,  where  he  left  his  veffel,  and,  with  Cham- 
plain,  the  miner,  and  Ibme  others,  proceeded  to  explore  the 
Bay  of  Fundy.  They  entered  and  examined  Annapolis 
harbor,  coafled  along  the  wellern  fhores  of  Nova  .Scotia, 
touching  at  the  Bay  of  Mines,  paffing  over  to  New  Brunf- 
wick,  fkirting  its  whole  foutheaflern  coaft,  entering  the  har- 
bor of  St.  John,  and  finally  penetrating  Paffamaquoddy  Bay 
as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Croix,  and  fixed  '  pon 
De  Monts's  Ifland  ^^  as  the  feat  of  their  colony.     The  veiTel 

at 

^•'  Dc  Monisms  TJland.     Of  this  ifland  la  riviere  de  Pentn^oiiet.  jufques  h  celle 

Champlain  fays:  "This place  was  named  de  faint  Jean,  il  pent  y  avoir  quarante  c\ 

by  Sieur  De  Monts  the   Ifland  of  St.  quarante  cinq  licues  ;  la  premiere  riviere 

Croix." — Vide  Vol.  II.  p.  32,  note  <S6.  que  Ton  rencontre  le  long  de  la  colle,  cil 

St.  Croix  has  now  for  a  long  time  been  celle  dcs  Ktechemins,  qui  porte  le  nom 

applied  as  the  name  of  the  river  in  which  du  pays,  depuis  Ballon  jufcjues  au  lV)rt 

this  ifland  is  found.     The   French  de-  royal,  dont  les   Sauvages  qui  habitcnt 

nominated  this  ftream  the  River  of  the  toute    cette    etendue,   portent    auffi    le 

Etechemins,  after  the  name  of  the  tribe  mefme    nom."  —  Dcfcription    Geoi^ra- 

of  favages  inhabiting  its  fliores.      Vide  pliiquc    et    Jfijlorique    dcs    Cojics    de 

Vol.  II.  p.  31.      It  continued  to  be  fo  L'Americ/ve  Scptcntrionalc,  par  Nicho- 

called  for  a  long  time.     Denys  fpeaks  las  Denys,  Paris,  1672,  p.  29,  et  ver/o. 
of  it  under  this  name  in  1672.     "  Depuis 


\ 


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II 


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40 


Memoir  of 


1604. 


at  St.  ?.Iary's  with  the  colonifts  was  ordered  to  join  them, 
and  immediately  adive  mealu res  were  taken  for  laying  out 
crardens,  ereclino:  dwelling's  and  ftorehoufes,  and  all  the 
necelTary  preparations  for  the  coming  winter.  Champlain 
was  commiffioned  to  defign  and  lay  out  the  town,  if  {o  it 
could  be  called. 

When  the  work  was  fomew^hat  advanced,  he  was  fent  in  a 
barque  of  five  or  fix  tons,  manned  with  nine  failors,  to  fearch 
for  a  mine  of  pure  copper,  which  an  Indian  named  IMelTa- 
mouet  had  affured  them  he  could  point  out  to  them  on  the 
coafl  towards  the  river  St.  John.  Some  twent}-five  miles 
from  the  river  St.  Croix,  they  found  a  mine  yielding  eighteen 
per  cent,  as  eflimated  by  the  miner;  but  they  did  not  dif- 
cover  any  pure  copper,  as  they  had  hoped. 

On  the  lafl  day  of  Auguft,  1604,  the  veffel  which  had 
brought  out  the  colony,  together  with  that  which  had  been 
taken  from  Roffignol,  took  their  departure  for  the  fhores  Oi" 
France.  In  it  failed  Poutrincourt,  Ralleau  the  fecretary  of 
De  Monts,  and  Captain  Roffignol. 

From  the  moment  of  his  arrival  on  the  coaft  of  America, 
Champlain  employed  his  leifure  hours  in  making  flcetches 
and  drawings  of  the  moft  important  rivers,  harbors,  and  In- 
dian fettlements  which  they  had  vifited. 

While  the  little  colony  at  De  IMonts's  Ifland  was  aftive  in 
getting  its  appointments  arranged  and  fettled,  De  Monts 
wifely  determined,  though  he  could  not  accompany  it  himfelf, 
neverthelefs  to  fend  out  an  expedition  during  the  mild  days 
of  autumn,  to  explore  the  region  ftill  further  to  the  fouth, 
then  called  by  the  Indians  Norumbegue.  Greatly  to  the 
fatisfadtion  of  Champlain,  he  was  perfonally  charged  with 

thlS 


1604. 


Saviuel  de  Champ lai7i. 


41 


this  important  expedition.  He  let  out  on  tlie  2d  of  Septcn->- 
ber,  in  a  barque  of  leventeen  or  eighteen  tons,  with  twelve 
Tailors  and  two  Indian  guides.  The  inevitable  fogs  of  that 
region  detained  them  nearly  a  fortnight  before  they  were 
able  to  leave  the  banks  of  PalTamaquoddy.  Palling  along 
the  rugged  Ihores  of  Maine,  with  its  endlels  chain  of  illands 
riling  one  after  another  into  view,  which  they  called  the 
Ranges,  they  at  length  came  to  the  ancient  Pemetiq,  lying 
dole  in  to  the  Ihore,  having  the  appearance  at  lea  of  leven 
or  eight  mounti^ins  drawn  together  and  Ipringing  from  the 
fame  bafe.  This  Champlain  named  Monis  Dcfcvls,  which 
we  have  anglicized  into  Mount  Delert,''  an  a})i)ellation 
which  has  llirvived  the  viciffitudes  of  two  hundred  and 
feventy-five  years,  and  now  that  the  ifland,  with  its  lalubri- 
ous  air  and  cool  fliades,  its  bold  and  piclurefquc  Icenery,  is 
attracting  thoufands  from  die  great  cities  during  the  heats 
of  fummer,  the  name  is  likely  to  abide  far  down  into  a  dif- 
tant  and  indefinite  future. 

Leaving  Mount  Defcrt,  winding  their  way  among  numer- 
ous illands,  taking  a  northerly  direction,  they  foon  entered 
the  Penoblcot,^^  known  by  the  early  navigators  as  the  river 

Norumbegue. 

'5  Champlain  hurl,  by  liis  own  explom-  and  defcriptive  name.      \ldi'\'o\.  II.  p. 

tions  and  by  coiirultin;;  the  Indians,  ol)-  30.     Dr.    Edward    Ballard   derives   the 

tained  a  very  full  and  accurate  knowl-  Indian   name   of   this   ifland,   Pemetiq, 

edjje  of  this  iiland  at  his  firll  vifit.  on  the  from  poiic'tc,  \\v.\n\\%.  and  ki,  land.     He 

5th  of  September.  1604,  when  he  named  adds  that  it  prol)ably  denoted  a  fmgle 

it  Moiits-dcferts,  which  we  prcferve  in  locality   which    was   taken   by    Biard's 

the   English    form,    MnrxT    Desekt.  company   as    the    name    of   the   whole 

He  obferved  that  the  diftance  acrofs  the  ifland.     Vide  Report  of  U,  S.  Coajl  Snr- 

channel  to  the  mainland  on  the  north  vey  for  1868,  p.  253. 

fide  was  lels  than  a  hundred  paces.    The  ^'''  Penobfcot  is   a   corruption   of   tlie 

rocky  and  barren  fummits  of  this  duller  Abnaki  pa")tay.a''hjkck.     A  nearly  cxucl; 

of  little    mountains   obvioully   induced  tranllation  is '"at  the  fall  of  the  rock." 

him  to  give  to  the  illand  its  appropriate  or   "at   the    deicending    rock."      Vide 

A  TnonbaWs 


42 


Mi 


cvioir  0. 


?/ 


1604, 


1 


Norunibegue.  They  proceeded  w\)  the  river  as  far  as  the 
mouth  of  an  aflluent  now  known  as  the  Kendulkeag,"  whicli 
was  then  called,  or  rather  the  place  where  it  made  a  junci-lion 
with  the  Penobfcot  was  called  by  the  natives,  Kadcfquit,  lit- 
iiated  at  the  head  of  tide-water,  near  the  prelent  tite  of  the 
city  of  Ixmgor.  The  falls  above  the  city  interce})ted  their 
further  prt)greis.  Tlie  river-banks  about  the  harbor  were 
friiiiied  with  a  luxurious  irrowth  of  foreft  trees.  On  one 
fide,  lofty  jMues  reared  their  gray  trunks,  forming  a  natural 
paliiade  along  the  Ihore.  On  the  other,  malTive  oaks  alone 
were  to  be  leen,  lifting  their  llurdy  branches  to  the  Ikies, 
gathered  into  clumps  or  ftretching  out  into  long  lines,  as 
if  a  landlcape  gardener  had  planted  them  to  pleale  the  eye 
and  gratify  the  tafte.  i\\\  exploration  revealed  the  whole 
furroundinc:  reirion  clothed  in  a  fmiilar  wild  and  primitive 
beauty. 

After  a  leifurely  furvey  of  the  country,  they  returned  to 
the  mouth  o{  the  river.  Contrary  to  what  might  have  been 
expected,  Champlain  found  icarcely  any  inhabitants  dwelling 
on  the  borders  of  the  Penobfcot.  Here  and  there  they  law 
a  few  delertcd  wigwams,  which  ^vere  the  only  marks  of  hu- 
man occupation.     At  the  mouth  of  the  river,  on  the  borders 

of 

TninibiXirs  fnd.  Gfi\\  X<7;>/i:f,  Collcc-  by  thofe  who  only  vilitcd  the  mouth  of 

tions  Conn.  His.  Society.  Vol.  II.  p.  u).  tlie  river  would  leem  to  favor  the  former 

This  name  was  oriijinallv  given  probably  fupijofition. 

to  Ibme  part  of  the   river  to  whicli  it's  ^'  Dr.  Edward  Rallard   fuppofes   the 

meaning    was    particularly    applicable,  original  name  of  this  Itream,  Kadcfqiiit, 

This  may  have  been  at  the' mouth  of  the  to  be  derived  from  kaht.  a  Micmac  word 

river  a  Fort  Point,  a  rockv  elevation  not  for   ev/,  denoting  eel  Jlrea)i!.  now  cor- 

lels  than  eighty  fe;,t  in 'height.     Or  it  rujUed  into  Kcmhtfkea}:,.     The  prefent 

may  have  been  t'he  "  fall  of  water  coming  fite  of  the  city  of  IJangor  is  where  Biard 

down  a  Hope  of  leven  or  eight  feet."  as  intended  to  ellablilh  his  miffion  in  1613, 

Champlain   exprdTes  it,  a  (hort  dillance  but  he  was  finally  induced  to  fix   it  at 

above  the  fite  of  tlie  prelent  city  of  Ban-  .Mount  Defert.  —  Vide  Relations  dcs  Je- 

gor.     That  this  name  was  tirst'obtained  fuites,  Quebec  ed..  Vol.  I.  p.  44. 


f 


1604. 


Savmcl  de  Ckaviplain. 


43 


of  Pcnoblcot  May,  the  native  inhabitants  \v.  re  numerous. 
They  were  of  a  friendly  difpoiition,  and  ^ave  their  vilitors  a 
cordial  welcome,  readily  entered  into  nej^otiations  for  the 
lale  of  beaver-lkins,  and  the  two  parties  nuitually  agreed  to 
maintain  a  friendl)'  intercourle  in  the  future. 

Ilavin'''  obtained  from  the  Indians  fome  valuable  informa- 
tion  as  to  tlie  Iburce  of  the  l^enobfcot,  and  obferved  their 
mode  of  life,  which  did  not  differ  frcjm  that  wliich  tliey  had 
ieen  Hill  further  call,  C]iamj)lain  departed  on  the  20th  of 
September,  direclins^  his  courle  towards  the  K(  nneljec. 
But,  encountering  bad  weather,  he  found  it  necelTary  to  take 
ihelter  under  the  lee  of  the  iiland  of  iMonheiran. 

After  failing  three  or  four  leagues  farther,  finding  that  his 
provifions  would'not  warrant  the  continuance  of  the  vo3-age,  he 
determined,  on  the  23d  of  September,  to  return  to  the  fettle- 
ment  at  Saint  Croix,  or  what  is  ncnv  known  as  De  Monts's 
Ifland,  where  they  arrived  on  the  2d  day  of  October,  1604. 

Ue  Monts's  Iiland,  having  an  area  of  not  more  than  fix  or 
feven  acres,  is  fituated  in  the  river  Saint  Croix,  midway  be- 
tween its  oppofite  fhores,  directly  u})on  the  dividing  line 
between  the  townfliips  of  Calais  and  Robinflon  in  t;ie 
State  of  Maine.  At  the  ncjrthern  end  of  the  iiland,  the 
buildings  of  the  fettlemcnt  were  cindered  together  in 
the  form  of  a  cjuadrangle  with  an  open  court  in  the  centre. 
Firil  came  the  magazine  and  lodgings  of  the  foldiers,  then 
the  manfion  of  the  governor,  De  Monts,  furmounted  by  the 
colors  of  France.  Houfes  for  Champlain  and  the  other 
gentlemen,^^  for  the  cure,  the  artifans  and  workmen,  filled  up 

and 

8**  The  other  gentlemen  whofo  names     Champdorc.  I5e:uimont.  la   Motte  Bou- 
wt  have  learned  were  Meffieursd'Orville,     ricli,  Fougeray   or   Foulgere  de  Vitre, 

Genellou, 


u 


I  . 


! 


'    ' 


i 


.,(•1 


f'l 


(U 


l'.' 


' 


f  ! 


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i  • 


%  j  ,'•  1/  ?j 


1 

ij 
ii 


III 


.'El 


Ml 


! 


44 


Memoir  of 


1604. 


and  completed  the  quadrangle.  Below  the  houfes,  gardens 
were  laid  out  for  the  feveral  gentlemen,  and  at  the  fouthern 
extremity  of  the  ifland  cannon  were  mounted  for  protection 
aG:ainfl:  a  Hidden  alTauIt. 

In  the  ample  forefls  of  Maine  or  New  Brunfwick,  rich  in 
oak  and  maple  and  ]3ine,  abounding  in  deer,  partridge,  and 
other  wild  game,  watered  by  cryflal  fountains  fpringing  from 
every  acre  of  the  Toil,  we  naturally  picture  for  our  colonifls 
a  winter  of  robuft  health,  phyfical  comfort,  and  focial  enjoy- 
ment. Tlie  little  ifland  which  they  had  chofen  was  indeed 
a  charming  fpot  in  a  fummer's  day,  but  we  can  hardly  com- 
prehend in  what  view  it  could  have  been  regarded  as  fuitable 
for  a  colonial  plantation.  In  fpace  it  was  wholly  inade- 
quate;  it  was  deftitute  of  wood  and  frefh  water,  and  its  foil 
was  fandy  and  unproductive.  In  fixing  the  location  of  their 
fettlement  and  in  the  conffruction  of  their  houfes,  it  is  obvi- 
ous that  they  had  entirely  mifapprehended  the  character  of 
the  climate.  While  tlie  latitude  was  nearly  the  fame,  the 
temperature  was  far  more  rigorous  thar  that  of  the  funijy 
France  which  thev  had  left.  The  fnow  jes^an  to  fall  on  the 
6th  of  October.  On  the  3d  of  December  the  ice  was  feen 
floatincc  on  the  furface  of  the  water.  As  the  feason  ad- 
vanccd,  and  the  tide  came  and  went,  huge  floes  of  ice,  day 
after  day,  fwept  by  the  ifland,  rendering  it  impracticable  to 
navigate  the  river  or  pafs  over  to  the  mainland.  They  were 
therefore  imprifoncd  in  their  own  home.  Thus  cut  off  from 
the  game  with  which  the  neighboring  forefts  abounded,  they 
were   compelled   to   fubfift   almofl    exclufively   upon   falted 

meats. 

Genellou,  Sourin.  and  Boulay.  The  mentioned  from  time  to  time,  is  vari- 
ortliograpliy  of  tlie  names,  as  they  are    ous. 


I 


I 


1605. 


Samuel  de  Champlain. 


45 


meats.  Nearly  all  the  forefl:  trees  on  the  ifland  had  been 
iifed  in  the  conflruction  of  tlieir  houfes,  and  they  had  confe- 
quently  but  a  meagre  fupply  of  fuel  to  refift  the  chilling 
winds  and  penetrating  frofts.  For  frefli  water,  their  only 
reliance  was  upon  melted  Ihow  and  ice.  Their  ftore-houfe 
had  not  been  furnifhed  with  a  cellar,  and  the  frofl  left  nothing 
untouched  ;  even  cider  was  dilpenfed  in  folid  blocks.  To 
crown  the  gloom  and  wrctchednels  of  their  fivuation,  the 
colony  was  vifited  with  difeaie  of  a  virulent  and  fatal  char- 
acter. A'6  the  malady  was  beyond  the  knowledge,  ib  it  baf- 
fled the  ilvill  of  the  furgeons.  They  called  it  mal  dc  la  icrre. 
Of  the  feventy-nine  perfons,  compoling  the  whole  number 
of  the  colony,  thirty-five  died,  and  twenty  others  were 
brought  to  the  verge  of  the  grave.  In  May,  hax'ing  been 
liberated  from  the  baleful  influence  of  their  winter  prifon 
and  revived  by  the  genial  warmth  of  the  \ernal  iun  and  by 
the  frefli  meats  obtained  from  the  favages,  the  dileafe  abated, 
and  the  furvivors  gradually  1  gained  their  flrength. 

Diflieartened  by  the  bitter  experiences  of  the  winter,  the 
governor,  having  fully  determined  to  abandon  bis  prcfent 
eflablifliment,  ordered  two  boats  to  be  confl:ructed,  one  of 
fifteen  and  the  other  of  fcvcn  tons,  in  which  to  traniport  his 
colony  to  Gafpe,  in  cafe  he  received  no  llipplies  from  France, 
with  the  hope  of  obtaining  a  paffage  home  in  fome  of  the 
fiflilng  veffels  on  that  coaft.  But  from  this  difagreeable  al- 
ternative he  was  happily  relieved.  On  the  15th  of  June, 
1605,  Pont  Grave  arrived,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  little  col- 
ony, with  all  needed  fupplies.  The  purpofe  of  returning  to 
France  was  at  once  abandoned,  and,  as  no  time  was  to  be 
loft,  on  the  i8th  of  the  fame  month,  Dc  Monts,  Champlain, 

feveral 


*(  f 


I 


I 

I 


46 


Alemoir  of 


1605. 


fcveral  gentlemen,  twenty  failors,  two  Indians,  Panounias 
and  liis  wife,  fet  fail  for  the  purpofe  of  dilcovering  a  more  eli- 
gible fite  for  his  colony  fomewhere  on  the  fliores  of  the  pref- 
ent  New  England.  Faffing  (lowly  along  the  coafl,  with  which 
Champlain  was  already  familiar,  and  confequently  without 
extenlive  explorations,  they  at  length  reached  the  waters  of 
the  Kennebec,^'^  where  the  furvey  of  the  previous  year  had 
terminated  and  that  of  the  prefent  was  about  to  begin. 

On  the  5th  of  July,  they  entered  the  Kennebec,  and, 
bearing  to  the  right,  paffed  through  Back  River,^°  grazing 
their  barque  on  the  rocks  in  the  narrow  channel,  and  then 
fweeping  down  round  the  fouthern  point  of  Jerremifquam 
Ifland,  or  Weffport,  they  afcended  along  its  eaftern  fliores  till 
they  came  near  the  prefent  fite  of  Wifcaffet,  from  whence  they 
returned  on  the  weflern  fide  of  the  ifland,  throuG:h  Monfeatj: 
Bay,  and  threading  the  narrow  paffage  between  Arrowfick 
and  Woolwich,  called  the  Upper  Hell-gate,  and  again  enter- 
ing the  Kennebec,  they  finally  reached  Merrymeeting  Bay. 
Lingering  here  but  a  fliort  time,  they  returned  through  the 
Sagadahock,  or  lower  Kennebec,  to  the  mouth  of  the  river. 

This  exploration  did  not  yield  to  the  voyagers  any  very 
interefling  or  important  refults.  Several  friendly  interviews 
were  held  with  the  favages  at  different  points  along  the 
route.  Near  the  head  waters  of  the  Sheepfcot,  probably  in 
Wifcaffet  Bay,  they  had  an  interview,  an  intereffing  and  joy- 
ous 

^^  Kenutbcc.     Biard,  in  the  Relation  probably  equivalent  in  meaninc;  to  <77««- 

de  Id  A\ni7>eUc  France,    Relations  des  «/-/A(;//'/{v'.  meaning  "  long  water  jilace," 

Jefiiites,   ()iiebec   ed.,    Vol.    I.   p.    35,  derived  from   tlie  Abnaki,  A'x  w-A'-Zv. 

writes    it   '(Juiniliecjiii,    and    Cliamplain  —  Vide  Ind.  Geog.  A'aines,  Col.  Conn, 

writes   it   (2!iiiii/h'(/iiy  and  (2uinehequi ;  His.  Hoc.  Vol.  II.  p.  15. 

hence    >.Ir.  Trumball  infers  that  it  is  *°   Vide\o\-  II.  note  no. 


\i 


1605. 


Saiimel  de  Champlain, 


47 


ous  meeting,  with  the  chief  Manthoumerme  and  his  twenty- 
five  or  tliirty  followers,  with  whom  they  exchanged  tokens 
of  friendlhip.  Along  the  Ihores  of  the  Sheepfcot  Iheir  atten- 
tion was  attradted  by  feveral  pleafant  llreams  and  fine  e\- 
panfes  of  meadow;  but  the  foil  oblerved  on  this  expedition 
generally,  and  elpecially  on  the  Sagadahock,^'  or  lower 
Kennebec,  was  rough  and  barren,  and  offered,  in  the  judg- 
ment of  De  Monts  and  Champlain,  no  eligible  fite  for  a  new 
fettlement. 

Proceeding,  therefore,  on  their  voyage,  they  ftruck  direcT:ly 
acrofs  Calco  Bay,  not  attempting,  in  their  ignorance,  to  enter 
the  fine  harbor  of  Portland. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  they  made  the  bay  that  flretches  from 
Cape  Elizabeth  to  Fletcher's  Neck,  and  anchored  under  the 
lee  of  Stratton  Ifland,  directly  in  fight  of  Old  Orchard 
Beach,  now  a  famous  v.atering  place  during  the  fummer 
months. 

The  favages  having  feen  the  little  French  barque  ap- 
proaching in  the  diflance,  had  built  fires  to  attract  its  atten- 
tion, and  came  down  upon  the  fliore  at  Front's  Neck, 
formerly  known  as  Black  Point,  in  large  numbers,  indicating 
their  friendlinefs  by  lively  demonfirations  of  joy.  From  this 
anchorage,  while  awaiting  the  influx  of  the  tide  to  enable 
them  to  pafs  over  the  bar  and  enter  a  river  which  they  faw 
flowing  into  the  bay,  De  Monts  paid  a  vifit  to  Richmond's 

Ifland, 

*^  Sagadahock.     This  name    is    par-  Vol.   II.  p.    30.      Dr.   Edward   Ballard 

ticularly  applied  to  the  lower   part   of  derives   it   from  /anktai-i-iui,  to  finifli, 

the  Kennebec.     It  is  from  the  Ai^naki,  and('«/(',  a  locative,  "  the  finifhing  place," 

fa'^ghede'aki,   "land  at  tlie  mouth." —  which   means   the  mouth  of  a  river. — 

Vide  Indian  Geographical  Names,  by  I'ide  Report  of  U.   S.    Coajl  Survey, 

J.  H.  Trumball,  Col.  Conn.  His.  Society,  1868,  p.  258. 


\  P'i 


A 


\'. 


! 


1 

J 

■ 

i ' , 

r ' 

i  1 

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i 

\  1 

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J 

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I 

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i 

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f 

..^■jiIw.^.'jT'c^S-.  ,,— : 


48 


Memoir  of 


1605. 


h 


'! 


\ 


:   1 


1 1  < 


Idand,  alDout  four  miles  diftant,  with  which  he  was  greatly 
delighted,  as  he  found  it  richly  Hudded  with  oak  and  hickory, 
whofe  bending  branches  were  wreathed  with  luxuriant  grape- 
vines loaded  with  green  cluflers  of  unripe  fruit.  In  honor  of 
the  god  of  wine,  they  gave  to  the  idand  the  claffic  name  of 
Bacchus."  At  full  tide  they  paffed  over  the  bar  and  caft 
anchor  within  the  channel   of  the   Saco. 

The  Indians  whom  they  found  here  were  called  Almou- 
chiquois,  and  differed  in  many  refpecis  from  any  which  they 
had  feen  before,  from  the  Sourequois  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
the  Etechemins  of  the  northern  part  of  Maine  and  New 
Brunfwick.  They  fpoke  a  different  language,  and,  unlike 
their  neighbors  on  the  cafi:,  did  not  fubfist  mainly  by  the 
chafe,  but  upon  the  products  of  the  foil,  fupplemented  by 
filh,  which  were  plentiful  and  of  excellent  quality,  and  which 
they  took  with  facility  about  the  mouth  of  the  river.  De 
Monts  and  Champlain  made  an  excurfion  upon  the  Ihore, 
where  their  eyes  were  refrefhed  by  fields  of  waving  corn, 
and  gardens  of  fquafhes,  beans,  and  pumpkins,  which  were 

Here  they  saw  in  cultivation 

the 


then   burfling  into  flower.'*^ 


42  Bacchus  //land.  This  was  Rich- 
mond's I  Hand,  as  we  have  Hated  in  Vol. 
II.  note  123.      It  will  be  admitted  that 


his  loLal  map  of  the  bay  of  the  Saco. 
By  reference  to  the  large  map  of  1632, 
it  will  be  feen   that   13acchus  Ifland  is 


the    Bacchus  Ifland  of  Champlain  was  reprefented  by  the  number  50,  which  is 

either  Richmond's  Illand  or  one  of  thofe  placed  over  againll:  the  largell  ifland  in 

in  the  bay  of  the  Saco.     Champlain  does  the  neighborhood  and  that  farthell  to  the 

not  give  a  fpecitic  name  to  any  of  the  eall,  which,    of  courfe,  muft  be    Rich- 

iflands   in  ihe  bay,  as  maybe  feen  by  mond's  Ifland.    It  is,  however,  proper  to 

referring  to  the  e.\])lanations  of  his  map  ftate  that  thefe  reference  figures  are  not 

of  the  bay,  Vol.  II.  p.  65.      If  one  of  in  general  fo  carefully  placed  as  to  enable 

them  had  been  Bacchus  Ifland,  he  would  us  to  rely  upon  them  in  fixing  a  lomlity, 

not  have  failed  to  refer  to  it,  according  particularly  if  unlupported  by  other  evi- 

to  his  uniform  cuftom,  under  that  name,  dence.     But  in  this  cafe  other  evidence 

Hence  it  is  certain  that    his    Bacchus  Is  not  wanting. 

Ifland  was  not  one  of  thofe  figured  on  ^^  Vide  Vol.  II.  pp.  64-67. 


i6o5. 


Samtccl  dc  Champlain. 


49 


the  rank  narcotic  pcfun,  or  tobacco/*  juft  beginning  to 
fpread  out  its  broad  velvet  leaves  to  the  fun,  tlie  fole  luxury 
of  ravage  life.  The  forefls  were  thinly  wooded,  but  were 
neverthelefs  rich  in  primitive  oak,  in  lofty  alh  and  elm,  and 
in  the  more  humble  and  flurdy  beech.  As  on  Richmond's 
IHand  fo  here,  along  the  bank  of  the  river  they  found  grapes 
in  luxurious  growth,  from  which  the  Tailors  bufied  themfelvcs 
in  making  verjuice,  a  delicious  beverage  in  the  meridian 
heats  of  a  July  fun.  The  nativ^^s  were  gentle  and  amiable, 
graceful  in  figure,  agile  in  movement,  and  exhibited  unufual 
tafle,  dreffing  their  hair  in  a  variety  of  twifls  and  braids, 
intertwined  with  ornamental  feathers. 

Chaninlain  obfcrved  their  method  of  cultivating  Indian 
corn,  which  the  experience  of  two  hundred  and  feventy-five 
years  has  in  no  effential  point  improved  or  even  changed. 
They  planted  three  or  four  feeds  in  hills  three  feet  apart, 
and  heaped  the  earth  about  them,  and  kep  the  foil  clear  of 
weeds.  Such  is  the  method  of  the  fuccefsful  New  England 
farmer  to-day.  The  experience  of  the  favage  had  taught 
him  how  many  individuals  of  the  rank  plant  could  occupy 
prolifically  a  given  area,  how  the  foil  mufl  be  gathered  about 
the  roots  to  fuflain  the  heavy  flock,  and  that  there  mufl  be 
no  rival  near  it  to  draw  away  the  nutriment  on  which  the 
voracious  plant  feeds  and  grows.  Civilization  has  invented 
implements  to  facilitate  the  proceffes  of  culture,  but  the  ob- 
fervation  of  the  favage  had  led  him  to  a  knowledge  of  all 
that  is  rbfolutely  neceffary  to  enfure  a  prolific  harvefl. 

Aiier  lingering  two  days  at  Saco,  our  explorers  proceeded 

on 

"  Nicotiana   rujlica.     Vide  Vol.  II.     by   Charles  Pickering,  M.D.      Bofton, 
note  130.     chronological  His.  Plants,     1879.     P-  74^  et pa£lm. 


,  'mvs'SMitf^itiii'i^Ai: 


I 


il 


(■  s 


i 


50  Memoir  0/  1605. 

on  their  voyage.  When  they  had  advanced  not  more  than 
twenty  miles,  driven  by  a  fierce  wind,  they  were  forced  to 
cafl;  anchor  near  the  fait  niarfhes  of  Wells.  Having  been 
driven  by  Cape  Porpoife,  on  the  fubfidence  of  the  wind,  they 
returned  to  it,  reconnoitred  its  harbor  and  adjacent  iflands, 
together  with  Little  River,  a  few  miles  flill  further  to  the 
eafl.  The  fhores  were  lined  all  alons;  with  nut-trees  and 
grape-vines.  The  iflands  about  Cape  Porpoife  were  matted 
all  over  with  wild  currants,  fo  that  the  eye  could  icarcely  dif- 
cern  anything  elfe.  Attracted  doubtlefs  by  this  fruit,  clouds 
of  wild  pigeons  had  affembled  there,  and  were  having  a  mid- 
fummer's  feflivai,  fearlefs  of  the  treacherous  fnare  or  the  liunt- 
er's  deadly  aim.  Large  numbers  of  them  were  taken,  which 
added  a  coveted  luxury  to  the  not  over-flocked  larder  of  the 
little  French  barque. 

On  the  15th  of  July,  De  Monts  and  his  party  left  Cape 
Porpoife,  keeping  in  and  following  clofely  the  finuofities  of 
the  fliore.  They  faw  no  favages  during  the  day,  nor  any  ev- 
idences of  any,  except  a  rifmg  fmoke,  which  they  approached, 
but  found  to  be  a  lone  beacon,  without  any  furroundings  of 
human  life.  Thofe  who  had  kindled  the  fire  had  doubtlefs 
concealed  themfelvcs,  or  had  fled  in  difmay.  Polfibly  they  had 
never  feen  a  Ihip  under  fail.  The  filhermen  who  frequented 
our  northern  coafl  rarely  came  into  thefe  waters,  and  the 
little  craft  of  our  voyagers,  moving  without  oars  or  any  ap- 
parent human  aid,  feemed  doubtlefs  to  them  a  monfler  glid- 
ing upon  the  wings  of  the  wind.  At  the  fetting  of  the  fi.m, 
the)'  were  near  the  flat  and  fandy  coaft,  now  known  as  Wal- 
lace's Sands.  They  fought  in  vain  for  a  roadftead  where 
they  might  anchor  fafely  for  the  night.     When  they  were 

oppofite 


I 


i6os. 


Samuel  de  Chainplain, 


51 


ojjpofitc  to  Little  Boar's  Head,  with  the  Iflcs  of  Shoals  di- 
rectly ealt  of  theni,  and  the  reflecled  rays  of  the  fun  were 
ftill  throwing;  their  light  upon  the  waters,  they  faw  in  the 
dillaiice  the  dim  outline  of  Cape  Anne,  whither  they  di- 
rected their  courfe,  and,  before  morning,  came  to  anciior 
near  its  eallern  extremity,  in  fixteen  fathoms  of  water.  Near 
them  were  the  three  well-known  iilands  at  the  apex  of  the 
cape,  covered  with  forefl-trees,  and  the  woodlefs  clufter  of 
rocks,  now  called  the  Savages,  a  little  further  from  the 
lliore. 

The  next  morning  five  or  fix  Indians  timidly  approached 
them  in  a  canoe,  and  then  retired  and  fet  up  a  dance  on  the 
Hiore,  as  a  token  of  friendly  greeting.  Armed  with  crayon 
and  drawing-jjaper,  Champlain  was  defpatched  to  feek  from 
the  natives  fome  important  geographical  information.  Dif- 
penfing  knives  and  bifcuit  as  a  friendly  invitation,  the  fav- 
ages  gathered  about  him,  affured  by  their  gifts,  when  he 
proceeded  to  impart  to  them  their  firll  leffon  in  topograph- 
ical drawing.  He  pidured  to  them  the  bay  on  the  north 
fide  of  Cape  Anne,  which  he  had  jufl  traverfed,  and  fignify- 
ing  to  them  that  he  defired  to  know  the  courfe  of  the  fiiore 
on  the  fouth,  they  immediately  gave  him  an  example  of  their 
apt  fcholarfiiip  by  drawing  with  the  fame  crayon  an  accurate 
outline  of  MalTachufetts  Bay,  and  finifiied  up  Champlain's 
own  fketch  by  introducing  the  Merrimac  River,  which,  not 
having  been  feen,  owing  to  the  prefence  of  Plum  Ifland, 
which  firetches  like  a  curtain  before  its  mouth,  he  had 
omitted  to  portray.  The  intelligent  natives  volunteered  a 
bit  of  hiflory.  By  placing  fix  pebbles  at  equal  difiances, 
they  intimated  that  MalTachufetts  Bay  was  occupied  by  fix 

tribes, 


1'    I 


\ ' 


l:^\i 


■in 


T  rt****'^'"'  #*-flWl«terr«iii  ■ 


52 


Memoir  of 


1605. 


i 


Mil 


il 


ui 


I 


tribes,  and  governed  by  as  many  cliiefs.-*^  He  learned  from 
tlicm,  likewile,  tliat  the  inhal)itants  of  tliis  region  llibfilled 
by  agrieulturc,  as  did  tliofe  at  tlic  mouth  of  the  Saco,  and 
that  they  were  very  numerous. 

Leaving  Cai)e  Anne  on  Saturday,  tlie  16th  of  July,  Dc 
Monts  entered  MalTachufetts  Bay,  failed  into  Boflon  harbor, 
and  anchored  on  the  wcftern  fide  of  Noddle's  I  (land,  now  better 
known  as  Eafl  Boflon.  In  imffing  into  the  bay,  they  obferved 
large  patches  of  cleared  land,  and  many  fields  of  waving 
corn  both  upon  the  i Hands  and  the  mainland.  The  water 
and  the  iflands,  the  open  fields  and  lofty  foreft-trees,  pre- 
fentcd  fine  contrafts,  and  rendered  the  fcenery  attradlive  and 
beautiful.  Here  for  the  firlt  time  Champlain  oblerved  the 
log  canoe.  It  was  a  clumly  though  ferviceable  boat  in  flill 
waters,  neverthelcfs  unflablc  and  dangerous  in  unfkilful 
hands.  They  law,  iffuing  into  the  bay,  a  large  river,  coming 
from  the  weft,  which  they  named  River  du  Guall,  in  honor 
of  Pierre  du  Gualt,  Sieur  de  Monts,  the  patentee  of  La 
Cadie,  and  the  patron  and  diredor  of  this  expedition.  This 
was  Charles  Ri^"::r,  feen,  evidently  jufl  at  its  conliuence  with 
the  Myftic*' 

On  Sunday,  the  17th  of  July,  1605,  they  left  Boffon  har- 
bor, threading  their  way  among  the  illands,  palFmg  Icifurely 

along 

'"'  Daniel  Gookin,  who  wrote  in  1674,  70omul\  which  we  have  converted  into 
fpeaks  of  the  following  i'Libdivifions  Sliawmiit,  means,  ''where  there  is 
amonsj  the  MatTachufetts  Indians  :  going-by-boat."  The  French,  if  they 
"Their  ciiief  fachem  lield  dominion  heard  the  name  and  learned  its  mean- 
over  many  other  petty  governours  :  as  ing,  could  hardly  have  failed  to  fee  tiie 
thofe  of  VVeechagafkas,  Neponfitt,  Pun-  appropriatenefs  of  it  as  applied  by  the 
kapaog.  Nonantam,  Nalhaway.  and  fome  aborigines  to  Bofton  harbor.  —  Vide 
of  tlie  Nipnuick  people."—  V'ide  Gook-  Tritmball  in  Connecticut  Hillorical  So- 
iiCs  His.  Col.  ciety's  CoUedions,  Vol.  II.  p.  5. 

*'  VideVoX.  II.  note  159.     Mujhau- 


I 


1 


1605. 


Samuel  do  Chainplain, 


53 


aloiiL;  thu  fouth  fliorc,  roiindlni;  Point  Allcrton  on  the  pc- 
ninfuhi  of  Nimlalkct,  glldinL;  alon^i;  near  Cohaffct  and  Scitii- 
atc,  and  finally  call  anchor  at  Hrant  Point,  upon  the  foutluTn 
borders  of  Marlhfield.  When  they  left  the  harbor  of  I^ollon, 
the  illands  and  mainland  were  fwarming  with  the  native  pop- 
ulation. The  Indians  were,  naturally  enougli,  intenlely  ia- 
terclled  in  this  vifit  of  the  little  l-'rench  barque.  It  may 
have  been  the  firil  that  had  ever  made  its  appearance  in  the 
bay.  Its  fize  was  many  times  greater  than  any  water-craft 
of  their  own.  Sjjrcading  its  white  wings  and  gliding  filently 
away  without  oarfmcn,  it  filled  them  with  lurprile  and  admi- 
ration. The  whole  population  was  aftir.  The  cornfields  and 
fiihing  flations  were  deferted.  Every  canoe  was  manned, 
and  a  flotilla  of  their  tiny  craft  came  to  attend,  honor,  and 
fpeed  the  parting  guefts,  experiencing,  doubtlels,  a  fenfe  of 
relief  that  they  were  going,  and  filled  with  a  painful  curiofity 
to  know  the  meaning  of  this  myflerious  vifit. 

Having  paffed  the  night  at  Brant  Point,  they  had  not  ad- 
vanced more  than  two  leagues  along  a  fandy  ihore  dotted 
with  wigwams  and  gardens,  when  they  were  forced  to  enter 
a  fmall  harbor,  to  await  a  more  favoring  wind.  The  Indians 
flocked  about  them,  greeted  them  with  cordiality,  and  in- 
vited them  to  enter  the  little  river  which  flows  into  the 
harbor,  but  this  they  w'cre  unable  to  do,  as  the  tide  was 
low  and  the  depth  infufiicient.  Champlain's  attention  was 
attracted  by  fevcral  canoes  in  the  bay,  which  had  jufl  com- 
pleted their  morning's  work  in  fifhing  for  cod.  The  fifli 
were  taken  with  a  primitive  hook  and  line,  apparently  in 
a  manner  not  very  different  from  that  of  the  prefent  day. 
The  line  was  made  of  a  filament  of  bark  flripped  from  the 

trunk 


I 


\{ 


i,  t/f 


m 


V 


1 ; 


I  "'  V 


>;iii4aSS^**i.3J-^^,;:;aSs!*a»ii«sua'^tsi^^ 


bLU 


1(1  '   P 


54 


<  i 


Me7noir  of 


1605. 


trunk  of  a  tree ;  the  hook  was  of  wood,  having  a  fliarp 
bone,  forming  a  barb,  lalhed  to  it  with  a  cord  of  a  graffy 
fibre,  a  kind  of  wild  hemp,  growing  TpontaneouHy  in  that 
region.  Champlain  landed,  diitributed  trinkets  amoncr  the 
natives,  examined  and  Iketched  an  outline  of  the  place, 
which  identifies  it  as  Plymouth  harbor,  which  Ci  Lain  John 
Smith  vifited  in  16 14,  and  where  the  IMay  Flower,  ftill  lix 
years  later,  landed  the  firft  permanent  colony  planted  upon 
New  England  foil. 

After  a  da)  at  Plymouth,  the  little  barque  weighed  anchor, 
fwept  down  Cape  Cod  Bay,  approaching  near  to  the  reefs  of 
Billingfgate,  defcribing  a  complete  femicircle,  and  finally, 
with  fome  difficulty,  doubled  the  cape,  whofe  white  fands 
they  had  i^^w  in  the  dillance  glittering  in  the  funlight,  and 
which  they  appropriately  named  Cap  Blanc.  This  cape, 
however,  had  been  vifited  three  years  before  by  Bartholomew 
Gofnold,  and  named  Cape  Cod,  which  appellation  it  has  re- 
tained to  the  prefent  time.  Paffing  down  on  the  outfide 
of  the  cape  fome  diflance,  they  came  to  anchor,  fent  ex- 
plorers on  Ihore,  who,  afcending  01  i  of  the  lofty  fand- 
banks ''  which  may  ftill  be  feen  there  filently  refitting  the 
winds  and  the  waves,  difcovered,  further  to  the  fouth,  \vhat  is 
now  known  as  Naufet  harbor,  entirely  furrounded  by  Indian 
cabins.     The  next  day,  the  20th  of  July,  1605,  they  effeded 

an 


*^  It  was  probably  on  tliis  very  bluff, 
from  wbicli  was  feen  Naufet  harbor  on 
the  19th  of  July,  1605.  that,  after  the 
lapfe  of  two  hundred  and  feventy-four 
years,  on  the  r7th  of  Novemlier,  1879. 
the  citizens  of  the  United  .States,  with 
the  flags  of  America,  France,  and  Eng- 
land gracefully  waving  over  their  heads, 


addrefied  their  congratulations  by  tele- 
graph to  the  citizens  of  France,  at  Bred, 
on  the  communication  between  the  two 
countries,  that  day  completed,  through 
fuljniarine  wires,  under  the  aufpices  of 
the  '•  Compaguie  Frangaife  du  Tel^- 
graphe  de  I'aris  c\  New  York." 


^ 


\ 


1605. 


Sa7miel  de  Champlain, 


55 


an  entrance  without  much  difficulty.  The  bay  was  fpacious, 
being  nine  or  ten  miles  in  circumference.  Along  the  bor- 
ders, there  were,  here  and  there,  cultivated  patches,  inter- 
fperfed  with  dwellings  of  tlie  natives.  The  wigwam  was 
cone-Hiaped,  heavily  thatched  with  reeds,  having  an  orifice 
at  the  apex  for  the  emiffion  of  fmoke.  In  the  fields  were 
growing  Indian  corn,  Brazilian  beans,  pumpkins,  radifhes, 
and  tobacco  ;  and  in  the  woods  were  oak  and  hickory  and 
red  cedar.  During  their  ftay  in  the  harbor  they  encoun- 
tered an  eaflerly  ftorm,  which  continued  four  days,  fo  raw 
and  ch'Ming  that  they  were  glad  to  hug  their  winter  cloaks 
about  them  on  the  22d  of  July.  The  natives  were  friendly 
and  cordial,  and  entered  freely  into  converfation  with  Cham- 
plain  ;  but,  as  the  language  of  each  party  was  not  under- 
ftood  by  the  other,  the  information  he  obtained  from  them 
was  moflly  by  figns,  and  confequently  too  general  to  be  hif- 
torically  interefting  or  important. 

The  firft  and  only  a61:  of  hoflility  by  the  natives  which 
De  Monts  and  his  party  had  thus  far  experienced  in  their 
explorations  on  the  entire  coaft  occurred  in  this  harbor. 
Several  of  the  men  had  cjone  afliore  to  obtain  frefli  water. 
Some  of  the  Indians  conceived  an  uncontrollable  defire  to 
capture  the  copper  veffels  which  they  faw  in  their  hands. 
While  one  of  the  men  was  flooping  to  dip  water  from  a 
fpring,  one  of  the  favages  darted  upon  him  and  fiiatched  the 
coveted  veffel  from  his  hand.  An  encounter  followed,  and, 
amid  fhowers  of  arrows  and  blows,  the  poor  Tailor  was  bru- 
tally murdered.  The  victorious  Indian,  fleet  as  the  rein- 
deer, efcaped  with  his  companions,  bearing  his  prize  with 
him  into  the  depths  of  the  forefl.     The  natives  on  the  fliore, 

who 


'\\ 


.'ll 


i 


ill 


'^^m 


I 


S6 


1  * 


rl 


5 1 


Me7noir  of 


1605. 


who  had  hitherto  fliown  the  greatefl  friencIHnefs,  foon  came 
to  Dc  INIonts,  and  by  figns  difowned  any  participation  in 
the  adl,  and  affured  him  tliat  the  guilty  parties  belonged  far 
in  the  interior.  Whether  this  was  the  truth  or  a  piece  of 
adroit  diplomacy,  it  was  neverthelels  accepted  by  De  Monts, 
fince  punilhmcnt  could  only  be  adminiltered  at  the  rifk  of 
caufmg  the  innocent  to  luffer  inftead  of  the  guilty. 

The  young  Tailor  whofe  earthly  career  was  thus  fuddcnly 
terminated,  whofe  name  even  has  not  come  down  to  us,  was 
doubtlefs  the  firft  European,  if  we  except  Thorxald,  the 
Nortliman,  whofe  mortal  remains  flumber  in  the  foil  of 
Maffachufctts. 

As  this  voyage  of  difcovery  had  been  planned  and  pro- 
vifioned  for  only  fix  weeks,  and  more  than  five  had  already 
elapfcd,  on  the  25th  of  July  DeMonts  and  his  party  left 
Naufett  harbor,  to  join  the  colony  ftill  lingering  at  St. 
Croix.  In  paffing  the  bar,  they  came  near  being  wrecked, 
and  confequently  gave  to  the  harbor  the  fignificant  appella- 
tion ot  Port  dc  Mallcbarre,  a  name  which  has  not  been  loft, 
but  neverthelefs,  like  the  fiiifting  fands  of  that  region,  has 
floated  away  from  its  original  moorings,  and  now  adheres  to 
the  fandy  cape  of  Monomoy. 

On  their  return  voyage,  they  made  a  brief  flop  at  Saco,  and 
likewife  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec.  At  the  latter  point 
they  had  an  interview  with  the  fachem,  Anaffou,  who  in- 
formed them  that  a  fiiip  had  been  there,  and  that  the  men 
on  board  her  had  feized,  under  color  of  friendfliip,  and  killed 
five  favages  belonging  to  that  river.  From  the  defcription 
given  by  Anaffou,  Champlain  was  convinced  that  the  fhip 
was  Englilb,  and  fubfequent  events  render  it  quite  certain 

that 


I  'l. 


1605. 


Samuel  de  Champlain, 


57 


that  it  was  the  "  Archangel,"  fitted  out  by  the  Earl  of  South- 
ampton and  Lord  Arundel  of  Wardour,  and  commanded  by 
Captain  George  Weymouth.  The  delign  of  the  expedition 
was  to  fix  upon  an  eligible  fite  for  a  colonial  plantation,  and, 
in  purfuance  of  this  purpofe,  Weymouth  anchored  off  Mon- 
hegan  on  the  28th  of  May,  i6oj,  neiujlyle,  and,  after  fpend- 
ing  a  month  in  explorations  of  the  region  contiguous,  left 
for  England  on  the  26th  of  June.^^  He  had  feized  and  car- 
ried away  five  of  the  natives,  having  concealed  them  in  the 
hold  of  his  Hiip,  and  Anaflbu,  under  the  circumflances,  natu- 
rally fuppofed  they  had  been  killed.  The  ftatement  of  the 
fachem,  that  the  natives  captured  belonged  to  the  river 
where  Champlain  then  was,  namely,  the  Kennebec,  goes  far 
to  prove  that  Weymouth's  explorations  were  in  the  Kenne- 
bec, or  at  lead  in  the  network  of  waters  then  comprehended 
under  that  appellation,  and  not  in  the  Penobfcot  or  in  any 
other  river  farther  eail;,  as  fome  hiflorical  writers  have  fup- 
pofed. 

It  would  appear  that  while  the  French  were  carefully  fur- 
veying  the  coafts  of  New  England,  in  order  to  fix  upon  an 
eligible  fite  for  a  permanent  colonial  fettlement,  the  Englifh 
were  likewife  upon  the  ground,  engaged  in  a  fimilar  invefti- 
gation  for  the  fame  purpofe.  From  this  period  onward,  for 
more  than  a  century  and  a  half,  there  was  a  perpetual  con- 
flict and  ffruggle  for  territorial  poffeffion  on  the  northern 
coafl  of  America,  between  thefe  two  great  nations,  fome- 
times  adlive  and  violent,  and  at  others  fubfiding  into  a  femi- 
flumber,  but  never  ceafing  until  every  acre  of  foil  belonging 


to 


**  Vide  Vol.  II.  p.  91,  note  176. 
8 


M  1 '  S 


>'i>l 


ill 


I 


ifi 


In 


■>'■  ! 


■'■!' 


58 


Memoir  of 


1605. 


to  the  French  had  been  transferred  to  the  Englifh  by  a  fol- 
emn  international  compacSl. 

On  this  exploration,  Champlain  noticed  along  the  coafl 
from  Kennebec  to  Cape  Cod,  and  defcribed  feveral  objeds  in 
natural  hifljry  unknown  in  Europe,  fuch  as  the  horfe-foot 
crab,-*^  the  black  fkimmer,  and  the  wild  turkey,  the  latter  two 
of  which  l\ave  long  fince  ceafed  to  vifit  this  region. 


'I 

i    1 ' 

■ 

H 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Arrival  of  Supplies  and  Removal  to  Port  Royal.  —  De  Monts  Re- 
turns TO  France.  —  Search  for  Mines.  — Winter.  —  Scurvy.  —  L.A.TE 
Arrival  of  Supplies  and  Explorations  on  the  Coast  of  Massa- 
chusetts.—  Glocester  Harbor,  Stay  at  Chatham  and  Attack  of 
the  Savages.  —  Wood's  Holl.  —  Return  to  Annapolis  Basin. 

N  the  8th  of  Auguft,  the  exploring  party  reached 
St.  Croix.  During  their  abfence,  Pont  Grave 
had  arrived  from  France  with  additional  men 
and  provifions  for  the  colony.  As  no  fatisfac- 
tory  fite  had  been  found  by  De  Monts  in  his 
recent  tour  along  the  coafl:,  it  was  determined  to  remove  the 
colony  temporarily  to  Port  Royal,  fituated  within  the  bay 
now  known  as  Annapolis  Bafm.     The  buildings  at  St.  Croix, 

with 


pf 

m 

S^ 

^ 

u 

1 

i 

1 

^ 

ta 

tk 

C 

*9  The  Horfefont-crab,  Liniulus  poly- 
phej/tus.  Cliamplain  gives  the  Indian 
name,  fii^uenoc.  Hariot  faw,  while  at 
Roanoke  I  Hand,  in  1585,  and  delcribed 
the  fame  cruftacean  under  the  name  of 
fcekanauk.  The  Indian  word  is  ob- 
vioully  the  fame,  the  differing  French 
and  Engliih  orthography  re])refenting 
the  fame  found.  It  thus  appears  tiiat 
this   flieli-fi(h  was  at  that  time  known 


by  the  aborigines  under  the  fame  name 
for  at  lealt  a  thoufand  miles  along 
the  Atlantic  coafl,  from  the  Kennebec, 
in  Maine,  to  Roanoke  lOand,  in  North 
Carolina.  Vide  Hariofs  Briefe  and 
True  Report  of  the  New  Found  Land 
of  l'irij;inia,  Hakluyt,  Vol.  III.  p.  334. 
See  alfo  Vol.  II.  of  this  work,  notes  171, 
172,  173,  for  fome  account  of  the  black 
fkimmer  and  tiie  wild  turkey. 


i6os. 


Sa7iiuel  de  Champlain. 


ith  the  exception  of  the  ftore-houfc,  were  tal 


59 

and 


1  clown 
traniportca  to  tne  Day.  L^nampiam  and  ront  Grave  were 
fent  forward  to  felect  a  place  for  the  lettlement,  which  was 
fixed  on  the  north  fide  of  the  bafin,  direclly  oppofite  to  Goat 
Ifland,  near  or  upon  the  preient  fite  of  Lower  Granville. 
The  fituation  war  protcdted  from  the  piercing  and  dreaded 
winds  oi'  the  northwefl  by  a  lofty  range  of  hills,^'  while  it  was 
elevated  and  commanded  a  charming  view  of  the  placid  bay 
in  front.  The  dwellings  which  they  ereded  were  arranged 
in  the  form  of  a  quadrangle  with  an  open  court  in  the  centre, 
as  at  St.  Croix,  while  gardens  and  pleafiire-grounds  were  laid 
out  by  Champlain  in  the  immediate  vicinity. 

When  the  work  of  the  new  fettlement  was  well  advanced, 
De  Monts,  having  appointed  Pont  Grave  as  his  lieutenant, 
departed  for  France,  where  he  hoped  to  obtain  additional 
privileges  from  the  government  in  his  enterprife  of  planting 
a  colony  in  the  New  World.  Champlain  preferred  to  re- 
main, with  the  purpofe  of  executing  more  fully  his  office  as 
geographer  to  the  king,  by  making  difcoveries  on  the  Atlan- 
tic coafl:  ftill  further  to  the  fouth. 

From  the  beginning,  the  patentee  had  cheriflied  the  defire 
of  difcovering  valuable  mines  fomewhere  on  his  domains, 
whofe  wealth,  as  well  as  that  of  the  fur-trade,  might  defray 
fome  part  of  the  heavy  expenfes  involved  in  his  colonial  en- 
terprife. While  leveral  invefiigations  for  this  purpole  had 
proved  abortive,  it  was  hoped  that  greater  fi.iccels  would  be 
attained  by  fearches  along  the  upper  part  of  the  Bay  of 
Fundy.  Before  the  approach  of  winter,  therefore,  Cham- 
plain 

^^  On  Lefciirliot's  map  of    1609,  this  elevation    is  denominated   ^Tont  de  la 
Roqtie.     Vide  alfo  Vol.  II.  note  180. 


if 


M 


i^M 


(1 


',!» 


M'  i 


w 


\ 


(3  •  I 


i 


*' 


I 


6o 


Memoir  of 


1605. 


n 


t^ 


'i    V 


plain  and  the  miner,  Maftcr  Jaqiies,  a  Sclavonian,  made  a  tour 
to  St.  John,  where  they  obtained  the  fervices  of  the  Indian 
chief,  Secondon,  to  accompany  them  and  point  out  the  place 
where  cojjper  ore  had  been  diicovered  at  the  Bay  of  Mines. 
The  learch,  thorough  as  was  pradicable  under  the  circum- 
ftances,  was,  in  the  main,  unfuccefsful ;  the  few  fpecimens 
which  they  found  were  meagre  and  infignificant. 

The  winter  at  Port  Royal  was  by  no  means  io  fevere  as 
the  preceding  one  at  St.  Croix.  The  Indians  brought  in 
wild  game  from  the  forefts.  The  colony  had  no  want  of 
fuel  and  pure  water.  But  experience,  bitter  as  it  had  been, 
did  not  yield  to  them  the  fruit  of  practical  wifdom.  They 
referred  their  fufferings  to  the  climate,  but  took  too  little 
pains  to  protecl  themfelves  againft  its  rugged  power.  Their 
dwellings,  haftily  thrown  together,  were  cold  and  damp, 
arifmg  from  the  green,  unfeafoned  wood  of  which  they  were 
doubdefs  in  part  conflrucled,  and  from  the  ffanding  rain- 
water with  which  their  foundations  were  at  all  times  inun- 
dated, which  was  neither  diverted  by  embankments  nor 
drawn  away  by  drainage.  The  dreaded  mal  de  la  tej've,  or 
fcurvy,  as  might  have  been  anticipated,  made  its  appearance 
in  the  early  part  of  the  ieafon,  caufmg  the  death  of  twelve 
out  of  the  forty-five  comprifing  their  whole  number,  while 
others  were  proftrated  by  this  painful,  repulfive,  and  depreff- 
inii  difeafe. 

The  purpofe  of  making  further  difcoveries  on  the  fouthern 
coaft,  warmly  cheriflied  by  Champlain,  and  entering  fully 
into  the  plans  of  De  Monts,  had  not  been  forgotten.  Three 
times  during  the  early  part  of  the  fummer  they  had  equipped 
their  barque,  made  up  their  party,  and  left  Port   Royal  for 

this 


A"; 


i6o6. 


Savmel  de  Champlain. 


6i 


this  undertaking,  and  as  many  times  had  been  driven  back 
by  the  violence  of  the  winds  and  the  waves. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  fupplics  which  had  been  promifed 
and  expc6led  from  France  had  not  arrived.  This  naturally 
gave  to  Pont  Grave,  the  lieutenant,  great  anxiet",  as  without 
them  it  was  clearly  inexpedient  to  venture  upon  another 
winter  in  the  wilds  of  La  Cadie.  It  had  been  llipulated  by 
De  IMonts,  the  patentee,  that  if  iliccors  did  not  arrive  before 
the  middle  of  July,  Pont  Grave  fhould  make  arrangements  for 
the  return  of  the  colony  by  the  filhing  veffels  to  be  found  at 
the  Grand  Banks.  Accordingly,  on  the  1 7th  of  that  month, 
Pont  Grave  let  fail  with  the  little  colony  in  two  barques,  and 
proceeded  towards  Cape  Breton,  to  leek  a  paffage  home. 
But  De  IMonts  had  not  been  remifs  in  his  duty.  He  had, 
after  many  difficulties  and  delays,  delpatched  a  velTel  of  a 
hundred  and  fifty  tons,  called  the  "Jonas,"  with  fifty  men 
and  ample  provifions  for  the  approaching  winter.  While 
Pont  Grave  with  his  two  barques  and  his  retreating  colony 
had  run  into  Yarmouth  Bay  for  repairs,  the  "  Jonas  "  paffed 
him  unobferved,  and  anchored  in  the  balin  before  the  de- 
ferted  fettlement  of  Port  Royal.  An  advice-boat  had,  how- 
ever, been  wifely  defpatched  by  the  "  Jonas  "  to  reconnoitre 
the  inlets  along  the  Ihore,  which  fortunately  intercepted  the 
departing  colony  near  Cape  Sable,  and,  elated  with  frefli 
news  from  home,  they  joyfully  returned  to  the  quarters  they 
had  fo  recently  abandoned. 

In  addition  to  a  conliderable  number  of  artifans  and  la- 
borers for  the  colony,  the  "  Jonas  "  had  brought  out  Sieur 
De  Poutrincourt,  to  remain  as  lieutenant  of  La  Cadie,  and 
likewife  Marc  Lefcarbot,  a  young  attorney  of  Paris,  who  had 

already 


■  'I 


-,|  Ti,    '     !   ' 


il-iir^** 


*>-' 


62 


ll 


Memoir  of 


1606. 


already  made  fome  fcholarly  attainments,  and  who  fubfc- 
quently  dillinguiilicd  himfclf  as  an  author,  elpecially  by  the 
publication  of  a  hillory  of  New  France. 

De  Poutrincourt  immediately  addreffed  himfclf  to  putting 
all  things  in  order  at  Port  Royal,  where  it  was  obvioully 
expedient  for  the  colony  to  remain,  at  leall  for  the  winter. 
As  foon  as  the  "Jonas  "  had  been  unladen,  Pont  Grave  and 
moft  of  thole  who  had  ihared  his  recent  hardfhips,  departed 
in  her  for  the  ihores  of  F"rance.  When  the  tenements  had 
been  cleanfed,  refitted,  and  reiurnilhed,  and  their  provifions 
had  been  lafely  flored,  De  Poutrincourt,  by  way  of  experi- 
ment, to  tefl  the  character  of  the  climate  and  the  capability 
of  the  foil,  defpatched  a  fquad  of  gardeners  and  farmers  five 
miles  up  the  river,  to  the  grounds  now  occupied  by  the 
village  of  Annapolis,^'  where  the  foil  was  open,  clear  of  foreft 
trees,  and  eafy  of  cultivation.  They  planted  a  great  variety 
of  feeds,  wheat,  rye,  hemp,  flax,  and  of  garden  efculents, 
which  grew  with  extraordinary  luxuriance,  but,  as  the  feafon 
was  too  late  for  any  of  them  to  ripen,  the  experiment  failed 
either  as  a  tefl  of  the  Ibil  or  the  climate. 

On  a  former  vifit  in  1604,  I^^  Poutrincourt  had  conceived 
a  great  admiration  for  Annapolis  bafm,  its  proteifled  fituation, 
its  fine  fcenery,  and  its  rich  foil.  He  had  a  ftrong  defire  to 
bring  his  family  there  and  make  it  his  permanent  abode. 
With  this  defign,  he  had  requeued  and  received  from  De 
Monts  a  perfonal  grant  of  this  region,  which  had  alfo  been 
confirmed  to  him  ^'  by  H'^nry  IV.     But  De  Monts  wiihed  to 

plant 

^^  Lefcarbot    locates     Poutrincourt's  Franc^ois    eflans    reuenus     (ainfi    qu'a 

fort  on  the  fame  fpot  which  he  called  eltd  dicl»  le  Sieur  de  Potrincourt  pre- 

Maricfort,  the  fite  of  the  prefent  village  fenta     k     feu     d'immortelle     memorie 

of  Annapolis.  Henry   le   Grand   la  donnation    a  luy 

6'    "  Doncques    I'an    1607,   tous   les  faifte 


\ 


i6o6. 


Samuel  de  Chaviplain, 


63 


plant  his  La  Cadian  colony  in  a  milder  and  more  genial  cli- 
mate. He  had  therefore  enjoined  upon  De  Poutrincourt,  as 
his  lieutenant,  on  leaving  France,  to  continue  the  explorations 
for  the  relcfti(Mi  of  a  fite  Hill  farther  to  the  fouth.  Accord- 
ingly, on  the  5th  of  vSeptember,  1606,  De  Poutrincourt  left 
Annapolis  Bafin,  which  the  P""rench  called  Port  Royal,  in  a 
barque  of  eighteen  tons,  to  fulfil  this  injunction. 

It  was  Champlain's  opinion  that  they  ought  to  fail  direclly 
for  Naufet  harbor,  on  Cape  Cod,  and  commence  their  explo- 
rations where  their  fearch  had  terminated  the  preceding 
year,  and  thus  advance  into  a  new  region,  which  had  not 
already  been  furvcyed.  But  other  counfels  prevailed,  and  a 
large  part  of  the  time  which  could  be  fpared  for  this  in- 
vefligation  was  exhaufted  before  they  reached  the  harbor  of 
Naufet.  They  made  a  brief  vifit  to  the  illand  of  St.  Croix, 
in  which  De  Monts  had  wintered  in  1604-5,  touched  alfo  at 
Saco,  where  the  Indians  had  already  completed  their  harveft, 
and  th  .  grapes  at  Bacchus  Illand  were  ripe  and  lufcious. 
Thence  failing  dire611y  to  Cape  Anne,  where,  finding  no  fafe 
roadflead,  they  paffed  round  to  Gloucefler  harbor,  which  they 
found  fpacious,  well  protected,  with  good  depth  of  water, 
and  which,  for  its  great  excellence  and  attraftive  fcenery, 
they  named  Beaiiport,  or  the  beautiful  harbor.  Here  they 
remained  feveral  days.  It  was  a  native  fettlement,  com- 
prifing  two  hundred  favages,  who  were  cultivators  of  the  foil, 
which  was  prolific  in  corn,  beans,  melons,  pumpkins,  tobacco, 
and  grapes.  The  harbor  was  environed  with  fine  forcft 
trees,  as  hickory,  oak,  afli,  cyprefs,  and  faffafras.     Within 

the 

faicle  par  le  fieur  de  Monts.  reque-  di(ft:e  Requefle,"  iSic.  Relatiinis  dcs 
rant  humblement  Sa  Majelld  de  la  ra-  Jefuites,  1611,  Quebec  ed.,  Vol.  I.  p. 
tifier.      Le    Roy  eut   pour  agreable  la    25.     Vide  Vol.  II.  of  this  work,  p.  37. 


■  I' I 


■ 


ill 


II 


V  \ 


.isr , 


I 


\m  iiRii  n,,,-.--:- 


?i! 


, 


t  a 


64 


Memoir  of 


1606. 


the  town  there  were  feveral  patches  of  cultivated  land,  which 
the  Indians  were  gradually  augmenting  by  felling  the  trees, 
burning  the  wood,  and  after  a  few  years,  aided  by  the  natural 
procefs  of  decay,  eradicating  the  flumps.  The  French  were 
kindly  received  and  entertained  with  generous  hofi)itality. 
Cirapes  jufl  gathered  from  the  vines,  and  fquLilhes  of  feveral 
varieties,  the  trailinc:  bean  flill  well  known  in  New  England, 
and  the  Jerufalem  artichoke  crifp  from  the  unexhaufled  foil, 
were  prefented  as  offerings  of  welcome  to  their  guefls.  While 
thefe  gifts  were  doubtlefs  tokens  of  a  genuine  fiiendlinefs  fo 
far  as  the  favages  were  capable  of  that  virtue,  the  lurking  fpirit 
of  deceit  and  treachery  which  had  been  inherited  and  follered 
by  their  habits  and  mode  of  life,  could  not  be  reftrained. 

The  French  b.  jue  was  lying  at  anchor  a  Ihort  diflance 
northeafl  of  Tnw  Pound  Illand.  Its  boat  was  undergoing 
repairs  on  a  peninfula  near  by,  now  known  as  Rocky  Neck, 
and  the  failors  were  walhing  their  linen  jufl  at  the  point 
where  the  peninfula  is  united  to  the  mainland.  While  Cham- 
plain  was  walking  on  this  caufeway,  he  obferved  about  fifty 
favages,  completely  armed,  cautioufly  fcreening  themfelves 
behind  a  clump  of  buflies  on  the  edge  of  Smith's  Cove.  As 
foon  as  they  were  aware  that  they  were  feen,  they  came  forth, 
concealing  their  weapons  as  much  as  poffible,  and  began  to 
dance  in  token  of  a  friendly  greeting.  But  when  they  dif- 
covered  De  Poutrincourt  in  the  wood  near  by,  who  had 
approached  unobferved,  with  eight  armed  mufketeers  to  dif- 
perfe  them  in  cafe  of  an  attack,  they  immediately  took  to 
flight,  and,  fcattering  in  all  dire(5lions,  made  no  further  hof- 
tile  demonllrations."  This  ferio-comic  incident  did  not  in- 
terfere 

^8  This  fcene  is  well    reprefented  on  Champlain's  map  of  Beauport  or  GIou- 
cefter  Harbor.      Vide  Vol.  II.  p.  114. 


I  .  ( 


1606. 


Savnicl  de  Chainplain, 


6s 


terfcrc  with  the  interchange  of  friendly  offices  between  the 
two  parties,  and  when  the  voyagers  were  about  to  leave,  the 
ravages  urged  them  with  great  earneilnefs  to  ren.ain  longer, 
alluring  them  that  two  thoufand  of  their  friends  would  pay 
them  a  vifit  the  very  next  day.  This  inviuxtion  was,  how- 
ever, not  heeded.  In  Champlain's  opinion  it  was  a  ruje 
contrived  only  to  furnifh  a  frelh  opportunity  to  attack  and 
overpower  them. 

On  the  30th  of  September,  they  loft  the  harbor  of  Gloucef- 
ter,  and,  during  the  following  night  failing  in  a  Ibutherly 
diredlion,  palling  Brant  Point,  they  found  themfelves  in  the 
lower  ])art  of  Cape  Cod  Bay.  When  the  fun  role,  a  low, 
fandy  Ihore  ftretched  before  them.  Sending  their  boat  for- 
ward to  a  place  where  the  fliore  feemed  more  elevated,  they 
found  deeper  water  and  a  harbor,  into  which  they  entered  in 
five  or  fix  fathoms.  They  were  welcomed  by  three  Indian 
canoes.  They  found  oyfters  in  luch  quantities  in  this  ba}-, 
and  of  fuch  excellent  quality,  that  they  named  it  Le  Port 
mix  Huiflrcs,"'^  or  Dyfler  Harbor.  After  a  few  hours,  they 
weighed  anchor,  and  directing  their  courfe  north,  a  quarter 
northeaft,  with  a  favoring  wind,  foon  doubled  Cape  Cod. 
The  next  day,  the  2d  of  06tober,  they  arrived  off  Naufet. 
De  Poutrincourt,  Champlain,  and  others  entered  the  harbor 
in  a  fmall  boat,  where  they  were  greeted  by  a  hundred  and 
fifty  favages  with  fmging  and  dancing,  according  to  their 
ufual  cuftom.  After  a  brief  vifit,  they  returned  to  the  barque 
and  continued  their  courfe  along  the  fandy  fliore.  When  near 
the  heel  of  the  cape,  off  Chatham,  they  found  themfelves 
imperilled  among  breakers  and  fand-banks,  fo  dangerous  as 


to 


"  Le  Portanx  Hmjlres,  Barnflable  Harbor.     Vide  Vol.  II.  Note  208. 

9 


'l^^iMt.xAA^.i^'--,.  C^HTJ. 


.\TK:'^.-f-  \i-f!i' trezrsr" 


66 


Memoir  of 


1606. 


M 


1^ 


I  i 


to  render  it  inexpedient  to  attempt  to  land,  even  with  a  fniall 
boat.  The  la /ages  were  oblerving  them  from  the  (hore,  and 
foon  manned  a  canoe,  and  came  to  them  with  finging  and 
demonftrations  of  joy.  From  them,  they  learned  that  lower 
down  a  harbor  would  be  found,  where  their  barque  might 
ride  in  ilifety.  P''oct'oding,  therefore,  in  the  fame  direction, 
after  many  difficulties,  they  fucceeded  in  rounding  the  penin- 
fula  of  Monomoy,  and  finally,  in  the  gray  of  the  evening, 
caft  anchor  in  the  offing  near  Chatham,  now  known  as  Old 
Stage  Harbor.  The  next  day  they  entered,  paffing  between 
Harding's  Beach  Point  and  Mcrris  Ifland,  in  two  fathoms  of 
water,  and  anchored  in  Stage  Harbor.  This  harbor  is  about 
a  mile  long  and  half  a  mile  wide,  and  at  its  weftern  extrem- 
ity is  connedled  b\'  tide-water  with  Oyfter  Pond,  and  with 
Mill  Cove  on  the  eafl:  by  Mitchell's  River.  Mooring  their 
barque  between  thefe  two  arms  of  the  harbor,  towards  the 
wefterly  end,  the  explorers  remained  there  about  three  weeks. 
It  was  the  centre  of  an  Indian  fettlement,  containing  five  or 
fix  hundred  perfons.  Although  it  was  now  well  into  Odo- 
ber,  the  natives  of  both  Icxes  were  entirely  naked,  with  the 
exception  of  a  flight  band  about  the  loins.  They  fubfifted 
upon  fifli  and  the  produ(51:s  of  the  foil.  Indian  corn  was 
their  flaplc.  It  was  fecured  in  the  autumn  in  bags  made  of 
braided  grafs,  and  buried  in  the  fand-banks,  and  withdrawn 
as  it  was  needed  during  the  winter.  The  favages  were  of 
fine  figure  and  of  olive  complexion.  They  adorned  them- 
felves  with  an  embroidery  fkiltully  interwoven  with  feathers 
and  beads,  and  dreffed  their  hair  in  a  variety  of  braids,  like 
thofe  at  Saco.  Their  dwellings  were  conical  in  fhape,  cov- 
ered with  thatch  of  r  iflies  and  corn-hufks,  and  furrounded 

by 


1 


i6o6. 


Savittcl  dc  Chaviplain, 


67 


\ 


by  cultivated  fields.  Each  cabin  contaitied  one  or  two  beds, 
a  kind  of  matting,  two  or  three  inches  in  thicknels,  fpread 
upon  a  platform  on  which  was  a  layer  of  claflic  ftaves,  and 
the  whole  railed  a  foot  fnjm  the  ground.  On  thele  they 
fecured  refrelhing  rej)()re.  Their  chiefs  neither  exercilL'd 
nor  claimed  any  fuperior  authority,  except  in  time  of  war. 
At  all  other  times  and  in  all  other  matters  complete  equality 
reigned  throughout  the  tribe. 

The  Hay  at  Chatham  was  neccffarily  pnjlonged  in  baking 
bread  to  ferve  the  remainder  of  the  voyage,  and  in  repairing 
their  barque,  whofe  rudder  had  been  badly  (battered  in  the 
rough  palTage  round  the  cape.  For  thele  purjiofes,  a  bakery 
and  a  forge  were  let  up  on  Ihore,  and  a  tent  pitched  for  the 
convenience  and  protection  of  the  workmen.  While  thele 
works  were  in  progrels,  De  Poutrincourt,  Champlain,  and 
others  made  frequent  excurfions  into  the  interior,  always 
with  a  guard  of  armed  men,  fomctimes  making  a  circuit  of 
twelve  or  fifteen  miles.  The  explorers  were  falcinated  with 
all  they  faw.  The  aroma  of  the  autumnal  forefl  and  the 
balmy  air  of  October  Simulated  their  lenfes.  The  nut-trees 
were  loaded  with  ripe  fruit,  and  the  rich  clufters  of  grapes 
were  hanging  temptingly  upon  the  vines.  Wild  game  was 
plentiful  and  delicious.  The  fifli  of  the  bay  were  sweet,  del- 
icate, and  of  many  varieties.  Nature,  unaided  by  art,  had 
thus  fupplied  fo  many  human  wants  that  Champlain  gravely 
put  upon  record  his  opinion  that  this  would  be  a  most  ex- 
cellent place  in  which  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  common- 
wealth, if  the  harbor  were  deeper  and  better  protected  at  its 
mouth. 

After  the  voyagers  had  been  in  Chatham  eight  or  nine 

days, 


t!' 


Ci/i 


\    'l-    IK 


i'i 


'1^ 


■  m 


1:1       U: 


\   til 


M 


\i .   •) 


Hi' 


::iil 


ill  ( h 


I  •  if 


6S 


Memoir  of 


1606. 


days,  the  Indians,  tempted  by  the  implements  which  they 
faw  about  the  forge  and  bakery,  conceived  tlie  idea  of  taking 
forcible  poffeffion  of  them,  in  order  to  appropriate  them  to 
their  own  ule.  As  a  preparation  for  this,  and  particularly  to 
put  themlelves  in  a  favorable  condition  in  cale  of  an  attack 
or  reprilal,  they  were  leen  removing  their  women,  children, 
and  effe6ls  into  the  forells,  and  even  taking  down  their 
cabins.  De  Poutrincourt,  obferving  this,  gave  orders  to  the 
workmen  to  pafs  their  nights  no  longer  on  fliore,  but  to  go 
on  board  the  barque  to  allure  their  perfonal  lafety.  This 
command,  however,  was  not  obeyed.  The  next  morning,  at 
break  of  day,  four  hundred  favages,  creeping  foftly  over  a 
hill  in  the  rear,  furrounded  the  tent,  and  poured  Inch  a  volley 
of  arrows  upon  the  dcfencelels  workmen  that  elcape  was  im- 
poflibie.  Three  of  them  were  killed  upon  the  fpot ;  a  fourth 
was  mortally  and  a  fifth  badly  wounded.  The  alarm  was 
given  by  the  fentinel  on  the  barque.  De  Poutrincourt, 
Champlain,  and  the  reft,  aroufed  from  their  flumbers,  ruflied 
half-clad  into  the  fliip's  boat,  and  haftened  to  the  refcue. 
As  loon  as  they  touched  the  fliorc,  the  favages,  fleet  as  the 
greyhound,  elcaped  to  the  wood.  Purfuit,  under  the  cir- 
cumrtances,  was  not  to  be  made  ;  and,  if  it  had  been,  would 
have  ended  in  their  utter  deftvuclion.  Freed  from  immedi- 
ate danger',  they  cohecled  the  dead  and  gave  them  Chriftian 
burial  near  the  foot  of  a  crofs,  which  had  been  ere6ted  the 
day  before.  While  the  fervice  of  prayer  and  fong  was  offered, 
the  favages  in  the  diftance  mocked  them  with  derifive  atti- 
tudes and  hideous  howls.  Three  hours  after  the  French 
had  retired  to  their  barque,  the  mifcreants  returned,  tore 
down  the  crofs,  difinterred  the  dead,  and  carried  off  the 

garments 


i^^^._ 


I 


1606. 


I 


Samuel  de  Champlain, 


69 


garments  in  which  they  had  been  laid  to  reft.  They  were 
immediately  driven  off  by  the  French,  the  crofs  was  rell;ored 
to  its  place,  and  the  dead  reinterred. 

Before  leaving  Chatham,  Ibme  anxiety  was  felt  in  regard 
to  their  lafety  in  leaving  the  harbor,  as  the  little  barque  had 
fcarcely  been  able  to  weather  the  rough  feas  of  Monomoy 
on  their  inward  voyage.  A  boat  had  been  fent  out  in  fearch 
of  a  fafer  and  a  better  roadway,  which,  creeping  along  by  the 
fhore  fixtecn  or  eighteen  miles,  returned,  announcing  three 
fathoms  of  water,  and  neither  bars  nor  reefs.  On  the  i6th 
of  October  they  gave  their  canvas  to  the  breeze,  and  failed 
out  of  Stage  Harbor,  which  they  had  named  Port  Fortune,'''^ 
an  appellation  probably  fuggefted  by  their  narrow  efcape  in 
entering  and  by  the  bloody  tragedy  to  which  we  have  juft  re- 
ferred. Having  gone  eighteen  or  twenty  miles,  they  fighted 
the  ifland  of  Martha's  Vineyard  lying  low  in  the  didance 
before  them,  which  they  called  La  So2ip^onnc2ifi\  the  fufpi- 
cious  one,  as  they  had  leveral  times  been  in  doubt  \vh(.^ther 
it  were  not  a  part  of  the  mainland.  A  contrary  wind  forced 
them  to  return  to  their  anchorage  in  Stage  Harbor.  On  the 
20th  they  let  out  again,  and  continued  their  courfe  in  a 
fouthweflerly  direftion  until  they  reached  the  entrance  of 
Vineyard  Sound.  The  rapid  current  of  tide  water  flowing 
from  Buzzard's  Bay  into  the  found  through  the  rocky  chan- 
nel 


66  Port  FortuHL'.  In  pjivintj  this  name 
there  was  doubtlefs  an  alliilion  to  the 
gocklefs  FoKTUNA  of  tlie  anciimts, 
vvliofc  office  it  was  to  difpenfe  riclies 
and  jioverty,  ])Ieafures  and  pains.  hlelT- 
ings    an>l    calamities.      They    had   ex- 

Eerienced   oood  and  evil  at   her  fickle 
and.      They  had   entered   the  harlior 


in  peril  and  fear,  but  neverthelefs  in 
fafety.  Tliey  had  fiiffered  by  the  at- 
tack'of  the  fava^es.  but  fortunately  had 
efcaped  utter  annihilation,  which  they 
miu'ht  well  have  feared.  It  had  been  to 
them  eminently  the  port  of  hazard  or 
chance.  ridc'\o\.  II.  Note  231.  La 
S,iHp-mncul\'      Vide  WA.  II.  Note  227. 


;l. 


I   ,' 


If     ^■ 


t    ( 


I  i 


V 


II 


i  'I 


ill 


It 

1; 


'( 


70 


AIe7noir  of 


1606. 


nel  between  Nonamcffet  and  Wood's  Holl,  they  took  to  be  a 
river  coming  from  the  mainland,  and  named  it  Riviere  de 
C/ianiplain. 

This  point,  in  front  of  Wood's  Holl,  is  the  fouthern  limit 
of  the  French  explorations  on  the  coaft  of  New  England, 
reached  by  them  on  the  20th  of  October,  1606. 

Encountering  a  ftrong  wind,  ajjproaching  a  gale,  they 
were  again  forced  to  return  to  Stage  Harbor,  where  they 
lingered  two  or  three  days,  awaiting  favoring  winds  for  their 
return  to  the  colony  at  the  bay  of  Annapolis. 

We  regret  to  add  that,  while  they  were  thus  detained, 
under  the  very  fhadow  of  the  crofs  they  had  recently 
erecfted,  the  emblem  of  a  faith  that  teaches  love  and  for2;ive- 
nefs,  they  decoyed,  under  the  guife  of  fricndlhip,  feveral  of 
the  poor  favages  into  their  power,  and  inhumanly  butchered 
them  in  cold  blood.  This  deed  was  perpetrated  on  the  bafe 
principle  of  lex  talionis,  and  yet  they  did  not  know,  much 
lefs  were  they  able  to  prove,  that  their  viclims  were  guilty  or 
took  any  part  in  the  late  affray.  No  form  of  trial  was  ob- 
ferved,  no  witneffes  teitificd,  and  no  judge  adjudicated.  It 
'^-as  a  fmiple  murder,  for  which  we  are  fure  any  Chriflian's 
cheek  would  mantle  with  fliame  who  fliould  offer  for  it  any 
defence  or  apology. 

When  this  piece  of  barbarity  had  been  completed,  the 
little  French  barque  made  its  final  exit  from  Stage  Harbor, 
palled  luccefsfully  round  the  flioals  of  Monomoy,  and  an- 
chored near  Naulet,  where  they  remained  a  day  or  two,  leav- 
ing on  the  28th  of  0(5lober,  and  failing  diredlly  to  Ifle 
Hr.Lic  in  Penobfcot  Bay.  They  made  brief  flops  at  fome 
of  the  iflands  at  the  mouth  of  the   St.  Croix,  and  at  the 

Grand 


ill 'I 


« w 


^V 


I 


1606. 


Sarmtel  de  Chaviplam. 


71 


Grand  Manan,  and  arrived  at  Annapolis  Bafin  on  the  14th  of 
November,  after  an  exceedingly  rough  pafiage  and  many 
hair-breadth  elcapes. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Reception  of  the    Explorers  at  Annapolis   Basin. — A  Dreary  Win- 
ter   RP       iVED  BY   THE     OrDER    OF    BoN   TEMPS.  — NEWS   FROM    FRANCE. 

—  V>n\  H  OF  A  Prince.  —  Ruin  of  De  Monts's  Company.  —  Two  Ex- 
cursions AND  Departure  for  France.  —  Champlain's  Explorations 
COMPARED.  —  De  Monts's  New  Charter  for  One  Yi:ar  and  Cham- 
plain'':  Return  in  1608  to  New  France  and  the  Founding  of  Que- 
bec. —  Conspiracy  of  Du  Val  and  his  Execution. 


ITH  the  voyage  which  we  have  defcribed  in  the 
lafh  chapter,  Champlain  terminated  his  explora- 
tions on  the  coaft  of  New  England.  He  never 
afterward  ftepped  upon  her  foil.  But  he  has  left 
us,  neverthelcls,  an  invaluable  record  of  the  char- 
a61er,  manners,  and  cufloms  of  the  aborigines  as  he  faw 
them  all  along  from  the  eaftern  borders  of  Maine  to  the 
Vineyard  Sound,  and  carefully  fludied  them  during  the  pe- 
riod of  three  confecutive  years.  Of  the  value  of  thefe  explo- 
rations we  need  not  here  fpeak  at  length.  We  fliall  refer 
to  them  again  in  the  lequel. 

The  return  of  the  explorers  was  hailed  with  joy  by  the 
colonifls  at  Annapolis  Bafm.  To  give  eclal  to  the  occafion, 
Lefcarbot  compofed  a  poem  in  French,  which  he  recited  at 
the  head  of  a  proceffion  which  marched  with  gay  reprefen- 
tations  to  the  water's  edge,  to  receive  their  returning  friends. 
Over  the  gateway  of  the  quadrangle  formed  by  their  dwell- 
ings. 


I.  • 

I  I 


I' 


V\\ 


''l\ 


r  I 

i  I 


72 


Memoir  of 


1606. 


ings,  dignified  by  them  as  their  fort,  were  the  arms  of  France, 
wreathed  in  laurel,  together  with  the  motto  of  the  king :  — 

DVO    PROTEGIT   VNVS. 

Under  this,  the  arms  of   De  Monts  were  dilplayed,  overlaid 
with  evergreen,  and  bearing  the  following  infcription :  — 

Dabit  Devs  his  qvoqve  finem. 

Then  came  the  arms  of  Poutrincourt,  crowned  alfo  with 
garlands,  and  infcribed  :  — 

In  via  virtvti  nvlla  est  via. 

When  the  excitement  of  the  return  had  paffed,  the  little 
fettlement  fubfided  into  its  ufual  routine.  The  leilure  of  the 
winter  \vas  devoted  to  various  objedls  bearing  upon  the  future 
profperity  of  the  colony.  Among  others,  a  corn  mill  was 
erected  at  a  fall  on  Allen  River,  four  or  five  miles  from  the 
fettlement,  a  little  eaft  of  the  prefont  fite  of  Annapolis.  A 
road  was  commenced  through  the  forefl;  leading  from  Lower 
Granville  towards  the  mouth  of  the  bay.  Two  fmall 
barques  were  built,  to  be  in  readinefs  in  anticipation  of  a  fail- 
ure to  receive  fuccors  the  next  fummer,  and  new  buildings 
were  ere6\ed  for  the  accommodation  of  a  larger  number  of 
colonifts.  Still,  there  was  much  unoccupied  time,  and,  fhut 
out  as  they  were  from  the  ufual  affociations  of  civilized  life, 
it  was  hardly  poffible  that  the  winter  fliould  not  feem  long 
and  dreary,  efpecially  to  the  gentlemen. 

To  break  up  the  monotony  and  add  variety  to  the  dull 
routine  of  their  life,  Champlain  contrived  what  he  called 
L'Ordre  de  Bon  Temps,  or  The  Rule  of  Mirth,  which  was 
introduced  and  carried  out  with  fpirit  and  fuccefs.  The  fifteen 
gentlemen  who  fat  at  the  table  of  De  Poutrincourt,  the  gov- 
ernor. 


i6o6. 


Samuel  de  Chaviplain. 


n 


ernor,  comprinng  the  whole  niiml3cr  of  the  order,  took  turns 
in  performing  tiic  duties  of  (leward  and  caterer,  each  holding 
the  office  for  a  fingle  day.  With  a  laudable  ambition,  the 
Grand  IVIafter  for  the  time  beinij:  laid  the  foreft  and  the  lea 
under  contribution,  and  the  table  was  conrtantly  furniOied  with 
the  mort  delicate  and  well  lealbned  game,  and  the  Iwecteft  as 
well  as  the  choiceft  varieties  of  fi.^h.  The  frequent  change 
of  office  and  the  ingenuity  difplayed,  offered  at  every  repafl, 
either  in  the  viands  or  mode  of  cookinc:,  fomcthinu:  new  and 
tempting  to  the  appetite.  At  each  meal,  n  ceremony  be- 
coming the  dignity  of  the  order  was  ftridly  obferved.  At 
a  given  fignal,  the  whole  company  marched  into  the  dining- 
hall,  the  Grand  Mafter  at  the  head,  with  his  napkin  over  his 
fhoulder,  his  flaff  of  office  in  his  hand,  and  the  glittering 
collar  of  the  order  about  his  neck,  while  the  other  members 
bore  each  in  his  hand  a  difh  loaded  and  fmokino:  with  fome 
part  of  the  delicious  rcpaft.  A  ceremony  of  a  Ibmewhat 
fimilar  character  Avas  obferved  at  the  brin^ine:  in  of  the 
fruit.  At  the  clofe  of  the  day,  when  the  lafl:  meal  had  been 
ferved,  and  grace  had  been  faid,  the  mafter  formally  com- 
pleted his  official  duty  by  placing  the  collar  of  the  order 
upon  the  neck  of  his  fucceffor,  at  the  fame  time  prefenting 
to  him  a  cup  of  wine,  in  which  the  two  drank  to  each  oth- 
er's health  and  happinefs.  Thefe  ceremonies  were  generally 
witneffed  by  thirty  or  forty  favages,  men,  women,  boys,  and 
girls,  who  gazed  in  refpeclful  admiration,  not  to  fay  awe, 
upon  this  exhibition  of  European  civilization.  When  Mem- 
bertou,^'^  the  venerable  chief  of  the  tribe,  or  other  fagamores 

were 

^^  Membertou.     See  Pierre  Biarcl's  account  of  his  death  in    1611.    Relations 
des  Jiftiites.     Quebec  ed.,  Vol.  I.  p.  32. 

10 


iAwi>^ifltoli^^i>S 


M 


AM 


I  1'! 


y" 


■'     tl 


I        ! 


;  » 


I. 


1 

( ii 

J  t 

i 

i  i 

»j      ■' 

.    ■ 

'W 

\ 

1^ 

> 

• 

i 
f 

74 


Meviou   of 


1607. 


f 

1 

1 

1 

\  ■' 

i  !f 

i  ■ 

V 

i 

1 

y  ■[  ■ 

'iilf 


^i, 


'  :  i 


t    v- 


\  H 


were  prefent,  they  were  invited  to  a  feat  at  the  table,  while 
bread  was  gratuitoufly  dillributed  to  the  refl. 

When  the  winter  had  paffed,  which  proved  to  be  an  ex- 
ceedingly mild  one,  all  was  aflir  in  the  little  colony.  The 
preparation  of  the  foil,  both  in  the  gardens  and  in  the  larger 
fields,  for  the  fpring  fowing,  created  an  agreeable  excitement 
and  healthy  activity. 

On  the  24th  May,  in  the  midll  of  thefe  agricultural  enter- 
prifes,  a  boat  arri\'ed  in  the  bay,  in  charge  of  a  young  man 
from  St.  Malo,  named  Chevalier,  who  had  come  out  in  com- 
mand of  the  "  Jonas,"  which  he  had  left  at  Canfeau  engaged 
in  fifhing  for  the  purpofe  of  making  up  a  return  cargo  of 
that  commodity.  Chevalier  brought  two  items  of  intelligence 
of  great  intereft  to  the  colonics,  but  differing  widely  in  their 
character.  The  one  was  the  birth  of  a  French  j)rince,  the 
Duke  of  Orleans;  the  other,  that  the  company  of  De  Monts 
had  been  broken  up,  his  monopoly  of  the  fur-trade  with- 
drawn, and  his  colony  ordered  to  return  to  France.  The 
birth  of  a  prince  demanded  expreffions  of  joy,  and  the  event 
was  loyally  celebrated  by  bonfires  and  a  Te  Deum.  It  was, 
however,  giving  a  fong  when  they  would  gladly  have  hung 
their  harps  upon  the  willows. 

While  the  fcheme  of  De  Monts's  colonial  enterprife  was 
defective,  containing  in  itfelf  a  principle  which  mufl  fooner 
or  later  work  its  ruin,  the  difappointment  occafioned  by  its 
fudden  termination  was  none  the  lefs  painful  and  humiliating. 
The  monopoly  on  which  it  was  bafed  could  only  be  main- 
tained by  a  degree  of  feverity  and  apparent  injuflice,  which 
always  creates  enemies  and  engenders  ftrife.  The  feizure 
and  confifcation  of  feveral  fliips  with  their  valuable  cargoes 

on 


y';^^ 


-.::?^.'-.'a_gip 


"■■,v 


1607. 


Samuel  dc  Chaviplain. 


75 


on  tlie  fliorcs  of  Nova  Scotia,  had.  awakened  a  perfonal  hof- 
tility  in  influential  circles  in  France,  and  the  lufferers  were 
able,  in  turn,  to  llrike  1)ack  a  daniaL^ing  blow  upon  the 
author  of  their  loffes.  They  eaiily  and  perhaps  juflly  rcpre- 
fented  tliat  the  monopoly  of  the  fur-trade  fecured  to  De 
Monts  was  lapping  the  national  commerce  and  diverting  to 
perfonal  emolument  revenues  that  properly  belonged  to  the 
Hate.  To  an  impoverilhed  Ibvereign  with  an  empty  trcaf- 
ury  this  appeal  was  irrefillible.  The  lacrednefs  of  the  king's 
commilTion  and  the  lofs  to  the  patentee  of  tlie  property  al- 
ready embarked  in  the  enterprile  had  no  weight  in  the 
royal  Icales.  De  Monts's  privilege  was  revoked,  with  the 
tantalizing  lalvo  of  fix  Hiouiand  livres  in  remuneration,  to 
be  collected  at  his  own  expcnic  from  unproductive  fources. 

Under  thcfe  circumftances,  no  money  for  the  payment  of 
tjie  workmen  or  provifions  for  the  coming  winter  had  been 
fent  out,  and  De  Poutrincourt,  with  great  reluctance,  pro- 
ceeded to  break  up  the  ellablilhment.  The  goods  and 
utenfils,  as  well  as  fpecimens  of  the  grain  which  they  had 
raifed,  were  to  be  carefully  packed  and  fent  round  to  the 
harbor  of  Canfeau,  to  be  Ihipped  by  the  "  Jonas,"  together 
with  the  whole  body  of  the  colonics,  as  foon  as  fhe  lliould 
have  received  her  cargo  of  filli. 

While  thefe  preparations  were  in  progrefs,  two  excurfions 
were  made  ;  one  towards  the  weft,  and  another  northearterly 
towards  the  head  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  Lefcarbot  accom- 
panied the  former,  paffmg  feveral  days  at  St.  John  and  the 
illand  of  .St.  Croix,  which  was  the  wefterly  limit  of  his  ex- 
plorations and  perfonal  knowledge  of  the  American  coaft. 
The  other  excurfion   was   conducted   by   De   Poutrincourt, 

accompanied 


' 


« 


! 


ts' 


w 


Si 


w 


I  I 


.  ,1 


{.  .  I 


'  \ 


Si 


)! 


II; 


u 


76 


Mcjnoir  of 


1G07. 


accompanied  by  Cliamplain,  tlic  objc6t  of  which  was  to 
Icarch  for  ores  of  the  precious  metals,  a  fpecies  of  wealth 
earneftly  coveted  and  overv^alued  at  the  court  of  France. 
They  failed  along  the  northern  fhores  of  Nova  Scotia,  en- 
tered Mines  Channel,  and  anchored  off  Cape  Fendu,  now 
Anglicifed  into  the  uneuphonious  name  of  Cape  Split.  De 
Poutrincourt  landed  on  this  headland,  and  afcended  a  fteep 
and  lofty  fummit  which  is  not  lefs  than  four  hundred  feet 
in  height.  Mofs  feveral  feet  in  thicknefs,  the  growth  of 
centuries,  had  gathered  upon  it,  and,  when  he  flood  upon 
the  pinnacle,  it  yielded  and  trembled  like  gelatine  under 
his  feet.  He  found  himfelf  in  a  critical  fituation.  From 
this  giddy  and  unffable  height  he  liad  neither  the  Ikill  or 
courage  to  return.  After  much  anxietv,  he  was  at  lensjth 
refcued  by  fome  of  his  more  nimble  failors,  who  managed 
to  put  a  hawfer  over  the  fummit,  by  means  of  which  he 
fafely  defcended.     They  named  it  Cap  dc  Poutrincourt, 

They  proceeded  as  far  as  the  head  of  the  IJafm  of  Mines, 
but  their  fearch  for  mineral  wealth  was  fruitlefs,  beyond  a 
few  meagre  fpccimens  of  copper.  Their  labors  were  chiefly 
rewarded  by  the  difcovery  of  a  mofs-covered  crofs  in  the  lafl; 
ftages  of  decay,  the  relic  of  fifliermen,  or  other  Chrillian 
mariners,  who  had,  years  before,  been  upon  the  coaft. 

The  exploring  parties  having  returned  to  Port  Royal,  to 
their  fettlement  in  what  is  now  known  as  Annapolis  Bafin, 
the  bulk  of  the  colonics  departed  in  three  barques  for  Can- 
feau,  on  the  30th  of  July,  v»hile  De  Poutrincourt  and 
Champlain,  with  a  complement  of  failors,  remained  fome 
days  longer,  that  they  might  take  with  them  fpecimens  of 
wheat  ilill  in  the  field  and  not  yet  entirely  ripe. 

On 


t 


1607.  Samuel  de  Champlaiit. 


n 


On  the  I  ith  of  Augufl;  they  likcwife  bade  adieu  to  Port 
Roya!  amid  the  tears  of  the  affembled  lavages,  with  wliom 
they  had  lived  in  friciidlhip,  and  who  were  dilappointed  and 
grieved  at  their  departure.  In  paffing  round  tiie  iKMiinlula 
of  Nova  Scotia  in  their  Htlie  ihallop,  it  was  necelTary  to  keep 
clole  in  upiui  the  Ihore,  which  enabled  Chaniplain,  who  had 
not  before  been  upon  the  coail  eafl  of  La  Ilevc,  to  make  a 
careful  I'uwey  {\\n\\  that  point  to  Canleau,  the  rellilts  of 
which  are  full)  Uated  in  \\\^  notes,  and  delineated  on  bis 
map  o(  1013. 

On  the  3d  of  SeptemUjr,  the  "  fonas,"  bearing  away  the 
lUlle  French  colony,  failed  out  of  the  harbor  of  Canfeau, 
and,  direftinj^'  its  courfe  towards  the  fhores  of  France,  ar- 
rived at  Saint  IVIalo  on  the  ifl  of  October,  [607. 

Chamjjlain's  explorations  on  what  may  be  itriclly  called 
the  Atlantic  coalt  of  North  America  were  now  completed. 
He  had  landed  at  La  I  leve  in  Nova  Scotia  on  the  8th  of 
May,  1604,  and  had  confequently  been  in  the  country  three 
years  and  nearly  four  months.  During  this  period  he  had 
carefully  examined  the  whole  (liore  from  Canfeau,  the  eaffcrn 
limit  of  Nova  Scotia,  to  the  Vineyard  Sound  on  the  fouth- 
ern  boundaries  of  Mafiachufetts.  This  was  the  niofl:  ample, 
accurate,  and  careful  furvey  of  this  region  which  was  made 
during  the  w^hole  period  from  the  difcovery  of  the  continent 
in  1497  down  to  the  eftabliiliinent  of  the  Hnglilh  colony  at 
Plymouth  in  1620.  A  numerous  train  of  navigators  had 
paffed  along  the  coafl  of  New  England  :  Sebaflian  Cabot, 
Ellevan  Gomez,  Jean  Alfonfe,  Andre  Thevet,  John  Haw- 
kins, Bartholomew  Gofnold,  Martin  Pring,  George  W^cy- 
mouth,    Henry  Hudfon,  John  Smith,  and  the  reft,  but  the 

knowledge 


,'  i 


;'  -  S'. 


1     J 


S 


^-^r^.f^^va^'iv^i'txi* 


'iim 


\  I 


m 


78 


1 


ilf^|iM' 


Memoir  of 


1607. 


kiiowlodcce  of  the  coafl  wliich  \vc  oljtain  from  IIilmti  is  ex- 
ceedinfjjly  meagre  and  unfatisfaclory,  efpecially  as  compared 
witli  that  containetl  in  the  full,  fpecific,  and  detailed  deirrij)- 
tioiis,  majis,  and  drawings  left  us  by  this  dillinguilhed  pio- 
neer in   the  lludy  and   illuflration  uf  the  geography  of  the 


New  England  coalt." 


"  Had  tlie  clilHni^uiflicil  nnvitrntors 
who  e.irly  vilitfd  the  co.ills  of  Nortli 
America  illulh-.ited  their  narratives  by 
drawinjfs  and  maps,  it  would  have 
a(l(ied  greatly  to  their  value.  Caj)!. 
John  Smiili's  map,  tiioiii^li  in'cell'irily 
indcrniite  and  i;eneral.  is  indifpcnlahle 
to  the  fatisfactory  lludy  of  his  tlill  more 
indefinite  "  Dei'eription  of  New  Eny;- 
land.''  It  is,  perhaps,  a  hifficient  aj)!)!- 
oijy  for  the  vaiiuenefs  of  SmitlTs 
flatements,  and  therefore  it  out,dit  to  l)e 
borne  in  mind,  tliat  his  work  was  origi- 
nally written,  proliably,  from  memory, 
at  leatt  for  the  moll  jiart,  wiiile  lie  was 
a  ])rifoner  on  board  a  French  man-of- 
war  in  161 5.  This  may  bo  inferred 
from  the  foliowins^  llatenient  of  Smith 
himfelf.  In  fpeakini;  of  the  movement 
of  the  r>ench  ileet,  lie  fays  :  '•  Still  we 
fj)cnt  our  time  about  the  lies  ncere 
Fyall :  where  to  keepe  my  perplexed 
thoughts  from  too  nuicli  meditation  of 
my  mifcrable  ollate,  I  writ  this  dif- 
courfe."  Vide  Definition  of  Nciu 
Eni^r/and  hy  Capt.  "John  Smith,  Lon- 
don.  16 16. 

While  the  defcriptions  of  our  coafl, 
left  by  Champlain  are  invalua])Ie  to  the 
hillorian  aiul  cannot  well  be  overelli- 
mated,  the  procefs  of  making  thefe  fur- 
vey.s,  with  his  p.rofound  love  of  fuch 
explorations  and  adventures,  mult  have 
given  him  great  perfonal  fatisfaction 
and  enjoyment.  It  would  be  difficult 
to  find  any  region  of  fimilar  extent 
that  could  offer,  on  a  fummer's  excur- 
fion,  fo  much  beauty  to  his  eager  and 


The 

critical  eye  as  this.  The  following  de- 
icription  of  the  (lulf  of  Maine,  which 
comprehends  the  m.ajor  part  of  the  field 
furveyefl  by  Champlain,  thit  lying  be- 
tween the  headlands  of  Ca|)e  .Sai)le  and 
Cape  Cod,  gives  an  excellent  idea  of 
the  infinite  variety  and  the  unexjiectetl 
and  marvellous  beauties  that  are  ever 
revealing  themfelves  to  the  voyager  as 
he  p.ilfes  along  our  coafl  :  — 

•'  This  Ihoreland  is  alfo  remarkable, 
being  fo  battered  and  frayed  by  lea  and 
llorm,  and  worn  perhaps  by  arctic  cur- 
rents and  glacier  beds,  that  its  natural 
t'ront  of  fome  250  miles  is  multiplied  to 
an  extent  of  not  lefs  than  2.500  miles 
of  falt-water  line  ;  while  at  an  average 
dil>ance  of  about  three  miles  from  the 
mainland,  flrclches  a  chain  of  outpolts 
confiding  of  more  than  three  hundred 
illands,  fragments  of  the  main,  flriking 
in  their  diverlity  on  the  well  ;  low, 
wooded  and  gralty  to  the  water's  edge, 
and  rifing  eaflward  through  bolder 
types  to  the  crowns  and  cliffs  of  Mount 
Defert  and  Quoddy  Head,  an  advancing 
feries  from  beauiy  to  fublimity  :  and 
behind  all  thefe  are  deep  bafins  and 
broad  river-mouths,  affording  conveni- 
ent and  fpacious  harbors,  in  many 
of  which  the  navies  of  nations  might 
fafely  ride  at  anchor.  .  .  .  Kipecially 
attradlive  was  the  region  between  the 
I'ifcataqua  and  Penobfcot.  in  its  mar- 
vellous beauty  of  fliore  and  fea.  of  iflantl 
and  inlet,  of  bay  and  river  and  harbor, 
furpaffing  any  other  equally  extenfive 
portion  of  the  Atlantic  coalt,  and  com- 
pared 


ifioy. 


Samuel  de  Champlain. 


79 


\^ 


Tlic  winter  of  i6o7-S  Champlain  palled  in  France,  wiiere 
he  was  pleafantly  occnpied  in  focial  recreations  which  wi'ie 
clpecially  agreeable  to  him  after  an  ablence  of  more  than 
three  years,  and  in  recounting  to  eager  lilleners  his  cxpiTi- 
cnces  in  the  New  World,  lie  took  an  early  opportimil\'  to 
lay  before  Monfieiir  de  Monts  the  relults  of  the  explorations 
whicli  he  had  made  in  La  Cadie  fince  the  departure  of  the 
latter  from  .Annaijolis  l^aHn  in  the  autumn  of  1605,  illullrat- 
ing  his  iiarrativc  by  maps  and  drawings  which  he  had  pre- 
pared of  the  bays  and  harbors  on  the  coall;  of  Nova  Scotia, 
New  Brunfwick,  and  New  England. 

While  moft  men  would  have  been  didieartcned  by  the  op- 
pofition  which  he  encountered,  the  mind  of  De  Monts  was, 
neverthelefs,  rekindled  by  the  recitals  of  Champlain  with 
frclh  zeal  in  the  enterprife  which  he  had  undertaken.  The 
vifion  of  building  up  a  vafl  territoiial  ellablilhment,  contem- 
plated by  his  charter  of  1604,  with  his  own  jxM-fonal  aggran- 
dizement and  that  of  his  familv,  had  undoubtedlv  vanilhed. 
But  he  clung,  neverthelefs,  with  extraordinary  tenacity  to 
his  original  purpofe  of  planting  a  colony  in  the  New  World. 
This  he  refolved  to  do  in  the  face  of  many  obllacles,  and 
notwithftanding  the  withdrawment  cf  the  royal  jjrotection 
and  bounty.  The  generous  heart  of  Henry  IV.  was  by  no 
means  infenfible  to  the  merits  of  his  faithful  fubjecl,  and,  on 
his  folicitation,  he  granted  to  him  letters-patent  for  the  ex- 
clufive  right  of  trade  in  America,  but  for  the  fpace  only  of  a 
fmgle  year.  With  this  fmall  boon  from  the  royal  hand,  I)e 
Monts    haflcned    to    fit  out   two  veffels  for  the   expedition. 

One 

pared  hy  travellers  earliefl:  and  latefl,  Hi/?i>ry,  by  Jofluia  L.  Chamberlain, 
with  the  famed  archipelago  of  the  LL. I).,  Prefident  of  Bowdoin  College, 
^gean."     Vide  Maine,  Her  Place  in    Augulla,  1877,  pp.  4-5. 


I  ( 


,  ; 


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33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

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Memoir  of 


i6o8. 


One  was  to  be  commanded  by  Pont  Grave,  who  was  to  de- 
vote his  undivided  attention  to  trade  with  the  Indians  for 
furs  and  peltry  ;  the  other  was  to  convey  men  and  material 
for  a  colonial  plantation. 

Champlain,  whofe  energy,  zeal,  and  prudence  had  im- 
preffed  them  lei  ves  upon  the  mind  of  De  Monts,  was  ap- 
pointed lieutenant  of  the  expedition,  and  intruded  with  the 
civil  adminiftration,  having  a  fufficient  number  of  men  for 
all  needed  defence  againft  favage  intruders,  Bafque  fiflier 
men,  or  interloping  fur-traders. 

On  the  13th  of  April,  1608,  Champlain  left  the  port  of 
Honfleur,  and  arrived  at  the  harbor  of  TadoufTac  on  the  3d 
of  June.  Here  he  found  Pont  Grave,  who  had  preceded 
him  by  a  few  days  in  the  voyage,  in  trouble  with  a  Balque 
fur-trader.  The  latter  had  perfifted  in  carrying  on  his  traffic, 
notwithftanding  the  royal  commiffion  to  the  contrary,  and 
had  fucceeded  in  difabling  Pont  Grave,  who  had  but  little 
powe  •  of  refiftance,  killing  one  of  his  men,  ferioufly  wound- 
ing Pont  Grave  himfelf,  as  well  as  feveral  others,  and  had 
forcibly  taken  poffeffion  of  his  whole  armament. 

When  Champlain  had  made  full  inquiries  into  all  the  cir- 
cumflances,  he  faw  clearly  that  the  difficulty  mufl  be  com- 
promiled ;  that  the  exercife  of  force  in  overcoming  the 
intruding  Bafque  would  effe6lually  break  up  his  plans  for 
the  year,  and  bring  utter  and  final  ruin  upon  his  undertaking. 
He  wifely  decided  to  pocket  the  infi.ilt,  and  let  juftice  fium- 
ber  for  the  prefent.  He  confequently  required  the  Bafque, 
who  began  to  fee  more  clearly  the  illegality  of  his  courfe,  to 
enter  into  a  written  agreement  with  Pont  Grave  that  neither 
fhould  interfere  with  the  other  while  they  remained  in  the 

country, 


-Isi.,-::, 


i6o8. 


Saimtel  de  Clunn^  lain. 


8i 


country,  and  that  they  fliould  leave  their  differences  to  be 
fettled  in  the  courts  on  their  return  to  France. 

Having  thus  poured  oil  upon  the  troubled  waters,  Cham- 
plain  proceeded  to  carry  out  his  plans  for  the  location  and 
cftablKhmcnt  of  his  colony.  The  difficult  navigation  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  above  Tadouffac  was  well  known  to  him. 
The  dangers  of  its  numberlels  rocks,  land-bars,  and  flu6lu- 
ating  channels  had  been  made  familiar  to  him  by  the  voyage 
of  1603.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  leave  his  veffel  in 
the  harbor  of  Tadouffac,  and  conffrucl  a  fmall  barque  of 
twelve  or  fourteen  tons,  in  which  to  afcend  the  river  and  fix 
upon  a  place  of  fettlement. 

While  the  work  was  in  progrefs,  Champlain  reconnoitred 
the  neighborhood,  collecting  much  geographical  information 
from  the  Indians  relating  to  Lake  St.  John  and  a  tradi  :on- 
ary  fait  fea  far  to  the  north,  exploring  the  Saguenay  for  forne 
diffance,  of  which  he  has  given  us  a  defcription  fo  accurate 
and  fo  carefully  drawn  that  it  needs  little  revifion  after  the 
lapfe  of  two  hundred  ar  d  feventy  years. 

On  the  laft  of  June,  the  barque  was  completed,  and  Cham- 
plain,  with  a  complement  of  men  and  material,  took  his 
departure.  As  he  glided  along  in  his  little  craft,  he  was 
exhilarated  by  the  fragrance  of  the  atmofphere,  the  bright 
coloring  of  the  foliage,  the  bold,  picturefque  fcenery  that 
conftantly  revealed  itfelf  on  both  fides  of  the  river.  The 
lofty  mountains,  the  expanding  valleys,  the  luxuriant  forefts, 
the  bold  headlands,  the  enchanting  little  bays  and  inlets, 
and  the  numerous  tributaries  burfting  into  the  broad  waters 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  were  all  carefully  examined  and  noted 
in  his  journal.     The  expedition  feemed  more  like  a  holiday 

excurfion 


M   ' 


II 


J0I 


82 


Memoir  of 


1608. 


%H 


^  '\  'S 


if  \ 


cxcurfion  than  the  grave  prelude  to  the  founding  of  a  city 
to  be  renowned  in  the  hiftory  of  the  continent. 

On  tlie  fourth  day,  they  approached  the  lite  of  the  prefcnt 
city  of  Quebec.  The  expanle  of  the  river  had  hitherto  been 
from  eight  to  thirteen  miles.  Here  a  lofty  headland,  ap- 
proaching from  the  interior,  advances  upon  the  river  and 
forces  it  into  a  narrow  channel  of  three-fourths  of  a  mile  in 
width.  The  river  St.  Charles,  a  fmall  flream  flowing  from 
the  northweft,  uniting  here  with  the  St.  Lawrence,  forms  a 
bafm  below  the  promontory,  fpreading  out  two  miles  in  one 
direction  and  four  in  another.  The  rocky  headland,  jutting 
out  upon  the  river,  rifes  up  nearly  perpendicularly,  and  to  a 
height  of  three  hundred  and  forty-five  feet,  commanding 
from  its  fummit  a  view  of  water,  foreft  and  mountain  of  lur- 
paffing  grandeur  and  beauty.  A  narrow  belt  of  fertile  land 
formed  by  the  crumbling  debris  of  ages,  ftretches  along  be- 
tween the  water's  edge  and  the  bafe  of  the  precipice,  and 
was  then  covered  with  a  luxurious  growth  of  nut-trees.  The 
magnificent  bafin  below,  the  prote6ling  wall  of  the  headland 
in  the  rear,  the  deep  water  of  the  river  in  front,  rendered  this 
fpot  peculiarly  attra(5live.  Here  on  this  narrow  plateau, 
Champlain  refolved  to  place  his  fettlement,  and  forthwith 
began  the  work  of  felling  trees,  excavating  cellars,  and  con- 
llrucling  houfes. 

On  the  3d  day  of  July,  1608,  Champlain  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  Quebec.  The  name  which  he  gave  to  it  had  been 
applied  to  it  by  the  favages  long  before.  It  is  derived  from 
the  Algonquin  word  quebio,  or  quebec,  fignifying  a  narrow- 
ing, and  was  defcriptive  of  the  form  which  the  river  takes  at 
that  place,  to  which  we  have  already  referred. 

A 


•■•*s'^ 


1608. 


% 


Savmel  de  Cha^nplain. 


83 


A  few  days  after  their  arrival,  an  event  occurred  of  exciting 
intercft  to  Champlain  and  his  Httle  colony.  One  of  their 
number,  Jean  du  Val,  an  abandoned  wretch,  who  poffeffed  a 
large  fliare  of  that  ftrange  magnetic  power  which  fome  men 
have  over  the  minds  of  others,  had  fo  ikilfully  pradlifed  upon 
the  credulity  of  his  comrades  that  he  had  dravv'n  them  all  into 
a  fcheme  which,  afide  from  its  atrocity,  was  weak  and  ill- 
contrived  at  every  point.  It  was  nothing  lefs  than  a  plan  to 
alTaffinate  Champlain,  feize  the  property  belonging  to  the  ex- 
pedition, and  fell  it  to  the  Bafque  fur-traders  at  Tadouffac, 
under  the  hallucination  that  they  fhould  be  enriched  by  the 
pillage.  They  had  even  entered  into  a  folemn  compact,  and 
whoever  revealed  the  fecret  was  to  be  vifited  by  inftant  death. 
Their  purpole  was  to  feize  Champlain  in  an  unguarded  mo- 
ment and  ftrangle  him,  or  to  (hoot  him  in  the  confufion  of  a 
falfe  alarm  to  be  raifed  in  the  night  by  themfelves.  But 
before  the  plan  was  fully  ripe  for  execution,  a  barque  unex- 
pededly  arrived  from  Tadouffac  with  an  inftalment  of  uten- 
fils  and  provifions  for  the  colony.  One  of  the  men,  Antoinc 
Natel,  who  had  entered  into  the  confpiracy  with  relu61ance, 
and  had  been  retrained  from  a  difclofure  by  fear,  fummoned 
courage  to  reveal  the  plot  to  the  pilot  of  the  boat,  firft  fecur- 
ing  from  him  the  affurance  that  he  fhould  be  fhielded  from 
•the  vengeance  of  his  fellow-confpirators.  The  fecret  was 
forthwith  made  known  to  Champlain,  who,  by  a  flroke  of 
fineffe,  placed  himfelf  beyond  danger  before  he  flept.  At 
his  fuggeflion,  the  four  leading  fpirits  of  the  plot  were  in- 
vited by  one  of  the  failors  to  a  focial  repafl  or:  the  barque, 
at  which  two  bottles  of  wine  which  he  pretended  had  been 
given  him  at  Tadouffac  were  to  be  uncorked.     In  the  midft 

of 


n  < 


I  Ji 


ii . 


■«t:-i«if*>'» 


s 


*.-e.-^*-->^  '-Wai-M'.^ 


8+ 


Mefnoir  of 


1608. 


of  the  feftivities,  the  "  four  worthy  heads  of  the  confpiracy,"  as 
Champlain  fatirically  calls  them,  were  fuddenly  clapped  into 
irons.  It  was  now  late  in  the  evening,  but  Champlain  never- 
thelels  fummoned  all  the  refl  of  the  men  into  his  prefence, 
and  offered  them  a  full  pardon,  on  condition  that  they  would 
dilclofe  the  whole  Icheme  and  the  motives  which  had  induced 
them  to  engage  in  it.  This  they  were  eager  to  do,  as  they 
now  began  to  comprehend  the  dangerous  compact  into  which 
they  had  entered,  and  the  peril  which  threatened  their  own 
lives.  Thefe  preliminary  invefligations  rendered  it  obvious 
to  Champlain  that  grave  confequences  mufl  follow,  and  he 
therefore  proceeded  with  great  caution. 

The  next  day,  he  took  the  depofitions  of  the  pardoned 
men,  carefully  reducing  them  to  writing.  He  then  departed 
for  Tadouffac,  taking  the  four  confpirators  with  him.  On 
confultation,  he  decided  to  leave  them  there,  where  they 
could  be  more  fafely  guarded  until  Pont  Grave  and  the 
principal  men  of  the  expedition  could  return  with  them  to 
Quebec,  where  he  propofed  to  give  them  a  more  public  and 
formal  trial.  This  was  accordingly  done.  The  prifoners 
were  duly  confronted  with  the  witneffes.  They  denied 
nothing,  but  freely  admitted  their  guilt.  With  the  advice 
and  concurrence  of  Pont  Grave,  the  pilot,  furgeon,  mate, 
boatfvvain,  and  others,  Champlain  condemned  the  four  con- 
fpirators to  be  hung ;  three  of  them,  however,  to  be  fent 
home  for  a  confirmation  or  revifion  of  their  fentence  by  the 
authorities  in  France,  while  the  fentence  of  Jean  Du  Val, 
the  arch-plotter  of  the  malicious  fcheme,  was  duly  executed 
in  their  prefence,  with  all  the  folemn  forms  and  ceremonies 
ufual  on  fuch  occafions.     Agreeably  to  a  cuflom  of  that 

period, 


i6o8. 


Samuel  de  Champlain, 


8s 


period,  the  ghaftly  head  of  Du  Val  was  elevated  on  tlic 
highefl  pinnacle  of  the  fort  at  Quebec,  looking  down  and 
uttering  its  filent  warning  to  the  bufy  colonics  below;  the 
grim  fignal  to  all  beholders,  that  "the  way  of  the  tranfgrelTor 
is  hard." 

The  cataflrophe,  had  not  the  plot  been  nipped  in  the  bud, 
would  have  been  fare  to  take  place.  The  final  purpofe  of 
the  confpirators  might  not  have  been  realized ;  it  mufl 
have  been  defeated  at  a  later  flage  ;  but  the  hand  of  Du 
Val,  prompted  by  a  malignant  nature,  was  nerved  to  flrike  a 
fatal  blow,  and  the  life  of  Champlain  would  have  been  facri- 
ficed  at  the  opening  of  the  tragic  fcene. 

The  punifliment  of  Du  Val,  in  its  characfler  and  degree, 
was  not  only  agreeable  to  the  civil  policy  of  the  age,  but 
was  neceffary  for  the  prote6lion  of  life  and  the  maintenance 
of  order  and  difcipline  in  the  colony.  A  confpiracy  on  land, 
under  the  prefent  circumftances,  was  as  dangerous  as  a  mu- 
tiny at  fea ;  and  the  calm,  careful,  and  dignified  procedure 
of  Champlain  in  firmly  vifiting  upon  the  criminal  a  fevere 
though  merited  punifliment,  reveals  the  wifdom,  prudence, 
and  humanity  which  were  prominent  elements  in  his  mental 
and  moral  conftitution. 

CHAPTER  VI. 


M. 


1(1* 


TeiilSW*-! 


A 
1 

1 

', 

■ 

1; 

:i 


I.! 

'A  \ 


!• 


1 1 


I  i  I 


i!  ,  1 


! 


86 


Memoir  of 


i6o3. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

Ekf.ctiom  of  Buildings  at  Ol'kkfx. — Tiik  Scurvy  and  the  Starving 
Savaof.s.  —  DiscovKKY  OF  Lakk  Chami'lain,  and  the  Uattle  at.Ti- 

CONDEROGA.  —  CRUELTHCS   INFLICTED   f)N     PRISONERS    OF   WaR,    AND  THE 

Festival  after  V'ktokv.  —  Cha.mi'Lain's  Ki.tukn  to  France  and  his 
Interview  WITH  Henry  IV.  —  \'()VA(iE  to  New  France  and  Plans  of 
Disccjvery.  —  Battle  WITH  the  Iroquois  near  the  Mouth  of  the 
Richelieu.  —  Repair  of  Buildings  at  (juehec.  —  News  of  the  As- 
sassination OF  Henry  IV. — Cha.mi'lain's  Return  to  France  and 
his  Contract  of  Marriage.  —  Voyage  to  (^uicuec  in  i6h. 

N  the  1 8th  of  September,  i6o8,  Pont  Grave, 
having  obtained  his  cargo  of  furs  and  peltry, 
failed  for  France. 

The  autumn  was  fully  occupied  by  Cham- 
plain  and  his  little  band  of  colonifts  in  complet- 
ing the  buildings  and  in  making  fuch  other  provifions  as 
were  needed  againfl  the  rigors  of  the  approaching  winter. 
From  the  forefl:  trees  beams  were  hewed  into  fliape  with  the 
axe,  boards  and  plank  were  cut  from  the  green  wood  with 
the  faw,  walls  were  reared  from  the  rough  ftones  gathered 
at  the  bafe  of  the  cliff,  and  plots  of  land  were  cleared  near 
the  fettlement,  where  wheat  and  rye  were  fown  and  grape- 
vines planted,  which  fuccefsfully  tefted  the  good  qualities  of 
the  foil  and  climate. 

Three  lodging-houfes  were  ere6led  on  the  northwefl  angle 
formed  by  the  jundlion  of  the  prefent  ftreets  St.  Peter  and 
Sous  le  Fort,  near  or  on  the  fite  of  the  Church  of  Notre 
Dame.  Adjoining,  was  a  ftore-houfe.  The  whole  was  fur- 
rounded  by  a  moat  fifteen  feet  wide  and  fix  feet  deep,  thus 

giving 


■mm 


mtmc^t 


. 


i6o8. 


Savmcl  de  Chaviplain, 


87 


giving  the  fcttlcmcnt  the  cliaracflcr  of  a  fort  ;  a  wife  precau- 
tion aijainll  a  fudcien  attack  of  tiie  treacherous  favaiies.''* 

At  length  the  funny  J.ays  of  autumn  were  gone,  and  tlie 
winter,  with  its  fierce  winds  and  its  penetrating  frolls  and 
deep  banks  of  fnow,  was  ujion  theni.  Little  occupation 
could  be  furniflied  for  tiie  twenty-eight  men  that  compofed 
the  colony.  Their  idlenefs  foon  brought  a  defj)ondency  that 
hung  like  a  pall  upon  their  fjjirits.  In  I'"ebruary,  difeafe 
made  its  approach.  It  had  not  been  expecled.  Every  de- 
fence »v'ithin  their  knowledge  iiad  been  provided  againfl  it. 
Their  houfes  were  clofely  fealed  and  warm  ;  their  clothuig 
was  abundant ;  their  food  nutritious  and  plenty.  But  a  diet 
too  cxclufively  of  fait  meat  had,  notwithflanding,  in  the  opin- 
ion of  Champlain,  and  we  may  add  the  want,  probably,  of 
exercife  and  the  prefence  of  bad  air,  induced  the  mal  dc  la 
tcrrc  or  fcurvy,  and  it  made  fearful  havoc  with  'lis  men. 
Twenty,  five  out  of  each  feven  of  their  whole  number, 
had  been  carried  to  their  graves  before  the  middle  oi  April, 
and  half  of  the  remaining  eight  had  been  attacked  by  the 
loathfome  fcourge. 

While  the  mind  of  Champlain  was  oppreffed  by  the  fuf- 
fering  and  death  that  were  at  all  times  prefent  in  their  abode, 
his  fympathies  were  fiill  further  taxed  by  the  condition  of  the 
favages,  who  gathered  in  great  numbers  about  the  fettle- 
ment,  in  the  mofl  abjed  mifery  and  in  the  lafl  ilages  of 
flarvation.  As  Champlain  could  only  furnifh  them,  from  his 
limited  flores,  temporary  and  partial  relief,  it  was  the  more 
painful  to  fee  them  flowly  dragging  their  feeble  frames  about 

in 

"  Tlie  fituation  of  Quebec   and  an    may  I)e  feen  by  reference  to  Vol  II.  pp. 
engraved  reprefentation  of  the  buildings     175,  183. 


■W. 


J   . 


■   t: 


\  li  fl 


-^mmmm^' 


tl 


f  , 


I 


I  i 


'1 


Ml 


I 


88 


Mevioir  of 


1609. 


in  the  fnow,  gathering  up  and  devouring  with  avidity  dif- 
cardcd  meat  in  which  the  procefs  of  decompofition  was  far 
advanced,  and  which  was  already  too  potent  with  the  flench 
of  decay  to  be  approached  by  his  men. 

Beyond  the  ravages  of  difeafe  ^'^  and  the  flarving  Indians, 
Champlain  adds  nothing  more  to  complete  the  gloomy  pic- 
ture of  his  firft  winter  in  Quebec.  The  gales  of  wind  that 
fwept  round  the  wall  of  precipice  that  protected  them  in  the 
rear,  the  drifts  of  fnow  that  were  piled  up  in  frclh  inftal- 
ments  with  every  florm  about  their  dwelling,  the  biting  frofl, 
more  piercing  and  benumbing  than  they  had  ever  experi- 
enced before,  the  unceafmg  groans  of  the  fick  within,  the 
femi-weekly  proceffion  bearing  one  after  another  of  their 
diminifliing  numbers  to  the  grave,  the  myftery  that  hung 
over  the  difeafe,  and  the  impotency  of  all  remedies,  we  know 
were  prominent  features  in  the  pi(fturc.  But  the  imagina- 
tion feeks  in  vain  for  more  than  a  fingle  circumftance  that 
could  throw  upon  it  a  beam  of  modifying  and  foftening  light, 
and  that  was  the  prefence  of  the  brave  Champlain,  who  bore 
all  without  a  murmur,  and,  we  may  be  fure,  without  a  throb 
of  unmanly  fear  or  a  fenfation  of  cowardly  difcontent. 

But  the  winter,  as  all  winters  do,  at  length  melted  reluc- 
tantly away,  and  the  fpring  came  with  its  verdure  and  its 
new  life.  The  fpirits  of  the  little  remnant  of  a  colony  be- 
gan to  revive.  Eight  of  the  twenty-eight  with  which  the 
winter  began  were  ftill  furviving.  Four  had  efcaped  attack, 
and  four  were  rejoicing  convalefcents. 

On  the  5th  of  June,  news  came  that  Pont  Grave  had  ar- 
rived  from   France,  and  was  then   at   Tadouffac,  whither 

Champlain 

5^  Scurvy,  or  mal  de  la  terre.  —  Vide  Vol.  II.  note  105. 


i6o9- 


Satnuel  de  Chaniplain, 


89 


Champlain  immediately  repaired  to  confer  with  liim,  and 
particLila-ly  to  make  arrangements  at  the  earlieft  poffible 
moment  for  an  cxi)k)rinu;  expedition  into  the  interior,  an  un- 
dertaking which  Do  IMonts  had  enjoined  upon  him,  and 
which  was  not  only  agreeable  to  his  own  willies,  but  was  a 
kind  of  enterprife  which  had  been  a  paffion  with  him  from 
his  youth. 

In  anticipation  of  a  tour  of  exploration  during  the  ap- 
proaching fummer,  Champlain  had  already  afcertained  from 
the  Indians  that,  lying  far  to  the  fouthweft,  was  an  extenfive 
lake,  famous  among  the  favages,  containing  many  fair  iflands, 
and  furrounded  by  a  beautiful  and  produdlive  country. 
Having  exprelTed  a  defire  to  vifit  this  region,  the  Indians 
readily  offered  to  acl  as  guides,  provided,  neverthelefs,  that 
he  would  aid  them  in  a  warlike  raid  upon  their  enemies,  the 
Iroquois,  the  tribe  known  to  us  as  the  Mohawks,  whofe 
homes  were  beyond  the  lake  in  queftion.  Champlain  without 
hefitation  acceded  to  the  condition  exaded,  but  with  little 
appreciation,  as  we  confidently  believe,  of  the  bitter  confe- 
quences  that  were  deftined  to  follow  the  alliance  thus  inau- 
gurated ;  from  which,  in  after  years,  it  was  inexpedient,  if 
not  impolTible,  to  recede. 

Having  fitted  out  a  fliallop,  Champlain  left  Quebec  on  his 
tour  of  exploration  on  the  i8th  of  June,  1609,  with  eleven 
men,  together  with  a  party  of  Montagnais,  a  tribe  of  Indi- 
ans who,  in  their  hunting  and  fifhing  excurfions,  roamed 
over  an  indefinite  region  on  the  north  fide  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence but  whofe  headquarters  were  at  Tadouffac.  After 
afcending  the  St.  Lawrence  about  fixty  miles,  he  came  upon 
an  encampment  of  two  hundred  or  three  hundred  favages, 

Hurons 


12 


It 


n 


:  I 


It    ! 


1  ! 


.III  '  ' 


90 


Memoir  of 


1609. 


Hurons*"  and  Algonqulns,  the  former  dwelling  on  the  bor- 
ders of  the  lake  of  the  fame  name,  the  latter  on  the  upper 
waters  of  the  Ottawa.  They  had  learned  fomething  of  the 
French  from  a  ion  of  one  of  their  chiefs,  who  had  been  at 
Quebec  the  preceding  autumn,  and  were  now  on  their 
way  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  the  French  againfl  the 
Iroquois.  After  formal  negotiations  and  a  return  to  Que- 
bec to  vifit  the  French  fettlement  and  witnefs  the  effe6l  of 
their  firearms,  of  which  they  had  heard  and  which  greatly 
excited  their  curiofity,  and  after  the  ufual  ceremonies  of  feaft- 
ing  and  dancing,  the  whole  party  proceeded  up  the  river 
until  they  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Richelieu.  Here  they 
remained  two  days,  as  guefts  of  the  Indians,  feafting  upon 
fifh,  venifon,  and  water-fowl. 

While  thefe  feftivities  were  in  progrefs,  a  difagreement 
arofe  among  the  favages,  and  the  bulk  of  them,  including 
the  women,  returned  to  their  homes.  Sixty  warriors,  how- 
ever, fome  from  each  of  the  three  allied  tribes,  proceeded  up 
the  Richelieu  with  Champlain.  At  the  Falls  of  Chambly, 
finding  it  impoflible  for  the  fliallop  to  pafs  them,  he  diredled 
the  pilot  to  return  with  it  to  Quebec,  leaving  only  two  men 
from  the  crew  to  accompany  him  on  the  remainder  of  the 
expedition.  From  this  point,  Champlain  and  his  two  brave 
companions  entrufled  themfelves  to  the  birch  canoe  of  the 
favages.     For  a  fliort  diftance,  the  canoes,  twenty-four  in  all, 

were 


*°  Hurons.  "  TV.  e  word  Huron  comes 
from  the  French,  who  feeing  thefe  Indi- 
ans with  the  hair  cut  very  fhort,  and 
(landing  up  in  a  ftrange  fafliion,  giving 
them  a  fearful  air,  cried  out,  the  firf 


them  Hurons."  —  Charlevoix's  His. 
New  France,  Shea's  Trans.  Vol.  II,  p. 
71.  Vide  Relations  des  Jifuites,  Que- 
bec ed.  Vol.  I.  1639,  p.  51  ;  alfo  note 
321,  Vol.    II.   of  this  work,  for  brief 


time    they   faw    them,    Quelle   hiires  /    notice  of   the    Algonquins   and   other 
what  boars'  heads !  and  fo  got  to  call    tribes. 


■|iiin|i<llliiai«iMHirH! 


1609. 


Saviuel  de  Cliamplain. 


91 


were  tranfportcd  by  land.  The  fall  and  rapids,  cxtcndiiiL;  as 
far  as  St.  John,  were  at  len;j;th  palled.  'I'hey  then  pro- 
ceeded uj)  the  river,  and,  enterint;  the  lake  which  now  bears 
the  name  of  Chaniplain,  crept  alunt;  the  wellern  bank,  ad- 
vaneini;  after  the  firll  few  days  only  in  the  night,  hiding 
themfelves  during  the  day  in  the  thickets  on  tiie  Ihore  to 
avoid  the  obfervation  of  their  enemies,  whom  they  were 
now  liable  at  any  moment  to  meet. 

On  the  evening  of  the  29th  of  July,  at  about  ten  o'clock, 
when  the  allies  were  gliding  noifeleffly  along  in  reftrained 
filence,  as  they  approached  the  little  cape  that  juts  out  into 
the  lake  at  Ticonderoga,  near  where  Fort  Carillon  was  after- 
wards creeled  by  the  French,  and  where  its  ruins  are  Hill  to 
be  feen,^'  they  difcovered  a  flotilla  of  heavy  canoes,  of  oaken 
bark,  containing  not  far  from  two  hundred  Iroquois  wa:  "iors, 
armed  and  impatient  for  conflict.  A  furor  and  frenzy  as  of 
fo  many  enraged  tigers  inftantly  feized  both  parties.  Cham- 
plain  and  his  allies  withdrew  a  (liort  diftance,  an  arrow's 
range  from  the  fhore,  fadening  theii  canoes  by  poles  to 
keep  them  together,  while  the  Iroquois  haftened  to  the  wa- 
ter's edge,  drew  up  their  canoes  fide  by  fide,  and  began  to 
fell  trees  and  conflru6t  a  barricade,  which  they  were  well  able 
to  accomplifh  with  mai'vellous  facility  and  fkill.  Two  boats 
were  fent  out  to  inquire  if  the  Iroquois  defired  to  fight,  to 
which  they  replied  that  they  wanted  nothing  fo  much,  and, 

as 

"  For  the  identification  of  the  fite  of  Again  it  was  taken  from  the  Englifli  by 

this  battle,   fee  Vol.    II.  p.   223,  note  the  patriot   Ethan    Allen   in    1775.     J* 

348.     It  is  eminently  hiftorical  ground,  was  evacuated  by  St.  Clair  when  envi- 

Near  it  Fort  Carrillon  was  erected  by  roned  by  Burgoyne  in    1777,  and  now 

the  French  in  1756.     Here  Abercrom-  for  a  complete  century  it  has  been  vif- 

bie  was  defeated  by  Montcalm  in  175S.  iied  l)y  the  tourill  as  a  ruin  memorable 

Lord  Amherft  captured  the  fort  in  1759.  for  its  many  hiftorical  aflbciations. 


■ff» 


ll 


.'  I 


r:iM 


m 


i    !, 


92 


Memoir  of 


1609. 


as  it  was  now  dark,  at  funrife  the  next  morning  they  would 
gi\c  them  battle.  The  whole  night  was  fpent  by  both  par- 
ties in  loud  and  tumultuous  boading,  berating  each  other  in 
the  roundefl  terms  which  their  favage  vocabulary  could  fur- 
nilh,  infultingly  charging  each  other  with  cowardice  and 
weaknefs,  and  declaring  that  th(„y  would  prove  the  truth  of 
their  aflertions  to  their  utter  ruin  the  next  morning. 

When  the  fun  began  to  gild  the  diflant  mountain-tops,  the 
combatants  were  ready  for  the  fray.  Champlain  and  his  t^o 
companions,  each  lying  low  in  feparate  canoes  of  the  Mon- 
tagnais,  put  on,  as  befl  they  could,  the  light  armor  in  ufe  at 
that  period,  and,  taking  the  fliort  hand-gun,  or  arquebus,  went 
on  fliore,  concealing  themfelves  as  much  as  poffible  from  the 
enemy.  As  foon  as  all  had  landed,  the  two  parties  haflily 
approached  each  other,  moving  \vith  a  firm  and  determined 
tread.  The  allies,  who  had  become  fully  aware  of  the  deadly 
characfter  of  the  hand-gun  and  were  anxious  to  fee  an  exhibition 
of  its  myflerious  power,  promptly  opened  their  ranks,  and 
Champlain  marched  forward  in  front,  until  he  was  within 
thirty  paces  of  the  Iroquois.  When  they  faw  him,  attra61:cd 
by  his  pale  face  and  ftrange  armov,  they  halted  and  gazed  at 
him  in  a  calm  bewilderment  for  fome  feconds.  Three  Iro- 
quois chiefs,  tall  and  athletic,  flood  in  front,  and  could  be 
eafily  diffinguiflied  by  the  lofty  plumes  that  waved  above  their 
heads.  They  began  at  once  to  make  ready  for  a  difcharge 
of  arrows.  At  the  fame  inftant,  Champlain,  perceiving  this 
movement,  levelled  his  piece,  which  had  been  loaded  with 
four  balls,  and  two  chiefs  fell  dead,  and  another  favage  was 
mortally  wounded  by  the  fame  fliot.  At  this,  the  allies 
raifed  a  Ihout  rivalling  thunder  in  its  ftunning  effedt.     From 

both 


I  n 


i6o9> 


Samuel  de  Champlain, 


93 


I 


both  fides  the  whizzing  arrows  filled  the  air.  The  two 
French  arquebufiers,  from  their  ambufcadc  in  the  thicket, 
immediately  attacked  in  flank,  pouring  a  deadly  fire  upon 
the  enemy's  right.  The  explofion  of  the  firearms,  altogether 
new  to  the  Iroquois,  the  fatal  effe6ls  that  inltantly  followed, 
their  chiefs  lying  dead  at  their  feet  and  others  faff  falling, 
threw  them  into  a  tumultuous  panic.  They  at  once  aban- 
doned every  thing,  arms,  provifions,  boats,  and  camp,  and 
without  any  impediment,  the  naked  favages  fled  through 
the  forefl  with  the  flectnefs  of  the  terrified  deer.  Champlain 
and  his  allies  purfued  them  a  mile  and  a  half,  or  to  the  firfl 
fall  in  the  little  llream  that  connects  Lake  Champlain  ^'  and 

The   vidory   was   complc  e.      The   allies 

irathered 


Lake   George.^^ 


*-  This  lake,  difcovered  and  explored 
b}'  Champlain.  is  ninety  miles  in  length. 
Through  its  centre  runs  the  boundary 
line  between  the  State  of  New  York 
and  that  of  Vermont.  From  its  difcov- 
ery  to  the  prefent  time  it  has  appro- 
priately borne  the  honored  name  of 
Champlain.  For  its  Indian  name, 
Caniadcrii:;ua?unte,  fee  Vol.  II.  note 
349.  According  to  Mr.  Shea  the  Mo- 
hawk name  of  Lake  Champlain  is  Cani- 
atas^aronte.  —  l^ide  Shears  Charlevoix^ 
Vol.  II.  p.  18. 

Lake  Champlain  and  the  Hudfon 
River  were  both  difcovered  the  fame 
year,  and  were  feverally  named  after 
the  diftinguirtied  navigators  by  whom 
they  were  explored.  Champlain  com- 
pleted his  explorations  at  Ticonderoga, 
on  tlie  30th  of  July,  1609,  and  Hudibn 
reached  the  higheit  point  made  by  him 
on  the  river,  near  Albany,  on  tlie  22d  of 
September  of  the  fame  year.  —  /  Ide  Vol. 
II.  p.  219.  Alfo  The  Third  Voym^e  of 
Majier  Henry  Hudfon.  written  i)y  Rob- 
ert I  vet  of  Lime-houfe,  Collcnions  of 
New  York  His.  Society,  Vol.  I.  p.  140. 


"^  Lake  George.  The  Jcfuit  Father, 
Ifaac  Jogues,  having  been  fummoned  in 
l64Ci  to  vilit  the  Moiiawks,  to  attend  to 
the  formalities  of  ratifying  a  treaty  of 
peace  which  h.ad  Ijeen  cc'icluded  with 
them,  paffing  by  canoe  up  the  Riche- 
lieu, through  Lake  Cham])lain,  and  ar- 
riving at  the  end  of  Lake  ("icorgeon  the 
29th  of  May,  the  eve  of  Cor|)US  Chrilli, 
a  feltival  celebrated  by  the  Roman 
Cluirch  on  the  Thurfday  after  Trinity 
Sunday,  in  honor  of  the  Holy  Eucha- 
rift  or  the  Lord's  Supper,  named  this 
lake  Lac  nu  Saint  SAnu-MiAX.  The 
following  is  from  the  Jefuit  Relation  of 
1646  by  Pere  Hierofme  Lalemant.  lis 
arriuerent  la  veille  du  S.  .Sacrement  au 
bout  du  lac  qui  efl  ioint  au  grand  lac  de 
Champlain.  Les  Iroquois  le  nomment 
Andiatarocte,  comme  qui  diroit,  la  oil 
le  lac  fe  ferme.  Le  Pere  Ic  nomma  le 
lac  du  S.  Sacrement.  —  Relations  des 
Jefuites,  ()uebec  ed.  Vol.    II.   1646,  p. 

15' 

Two  important  facts  are  here  made 
perfectly  |)iain  ;  viz.  tliat  the  original  In- 
dian name  of  the  lake  was  AndiatarociiK 

and 


I 


.»; 


t 


I) 


•';*;i.iliiiWrw?»=5 


94 


Memoir  of 


1609. 


\\  'I 


% 


Wi 


\% 


I 


:1  1 


gathered  at  the  fcene  of  conflict,  danced  and  fang  in  tri- 
umph, colleded  and  appropriated  the  abandoned  armor, 
feafled  on  the  provifions  left  by  the  Iroquois,  and,  within 
three  hours,  with  ten  or  twelve  prifoners,  were  faihng  down 
the  lake  on  their  homeward  voyage. 

After  they  had  rowed  about  eight  leagues,  according  to 
Champlain's  eftimate,  they  encamped  lor  the  night.  A  pre- 
vailing charadleriflic  of  the  favages  on  the  eaflern  coaft,  in 
the  early  hiflory  of  America,  was  the  barbarous  cruelties 
which  they  inflicted  upon  their  prifoners  of  war.'^'*  They 
did  not  depart  from  their  ufual  cuftom  in  the  prefent  in- 
flance.  Having  kindled  a  fire,  they  felected  a  victim,  and 
proceeded  to  excoriate  his  back  with  red-hot  burning  brands, 
and  to  apply  live  coals  to  the  ends  of  his  fingers,  where  they 

would 


and  that  the  French  named  it  Lac  du 
Saint  Sacrcjnent  becaufe  they  arrived 
on  its  fliores  on  the  eve  of  the  fellival 
celebrated  in  honor  of  th:  Eucharill  or 
the  Lord's  Supper.  Notwithftandino; 
this  very  plain  Itatement,  it  has  been 
affirmed  without  any  hiftorical  founda- 
tion whatever,  that  the  original  Indian 
name  of  this  lake  was  Horican,  and  that 
the  Jefuit  miffionaries,  having  felefted 
it  for  the  typical  puriiication  of  baptifm 
on  account  of  its  limpid  waters,  nam.ed 
it  Lac  du  Saint  Sacrcment.  This  per- 
verfion  of  hiftory  originated  in  the  ex- 
traordinary declaration  of  Mr.  James 
Fenimore  Cooper,  in  his  novel  entitled 
"The  Laft  of  the  Mohicans,"  in  which 
thefe  two  erroneous  flatements  are  given 
as  veritable  hiflory.  This  new  difcovery 
by  Cooper  was  heralded  by  the  public 
journals,  fcholars  were  deceived,  and 
the  bold  impcfition  was  fo  fuccefsful 
that  it  was  even  intr  duced  into  a  merito- 
rious poem  in  whic  the  Horican  of  the 
ancient  tribes  and   he  baptifmal  waters 


of  the  limpid  lake  are  handled  with 
(kill  and  effeft.  Twenty-five  years  after 
the  writing  of  his  novel,  Mr.  Cooper's 
confcience  began  ferioufly  to  trouble 
him,  and  he  publicly  confelTed,  in  a 
preface  to  "  The  Laftof  tlie  Mohicans," 
that  the  name  Horican  had  been  firft 
applied  to  the  lake  by  himfelf,  and  with- 
out any  hiflorical  authority.  He  is 
fdent  as  to  the  reafon  he  had  afllgned 
for  the  French  name  of  the  lake,  which 
was  probably  an  affumption  growing  out 
of  his  ignorance  of  its  meaning.  —  Vide 
The  Lajl  of  The  .^fohicansy  by  J.  Fen- 
imore Cooper,  Gregory's  ed.,  New 
York,  1864,  pp.  ix-x  and  12. 

"*  "  There  are  certain  general  cuftoms 
which  mark  the  California  Indians,  as, 
the  non-ufe  of  torture  on  prifoners  of 
war,"  (S:c. —  Vide  The  Tribes  of  Califor- 
nia, by  Stejihen  Powers,  in  Contribu- 
tions to  North  American  Ethno/ot;y, 
Vol.  III.  p.  15.  Tribes  of  IVafJiint^ton 
and  Oregon,  by  George  Gibbs,  idem, 
Vol.  I.  p.  192. 


lVI 


V 


„!,Hi*»w--wW*,t  .'rf,;,^uvtiW 


P*IM«U|«r4 


i6o9* 


Samziel  de  Champ  lain. 


95 


. 


would  give  the  mofl:  exquifite  pain.  They  tore  out  his 
finger-nails,  and,  with  (liarp  (livers  of  wood,  pierced  his  wrifls 
and  rudely  forced  out  the  quivering  finews.  They  flayed  off 
the  fkin  from  the  top  of  his  head,*^^  and  poured  upon  the 
bleeding  wound  a  flream  of  boiling  melted  gum.  Chamjilain 
remonflrated  i.i  vain.  The  piteous  cries  of  the  poor,  tormented 
vi6tim  excited  his  unavailing  compaffion,  and  he  turned  away 
in  anger  and  dilgufl.  At  length,  when  thele  inhuman  tortures 
had  been  carried  as  far  as  they  defired,  Champlain  was  per- 
mitted, at  his  earnefl  requeft,  with  a  mufket-fliot  to  put  an 
end  to  his  fufferings.  But  this  was  not  the  termination  of 
the  horrid  performance.  The  dead  victim  was  hacked  in 
pieces,  his  heart  fevered  into  parts,  and  the  furviving  prifon- 
ers  were  ordered  to  eat  it.  This  was  too  revoltinc:  to  their 
nature,  degraded  as  it  was  ;  they  were  forced,  however,  to 
take  it  into  their  mouths,  but  they  would  do  no  more,  and 
their  guard  of  more  compaffionate  Algonquins  allowed  them 
to  cafl  it  into  the  lake. 

This  exhibition  of  favage  cruelty  was  not  extraordinary, 
but  according  to  their  ufual  cuftom.  It  was  equalled,  and, 
if    poffible,   even    furpaffed,   in   the   treatment   of  captives 

generally 

^  "  It  has  been  erroneoufly  afTerted 
that  the  praftice  of  fcalping  did  not 
prevail  among  the  Indians  before  the 
advent  of  Europeans.  In  1535.  Cartier 
faw  five  fcalps  at  Quebec,  dried  and 
ftretched  on  hoops.  In  1564,  Laudon- 
ni^re  faw  them  among  the  Indians  of 
Florida.  The  Algonquins  of  New  Eng- 
land and  Nova  Scotia  were  accuflomed 
to  cut  off  and  carry  away  the  head, 
which  they  afterwards  fcalped.  Thofe 
of  Canada,  it  feems,  fometimes  fcalped 
the  dead  bodies  on  the  field.  The  Al- 
gonquin praftice  of  carrying  off  heads 


as  trophies  is  mentioned  by  Lalemant, 
Roger  Williams,  Lefcarbot.  and  Cham- 
plain.'' —  I'icie  Pioneers  of  France  in 
the  New  World,  by  Francis  J'arkman, 
Boston,  1874,  p.  322.  The  pra6lice  of 
the  tribes  on  the  Pacific  coafl  is  differ- 
ent. "  In  war  they  do  not  take  fcalps, 
but  decapitate  the  fiain  and  bring  in  the 
heads  as  trophies." — Contributions  to 
Am.  Ethnology,  by  Stephen  Powers, 
Wafliington,  i'b77,  Vol.  III.  pp.21,  221. 
I'ide  \'ol.  I.  p.  192.  The  Yuki  are  an 
exception.     Vol.  III.  p.  129. 


.         \\ 


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1 

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!!11 


I   il 


i^ 


96 


Memoir  of 


1609. 


generally,  and  efpecially  of  the  Jefuit  mifTionaries  in  after 


66 


years 

When  the  party  arrived  at  the  Falls  of  Chambly,  the  Hu- 
rons  and  Algonquins  left  the  river,  in  order  to  reach  their 
homes  by  a  fliorter  way,  tranfporting  their  canoes  and  effects 
over  land  to  the  St.  Lawrence  near  Montreal,  while  the  reft 
continued  their  journey  down  the  Richelieu  and  the  St. 
Lawrence  to  Tadouffac,  where  their  families  were  encamped, 
waiting  to  join  in  the  ufual  ceremonies  and  rejoicings  after  a 
great  victory. 

When  the  returning  warriors  approached  Tadouffac,  they 
hung  aloft  on  the  prow  of  their  canoes  the  fcalped  heads  of 
thofe  whom  they  had  flain,  decorated  with  beads  which  they 
had  begged  from  the  French  for  this  purpofe,  and  with  a 
favage  grace  prefented  thefe  ghaftly  trophies  to  their  wives 
and  daughters,  who,  laying  afide  their  garments,  eagerly 
fwam  out  to  obtain  the  precious  mementoes,  which  they 
hung  about  their  necks  and  bore  rejoicing  to  the  fliore, 
where  they  further  teftified  their  fatisfadion  by  dancing  and 
fmging. 

After  a  few  days,  Champlain  repaired  to  Quebec,  and  early 
in  September  decided  to  return  with  Pont  Grave  to  France. 
All  arrangements  were  fpeedily  made  for  that  purpofe.  Fif- 
teen men  were  left  to  pafs  the  winter  at  Quebec,  in  charge 
of  Captain  Pierre  Chavin  of  Dieppe.  On  the  5th  of  Sep- 
tember they  failed  from  Tadouffac,  and,  lingering  fome  days 
at  Ifle  Perce,  arrived  at  Honfleur  on  the   13th  of  06lober, 

1609. 

Champlain 

"  For  an  account  of  the  fuffi^rings  of    Hi/lory  of  Catholic  Miffions,  by  John 
Br^beuf,  Lalemant,   and   Jogues,    fee    Gilmary  Shea,  pp.  188,  189,  217. 


i 


,:£iSSX-:^il^e^:ih^i!u:S.z^^^,-V3:.*,m-.Smei 


1609. 


Sa7miel  de  Champlam. 


Champlain  haftened  immediately  to  Fontainebleau,  to 
make  a  detailed  report  of  his  proceedings  to  Sieur  de  Monts, 
who  was  there  in  official  attendance  upon  the  king.*^'  On 
this  occafion  he  fought  an  audience  alfo  with  Henry  IV., 
who  had  been  his  friend  and  patron  from  the  time  of  his  firfl 
voyage  to  Canada  in  1603.  In  addition  to  the  new  difcov- 
eries  and  obfervations  which  he  detailed  to  him,  he  exhib- 
ited a  belt  curioufly  wrought  and  inlaid  with  porcupine-quills, 
the  work  of  the  favages,  which  cfpecially  drew  forth  the 
king's  admiration.  He  alfo  prefented  two  fpecimens  of  the 
fcarlet  tanager,  Pyranga  rubra,  a  bird  of  great  brilliancy  of 
plumage  and  peculiar  to  this  continent,  and  likewife  the  head 
of  a  gar-pike,  a  fifli  of  fingular  characleriflics,  then  known 
only  in  the  waters  of  Lake  Champlain.^^ 

At  this  time  De  Monts  was  urgently  feeking  a  renewal  of 
his  commiffion  for  the  monopoly  of  the  fur-trade.  In  this 
Champlain  was  deeply  interefled.  But  to  this  monopoly 
a  powerful  oppofition  arofe,  and  all  efforts  at  renewal 
proved  utterly  fruitlefs.  De  Monts  did  not,  however,  aban- 
don the  enterprife  on  which  he  had  entered.  Renewing  his 
ens:a2:ements  with  the  merchants  of  Rouen  with  whom  he 
had  already  been  affociated,  he  refolved  to  fend  out  in  the 
early  fpring,  as  a  private  enterprife  and  without  any  fpecial 
privileges  or  monopoly,  two  veffels  w-ith  the  neceffary  equip- 
ments for  flrengthening  his  colony  at  Quebec  and  for  carry- 
ing on  trade  as  ufual  with  the  Indians. 

Champlain  was  again  appointed  lientenant,  charged  with 

the 


®^  He  was  gentleman  in  ordinary  to 
the  king's  chamber.  "  Gentil-homme 
ordinaire  de  noftre  Chambre."  —  Vule 
Cotnmijfion  du  Roy  an  Sieur  de 
Monts,  Hijloire  de  la  Notivelle  France, 


par   Marc    Lefcarbot,    Paris,    1612, 

432. 

®^  Called  by  the  Indians  chaoufarou. 
For  a  full  account  of  this  cruftacean 
vide  Vol.  II.  note  343. 


13 


-*&*•!•*.■!. 


98 


Memoir  of 


1610. 


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the  government  and  management  of  the  colony,  with  the 
expe6tation  of  paffing  the  next  winter  at  Quebec,  while  Pont 
Grave,  as  he  had  been  before,  was  fpecially  entrufted  with 
the  commercial  department  of  the  expedition. 

They  embarked  at  Honfleur,  but  were  detained  in  the 
Englifh  Channel  by  bad  weather  for  fome  days.  In  the 
mean  t'-ne  Champlain  was  taken  ferioully  ill,  the  veffel 
needed  additional  ballaft,  and  returned  to  port,  and  they  did 
not  finally  put  to  fea  till  the  8th  of  April.  They  arrived  at 
Tadouffac  on  the  26th  of  the  fame  month,  in  the  year  16 10, 
and,  two  days  later,  failed  for  Quebec,  where  they  found  the 
commander.  Captain  Chavin,  and  the  little  colony  all  in  ex- 
cellent health. 

The  eflablifhment  at  Quebec,  it  is  to  be  remembered,  was 
now  a  private  enterprife.  It  exifted  by  no  chartered  rights, 
it  was  proteded  by  no  exclufive  authority.  There  was  con- 
fequently  little  encouragement  for  its  enlargement  beyond 
what  was  neceffary  as  a  bafe  of  commercial  operations.  The 
limited  cares  of  the  colony  left,  therefore,  to  Champlain,  a 
larger  fcope  for  the  exercife  of  his  indomitable  defire  for  ex- 
ploration and  adventure.  Explorations  could  not,  however, 
be  carried  forward  without  the  concurrence  and  guidance 
of  the  favages  by  whom  he  was  immediately  furrounded. 
Friendly  relations  exifled  between  the  French  and  the  united 
tribes  of  Montagnais,  Hurons,  and  Algonquins,  who  occu- 
pied the  northern  fliores  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  great 
lakes.  A  burning  hatred  exifled  between  thefe  tribes  and 
the  Iroquois,  occupying  the  fouthern  fhores  of  the  fame  river. 
A  deadly  warfare  was  their  chief  employment,  and  every 
fummer  each  party  was  engaged  either  in  repelling  an  in- 

vafion 


■Ml 


'V 


MjMti'^iriiiiiBiyjiCfr.iOd 


m)S^^-^aiJtwi)iSk-MSS^4^ 


i6io. 


Samuel  de  Champlain. 


99 


vafion  or  in  making  one  in  the  icrritory  of  the  other. 
Thole  friendly  to  Champlain  were  quite  ready  to  a(5t  as  pio- 
neers in  his  explorations  and  difcoveries,  but  they  expelled 
and  demanded  in  return  that  he  Ihould  give  them  a6tive  per- 
fonal  affiftance  in  their  wars.  Influenced,  doubtlels,  by  pol- 
icy, the  fpirit  of  the  age,  and  his  early  education  in  the  civil 
conflicts  of  F"rance,  Champlain  did  not  hefitate  to  enter  into 
an  alliance  and  an  exchange  of  lervices  on  thele  terms. 

In  the  preceding  year,  two  journeys  into  dillant  regions 
had  been  planned  for  exploration  and  difcovery.  One  be- 
ginning at  Three  Rivers,  was  to  furvey,  under  the  guidance  of 
the  Montagnais,  the  river  St.  Maurice  to  its  fource,  and  thence, 
by  different  channels  and  portages,  reach  Lake  St.  John, 
returning  by  the  Saguenay,  making  in  the  circuit  a  diflance 
of  not  lefs  than  eight  hundred  miles.  The  other  plan  was 
to  explore,  under  the  direction  of  the  Hurons  and  Algon- 
quins,  the  vaft  country  over  which  they  were  accuftomed  to 
roam,  paffmg  up  the  Ottawa,  and  reaching  in  the  end  the 
region  of  the  copper  mines  on  Lake  Superior,  a  journey  not 
lefs  than  twice  the  extent  of  the  former. 

Neither  of  thefe  explorations  could  be  undertaken  the 
prefent  year.  Their  importance,  however,  to  the  future  pro- 
grefs  of  colonization  in  New  France  is  fufi[iciently  obvious. 
The  purpofe  of  making  thefe  furveys  fliows  the  breadth  and 
wifdom  of  Champlain's  views,  and  that  hardfliips  or  dangers 
were  not  permitted  to  interfere  with  his  patriotic  fenfe  of 
duty. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Q'lebec,  the  favages  began  to  as- 
femble  to  engage  in  their  ufual  fummer's  entertainment  of 
making  war  upon  the  Iroquois.     Sixty  Montagnais,  equipped 

in 


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in  their  rude  armor,  were  haftcning  to  the  rendezvous  which, 
by  agreement  made  the  year  before,  was  to  be  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Riclielieu/"'  Hither  were  to  come  the  three  alHed 
tribes,  and  pals  together  up  this  river  into  Lake  Champlain, 
the  "gate"  or  war-path  through  which  thefe  hoflile  cLans 
were  accuftomed  to  make  their  yearly  pilgrimage  to  meet 
each  other  in  deadly  confli6t.  Sending  forward  four  barques 
for  trading  purpoles,  Champlain  repaired  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Richelieu,  and  landed,  in  company  with  the  Montagnais, 
on  the  Ifland  St.  Ignace,  on  the  19th  of  June.  While  prep- 
arations were  making  to  receive  their  Algonquin  allies  from 
the  region  of  the  Ottawa,  news  came  that  they  had  already 
arrived,  and  that  they  had  difcovered  a  hundred  Iroquois 
ftrongly  barricaded  in  a  log  fort,  which  they  had  haflily 
thrown  together  on  the  brink  of  the  river  not  far  diflant,  and 
to  cai^ture  them  the  affiflance  of  all  parties  was  needed  without 
delay.  Champlain,  with  four  Frenchmen  and  the  fixty  IVIon- 
tagnais,  left  the  ifland  in  hafle,  paffed  over  to  the  mainland, 
where  they  left  their  canoes,  and  eagerly  ruflied  through  the 
marfhy  forell  a  diftance  of  two  miles.  Burdened  with  their 
heavy  armor,  half  conlumed  by  mofquitoes  which  were  fo  thick 
that  they  were  fcarcely  able  to  breathe,  covered  with  mud 
and  water,  they  at  length  ftood  before  the  Iroquois  fort.^°  It 
was  a  fl:ru(5lure  of  logs  laid  one  upon  another,  braced  and 
held  together  by  pofls  coupled  by  withes,  and  of  the  ufual 
circular  form.  It  offered  a  good  protection  in  favage  war- 
fare. 

'*  The  mouth  of  the  Richelieu  was  '"'  Champlain's  defcription  does   not 

the  uiual  place  of  meeting.     In  1603,  the  enable  us  to  identify  the  place  of  this 

allied  tribes  were  there  when  Champlain  battle  with  exadnefs.     It  will   be  ob- 

afiended  the  St.  Lawrence.     They  had  ferved,  if  we  refer  to  his  text,  that,  leav- 

a  fort,  which  he  defcribes. —  Vide pojiea,  ing  the  ifland  of  St.  Ignace,  and  going 

p,  243.    ^.  half 


^^^ 


aiiiTg,'!»w>-^vjjHaJVJjBjiigt^.^iU><.aw^^ 


i6io. 


Samuel  de  Champlain, 


lOI 


fare.  Even  the  French  arquebus  difcharged  through  the 
crevices  did  flow  execution. 

It  was  obvious  to  Champlain  that,  to  enfure  vi6tory,  the 
fort  mull  be  dcmolifhed.  Huge  trees,  fevered  at  the  bafe, 
falling  upon  it,  did  not  break  it  down.  At  length,  directed 
by  Champlain,  the  favages  approached  under  their  fhiclds, 
tore  away  the  fupporting  p  fls,  and  thus  made  a  breach,  into 
which  ruflied  the  infuriated  befiegers,  and  in  hot  hafte  fin- 
ifl^iCd  their  deadly  work.  Fifteen  of  the  Iroquois  were  taken 
prifoners ;  a  few  plunged  into  the  river  and  were  drowned ; 
the  reft  periflied  by  mufket-fhots,  arrow-wounds,  the  toma- 
hawk, and  the  war-club.  Of  the  allied  favages  three  were 
killed  and  fifty  wounded.     Champlain  himfelf  did  not  efcape 

altocfether 

half  a  league,  crofTing  the  river,  they  avenue  tlirouc:h  which  the  Iroquois 
landed,  when  they  were  plainly  on  the  were  accullomed  to  come,  and  tliey 
mainland  near  tiio  mouth  of  the  Kiche-  would  naturally  encaniij  here  where 
lieu.  They  then  went  half  n  icaiiia\  they  could  choofe  their  own  ground, 
and  findiuii  themfelves  outrun  by  their  ancl  where  their  enemies  were  lure 
Indian  guides  and  loll,  they  called  to  to  approach  them.  If  we  refer  to 
two  favages,  whom  they  faw  going  C'hamplain's  illullration  of  J'ort  t/vs 
through  the  woods,  to  guide  them.  Go-  / ro// tio/s,  Yo\.  II.  p.  241.  we  fliall  ob- 
ing  :i y/iorf  ifl/?afui\  they  were  met  by  a  ferve  that  the  river  is  i)ictured  as  com- 
meflenger  from  the  fcene  of  conflict,  to  paratively  narrow,  which  could  hardly 
urge  them  to  haften  forwards.  Then,  be  a  true  rei)refentation  if  it  were  in- 
after  going  /e/s  tlian  an  ct'i^/iih  of  a  tended  for  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  ef- 
leao^iie,  they  were  within  the  found  of  caping  lroquoi.s  are  reprefented  as 
the  voices  of  the  combatants  at  the  fort,  fwimming  towards  the  right,  which  was 
Thefe  diilances  are  eflimated  without  probably  in  the  direclicn  of  their  homes 
meafurement,  and,  of  c.nirfe,  are  inex-  on  the  fouth,  the  natural  courfe  of  their 
a(5l :  but,  putting  the  ditlances  men-  retreat.  The  fliallop  of  Des  Prairies, 
tioned  altogether,  the  journey  through  who  arrived  late,  is  on  the  left  of  the 
the  woods  to  the  fort  was  apparently  a  fort,  at  the  exact  point  where  he  would 
little  more  than  two  miles.  Had  they  naturally  difembark  if  he  came  uj)  the 
followed  the  courfe  of  the  rivef,  the  dif-  Richelieu  from  the  .St.  Lawrence,  from 
tance  would  probably  have  been  fome-  a  iludy  of  the  whole  narrative,  together 
what  more  :  perhaps  nearly  three  miles,  with  tiie  map,  we  infer  th;it  the  fort  was 
Champlain  does  not  pofitively  fay  that  on  the  weltern  hank  of  the  Kiclielieu, 
the  fort  was  on  the  Richelieu,  but  the  between  two  and  three  miles  from  its 
whole  narrative  leaves  no  doubt  that  mouth.  We  are  confident  that  its  lo- 
fuch  was  the  fact.     This  river  was  the  cation  cannot  be  more  definitely  fixed. 


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Alemoir  of 


1610. 


altogether  unharmed.  An  arrow,  armed  with  a  (harp  point 
of  (lone,  pierced  his  ear  and  neck',  which  1''^  drew  out  with 
his  own  hand.  One  of  his  companions  received  a  fimilar 
wound  in  the  arm.  Tiie  vidors  fcalped  the  dead  as  ufual, 
ornamenting  the  prows  of  their  canoes  with  the  bleeding 
heads  of  their  enemies,  while  they  levered  one  of  the  bodies 
into  quarters,  to  eat,  as  they  alleged,  in  revenge. 

The  canoes  of  the  lavages  and  a  French  Ihallop  having 
come  to  the  fcene  of  this  battle,  all  Ibon  embarked  and  re- 
turned to  the  IHand  of  St.  Ignacc.  Here  the  allies,  joined 
by  eighty  Huron  warriors  who  had  arrived  too  late  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  conflict,  remained  three  days,  celebrating 
their  vidlory  by  dancing,  fmging,  and  the  adminiflration  of 
the  ufual  punifhment  upon  their  prifoners  of  war.  This 
confiflcd  in  a  variety  of  exquilitc  tortures,  fimilar  to  thofe 
inflicfled  the  year  before,  after  the  victory  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  horrible  and  fickening  in  all  their  features,  and  which 
need  not  be  fpread  upon  thcfe  pages.  From  thefe  tortures 
Champlain  would  gladly  have  fnatched  the  poor  wretches, 
had  it  been  in  his  power,  but  in  this  matter  the  favages 
would  brook  no  interference.  There  was  a  folitary  excep- 
tion, however,  in  a  fortunate  young  Iroquois  who  fell  to  him 
in  the  divifion  of  prifoners.  He  was  treated  with  great  kind- 
nefs,  but  it  did  not  overcome  his  exceffive  fear  and  diflruft, 
and  he  foon  fought  an  opportunity  and  efcaped  to  his 
home.'' 

When  the  celebration  of  the  vi(5lory  had  been  completed, 
the  Indians  departed  to  their  diftant   abodes.     Champlain, 

however, 

■"  For  a  full   account  of  the  Indian  treatment  of  prifoners,   vide  antea,  pp. 
94,  95.     Alfo  Vol.  II.  pp.  224-227,  244-246. 


i6io. 


Sainted  de  Champlain, 


103 


however,  before  their  clcparturc,  very  wifely  entered  into  an 
agreement  that  they  Ihould  receive  for  the  winter  a  young 
Frenchman  who  was  anxious  to  learn  their  lan^uat^e,  and,  in 
return,  he  was  himfclf  to  take  a  young  Huron,  at  their 
fpecial  requeft,  to  pafs  the  winter  in  Prance.  This  judicious 
arrangement,  in  which  Champlain  was  deeply  interefted  and 
which  he  found  fome  difficulty  in  accomplilhing,  proniifcd 
an  important  future  advantage  in  extending  the  knowledge 
of  both  parties,  and  in  ftrengthening  on  the  foundation  of 
perfonal  experience  th'.ir  mutual  confidence  and  friendlhip. 

After  the  departure  of  the  Indians,  Champlain  returned 
to  Quebec,  and  proceeded  to  put  the  buildings  in  repair  and 
to  fee  that  all  neceffary  arrangements  were  made  for  the 
fafety  and  comfort  of  the  colony  during  the  next  winter. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  Des  Marais,  in  charge  of  the  veffel 
belonging  to  De  Monts  and  his  company,  which  had  been 
left  behind  and  had  been  expected  foon  to  follow,  arrived  a!: 
Quebec,  bringing  the  intelligence  that  a  fmall  revolution  had 
taken  place  in  Brouage,  the  home  of  Champlain,  that  the 
Proteflants  had  been  expelled,  and  an  additional  guard  of  fol- 
diers  had  been  placed  in  the  garrifon.  Des  Marais  alfo  brought 
the  ftartling  news  that  Henry  IV.  had  been  affaffmated  on 
the  14th  of  May.  Champlain  was  penetrated  by  this  an- 
nouncement with  the  deepeft  forrow.  He  fully  faw  how 
great  a  public  calamity  had  fallen  upon  his  country.  France 
haa  loft,  by  an  ignominious  blow,  one  of  her  ableft  and  wifeft 
fovereigns,  who  had,  by  his  marvellous  power,  gradually 
united  and  compared  the  great  interefts  of  the  nation,  which 
had  been  fhattered  and  torn  by  half  a  century  of  civil  con- 
flids  and  domeftic  feuds.     It  was  alfo  to  him  a  perfonal  lofs. 

The 


\ 


I 


w 


,  u 


.1  : 

I 


■  ':  "■"mSh- 


I04 


Memoir  of 


1610. 


•!    I 


[I  ■• 


The  king  had  taken  a  fpecial  intereft  in  his  undertakings, 
luid  been  his  patron  from  the  time  of  his  firll  voyage  to  New 
France  in  1603,  had  fullained  him  by  an  annua!  penfion,  and 
on  many  occafions  had  Ihown  by  word  and  deed  that  he  fully 
appreciated  the  great  value  of  his  explorations  in  his  Ameri- 
can domains.  It  was  difficult  to  fee  how  a  lofs  lb  great  both 
to  his  country  and  himfelf  could  be  repaired.  A  cloud  of 
doubt  and  uncertainty  hung  over  the  future.  The  condition 
of  the  company,  likewife,  under  whole  aufpices  he  was  a6l- 
ing,  prefented  at  this  time  no  very  encouraging  features. 
The  returns  from  the  fur-trade  had  been  fmall,  owing  to  the 
lofs  of  the  monopoly  which  the  company  had  formerly  en- 
joyed, and  the  exceffive  competition  which  free-trade  had 
Simulated.  Only  a  limited  attention  had  as  yet  been  given 
to  the  cultivation  of  the  foil.  Garden  vegetables  had  been 
placed  in  cultivation,  together  with  fmall  fields  of  Indian 
corn,  wheat,  rye,  and  barley.  Thefe  attempts  at  agriculture 
were  doubtlefs  experiments,  while  at  the  fame  time  they  were 
ufeful  in  fupplementing  the  flores  needed  for  the  colony's 
confumption. 

Champlain's  perfonal  prefence  was  not  required  at  Quebec 
during  the  winter,  as  no  a6tive  enterprife  could  be  carried 
forward  in  that  inclement  feafon,  and  he  decided,  therefore, 
to  return  to  France.  The  little  colony  now  confifted  of  fix- 
teen  men,  which  he  placed  in  charge,  daring  his  abfence,  of 
Sieur  Du  Pare.  He  accordingly  left  Tadouffac  on  the  13th 
of  Auguft,  and  arrived  at  Honfleur  in  France  on  the  27th 
of  September,  16 10. 

During  the  autumn  of  this  year,  while  refiding  in  Paris, 
Champlain  became  attached  to  Helene  Boulle,  the  daughter 

of 


i6io. 


Savmel  dc  Chaviplain, 


I  OS 


of  Nicholas  noulle,  fccrctary  of  the  king's  chamber.  She 
was  at  that  time  a  mere  child,  and  of  too  tender  years  to  aft 
for  herfclf,  particularly  in  matters  of  fo  j^reat  importance  as 
thofe  which  relate  to  marital  relatioiis.  However,  ai^reeably 
to  a  cuftom  not  infrequent  at  that  period,  a  marriaijje  con- 
tra6l  ^' was  entered  into  on  the  27th  of  December  with  her 
parents,  in  which,  neverthelefs,  it  was  (lipulated  that  the 
nuptials  (hould  not  take  place  within  at  leaff  two  years  from 
that  date.  The  dowry  of  the  future  bride  was  fixed  at  fix 
thoufand  livres  tournois,  three  fourths  of  which  were  paid 
and  receipted  for  by  Champlain  two  days  after  the  figning 
of  the  contradl.  The  marriage  was  afterward  confummated, 
and  Helen  Boulle,  as  his  wife,  accompanied  Champlain  to 
Quebec,  in  1620,  as  we  fhall  fee  in  the  fequel. 

Notwithflanding  the  difcouragements  of  the  preceding  year 
and  the  fmall  profpe6t  of  future  fuccefs,  De  Monts  and  the 
merchants  affociated  with  him  Hill  perfevered  in  fending  an- 
other expedition,  and  Champlain  left  Honfleur  for  New 
France  on  the  firfl  day  of  March,  161  r.  Unfortunately,  the 
voyage  had  been  undertaken  too  early  in  the  feafon  for  thefe 
northern  waters,  and  long  before  they  reached  the  Grand 
Banks,  they  encountered  ice-floes  of  the  moft  dangerous 
chara61er.  Huge  blocks  of  cryftal,  towering  two  hundred 
feet  above  the  furface  of  the  water,  floated  at  times  near 

them, 


^'  Vide  Contrat  de  mariage  de  Sa- 
muel de  Champlain^  CEuvres  de  Chant- 
plain,  Quebec  ed.  Vol.  VI.,  Pikes 
Jujlificatives,  p.  33. 

Among  the  early  marriages  not  un- 
common at  that  period,  the  following 
are  examples.  C^far,  the  fon  of  Henry 
IV.,  was  efpoufed  by  public  ceremonies 
to  the  daughter  of  the  Duke  de  Mer- 


cosur in  1598.  The  bridegroom  was 
four  years  old  and  the  bride-eleft  had 
juft  entered  her  fixth  year.  The  great 
Condd,  by  the  ursrency  of  his  avaricious 
father,  was  unwillingly  married  at  the 
age  of  twenty,  to  Claire  Clemence  de 
Maill^  Brdz^,  the  niece  of  Cardinal 
Richelieu,  when  fhe  was  but  thirteen 
years  of  age. 


14 


m 


rl.'ti 


v.lj 


B>|tljWl>^l^ri»iyaii|Wy»ljj<mi<^ 


r  lifri 


';;i. 


I  1 


'\  V,   ' 


1 06 


MeDioir  of 


1611. 


them,  and  at  others  they  were  rurrounded  and  hemmed  in 
by  vafi:  fields  of  ice  extending  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach. 
Amid  thelc  cealelefs  perils,  momentarily  expecting  to  be 
cruflicd  between  the  floating  iilands  wheeling  to  and  fro 
about  them,  they  ftruggled  with  the  elements  for  nearly  two 
months,  when  finally  they  reached  Tadouffac  on  the  1 3th  of 
May. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Fur-trade  at  Montreal. — Competitio.v  at  the  Rendezvous. — 
No  Explorations. —  Champlain  returns  to  France.  —  Reorganiza- 
tion OF  THE   Company. — Count   de  Soissons,  his    Death. —  Prince 

DE   CONDE.  —  ChAMPLAIN'S    RETURN   TO   NeW   FRANCE   AND   TRADE   WITH 

THE  Indians.  —  Exploration  and   De  Vignan,  the   False   Guide. — 
Indian  Cere.monv  at  Chai  diere  Falls. 

HAMPLAIN  lofl  no  time  in  hallening  to  Que- 
bec, where  he  found  Du  Pare,  whom  he  had  left 
in  charge,  and  the  colony  in  excellent  health. 
The  paramount  and  immediate  objed;  which 
now  engaged  his  attention  was  to  fecure  for  the 
prefent  fealbn  the  fur-trade  of  the  Indians.  This  furniflied 
the  chief  pecuniary  fupport  of  De  Monts's  company,  and 
was  abfolutely  neceiTary  to  its  exiftence.  He  foon,  therefore, 
took  his  departure  for  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  fituated  a  fliort 
diftance  above  Montreal,  and  now  better  known  as  La  Chine 
P.apids.  In  the  preceding  year,  this  place  had  been  agreed 
upon  as  a  rendezvous  by  the  friendly  tribes.  But,  as  they 
had  not  arrived,  Champlain  proceeded  to  make  a  thorough 
exploration  on  both  fides  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  extending  his 
journeys  more  than  twenty  miles  through  the  forefts  and 

along 


'iitsssxL 


N^l 


i6i  I. 


Savmcl  de  Champlam. 


107 


along  the  ftiorcs  of  the  river,  for  tiic  purpole  of  fclediiig  a 
proper  fite  for  a  trading-houfe,  with  doubtlcfs  an  ultimate 
purpofe  of  making  it  a  permanent  fettlement.  After  a  full 
furvey,  he  finally  fixed  u]3on  a  point  of  land  which  he  named 
La  Place  Royalc,  lituated  within  the  preient  city  of  Montreal, 
on  the  caflern  fide  of  the  little  brook  Pierre,  where  it  flows 
into  the  St.  Lawrence,  at  Point  a  Calliere.  On  the  banks 
of  this  finall  flream  there  were  found  evidences  that  the  land 
to  the  extent  of  fixty  acres  had  at  fome  former  period  been 
cleared  up  and  cultivated  by  the  favages,  but  more  recently 
had  been  entirely  abandoned  on  account  of  the  wars,  as  he 
learned  from  his  Indian  guides,  in  which  they  were  incef- 
fantly  engaged. 

Near  the  fpot  which  had  thus  been  felcdied  for  a  future 
fettlement,  Champlain  difcovered  a  depofit  of  excellent  clay, 
and,  by  way  of  experiment,  had  a  quantity  of  it  manufac- 
tured into  bricks,  of  which  he  made  a  wall  on  the  brink  of 
the  river,  to  tefl  their  power  of  refilling  ti.e  frofls  and  the 
floods.  Gardens  were  alfo  made  and  feeds  fown,  to  prove  the 
quality  of  the  foil.  A  weary  month  paffed  flowly  away,  with 
fcarcely  an  incident  to  break  the  monotony,  except  the 
drowning  of  two  Indians,  who  had  unwifely  attempted  to 
pafs  the  rapids  in  a  bark  canoe  overloaded  with  heron,  which 
they  had  taken  on  an  ifland  above.  In  the  mean  time,  Cham- 
plain  had  been  followed  to  his  rendezvous  by  a  herd  of  ad- 
venturers from  the  maritime  towns  of  France,  who,  ftimu- 
lated  by  the  freedom  of  trade,  had  flocked  after  him  in 
numbers  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  amount  of  furs  which 
they  could  hope  to  obtain  from  the  wandering  bands  of  fav- 
ages that  might  chance  to  vifit  the  St.  Lawrence.     The  river 

was 


It. 


(■  ( 


i 


io8 


Memoir  of 


1611. 


I ' 


was  lined  with  thefe  voracious  cormorants,  anxioufly  watch- 
ing the  coming  of  the  favages,  all  impatient  and  eager  to 
fecure  as  large  a  fliare  as  poffible  of  the  uncertain  and  mea- 
gre booty  for  which  they  had  croffed  the  Atlantic.  Fifteen 
or  twenty  barques  were  moored  along  the  fhore,  all  feeking 
the  beft  opportunity  for  the  difplay  of  the  worthlefs  trinkets 
for  which  they  had  avaricioufly  hoped  to  obtain  a  valuable 
cargo  of  furs. 

A  long  line  of  canoes  was  at  length  feen  far  in  the  diflance. 
It  was  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  Hurons,  who  had  fwept  down 
the  rapids,  and  were  now  approaching  flowly  and  in  a  digni- 
fied and  imprellive  order.  On  coming  near,  they  fet  up  a 
fmuiltaneous  fliout,  the  token  of  favage  greeting,  which 
made  the  welkin  ring.  This  falute  was  anfwered  by  a  hun- 
dred French  arquebufes  from  barque  and  boat  and  fliore. 
The  rmexpefted  multitude  of  the  French,  the  newnefs  of 
the  firearms  to  mofl  of  them,  filled  the  favages  with  difmay. 
They  concealed  their  f  ^r  as  well  and  as  long  as  poffible. 
They  deliberately  built  their  cabins  on  the  fliore,  but  foon 
threw  up  a  barricade,  tL^n  called  a  council  at  midnight,  and 
finally,  under  pretence  of  a  beaver-hunt,  fuddenly  removed 
above  the  rapids,  where  they  knew  the  French  barques 
could  not  come.  When  they  were  thus  in  x.  place  of  fafety, 
they  confeffed  to  Champlain  that  they  had  faith  in  him, 
which  they  confirmed  by  valuable  gifts  of  furs,  but  none 
whatever  in  the  grafping  herd  that  had  followed  him  to  the 
rendezvous.  The  trade,  meagre  in  tne  aggregate,  divided 
among  fo  many,  had  proved  a  lofs  to  all.  It  was  foon 
completed,  and  the  favages  departed  to  their  homes.  Subfe- 
quently,  thirty-eight  canoes,  with  eighty  or  a  hundred  Al- 
gonquin 


>  li 


^^1 


i6ii. 


Samuel  de  Champlain, 


109 


gonquin  warriors,  came  to  the  rendezvous.  They  brought, 
however,  but  a  fmall  quantity  of  furs,  which  added  Httle  to 
the  lucrative  chara6ler  of  the  fummer's  trade. 

The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  that  Champlain  was  not  here 
merely  as  the  fuperintendent  and  refponfible  agent  of  a 
trading  expedition.  This  was  a  fubordinate  purpofe,  and  the 
refult  of  circumftances  which  his  principal  did  not  choofe, 
but  into  which  he  had  been  unwillingly  forced.  It  was 
neceffary  not  to  overlook  this  interefl  in  the  prefent  exigency, 
neverthelefs  De  Monts  was  fuftained  by  an  ulterior  purpofe 
of  a  far  hiciher  and  nobler  chara(51er.  He  flill  entertained 
the  hope  that  he  fliould  yet  fecure  a  royal  charter  under 
which  his  alpirations  for  colonial  enterprife  fliould  have  full 
fcope,  and  that  his  ambition  would  be  finally  crowned  with 
the  fuccefs  which  he  had  fo  long  coveted,  and  for  which  he 
had  fo  affiduoufly  labored.  Champlain,  who  had  been  for 
many  years  the  geographer  of  the  king,  who  had  carefully 
reported,  as  he  advanced  into  unexplored  regions,  his  furveys 
of  the  rivers,  harbors,  and  lakes,  and  had  given  faithful  de- 
fcriptions  of  the  native  inhabitants,  knowledge  abfolutely 
neceffary  as  a  preliminary  flep  in  laying  the  foundation  of  a 
French  emj  ire  in  America,  did  not  for  a  moment  lofe  fight 
of  this  ulterior  purpofe.  Amid  the  commercial  operations 
to  which  for  the  time  being  he  was  obliged  to  devote  his 
chief  attention,  he  tried  in  vain  to  induce  the  Indians  to 
condudl  an  exploring  party  up  the  St.  Maurice,  and  thus 
reach  the  headwaters  of  the  Saguenay,  a  journey  which  had 
been  planned  two  years  before.  They  had  excellent  excufes 
to  offer,  and  the  undertaking  was  necelTarily  deferred  for  the 
prefent.     He,  however,  obtained  much  valuable  information 

from 


':.  I 


i    1!''! 


ill:'- 


I  ■   % 


11 


J^:^^ 


I      >    1 1 


]■ 


i    i 


i- 


Vi 


■4 


i.  I 


'Im     ! 


I  10 


Memoir  of 


1611. 


from  them  in  converfatlons,  in  regard  to  the  fource  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  tlie  topography  of  the  country  which  they 
inhabited,  and  even  drawings  were  executed  by  them  to 
ilkiftrate  to  him  other  regions  which  they  had  perfonally 
vifited. 

On  the  1 8th  of  July,  Champlain  left  the  rendezvous, 
and  arrived  at  Quebec  on  the  evening  of  the  next  day. 
Having  ordered  all  ncceffary  repairs  at  the  fettlement,  and, 
not  unmindful  of  its  adornment,  planted  rofe-buflies  about 
it,  and  taking  fpccimens  of  oak  timber  to  exhibit  in  France, 
he  left  for  Tadouffac,  and  finally  for  France  on  the  nth  of 
Auguft,  and  arrived  at  Rochelle  on  the  i6th  of  Septem- 
ber,  161 1. 

Immediately  on  his  arrival,  Champlain  repaired  to  the  city 
of  Pons,  in  Saintonge,  of  which  De  Monts  was  governor, 
and  laid  before  him  the  fituation  of  his  affairs  at  Quebec. 
De  Monts  flill  clung  to  the  hope  of  obtaining  a  royal  com- 
miffion  for  the  exclufive  right  of  trade,  but  his  aflbciates 
were  wholly  diflieartened  by  the  competition  and  confequent 
loffes  of  the  laft  year,  and  had  the  fagacity  to  fee  that  there 
was  no  hope  of  a  remedy  in  the  future.  They  accordingly 
declined  to  continue  further  expenditures.  De  Monts  pur- 
chafed  their  interefl  in  the  eflablifliment  at  Quebec,  and, 
notwithftanding  the  obftacles  which  had  been  and  were  ftill 
to  be  encountered,  was  brave  enough  to  believe  that  he  could 
flem  the  tide  unaided  and  alone.  He  haftened  to  Paris  to 
fecure  the  much  coveted  commiffion  from  the  king.  Impor- 
tant bufmefs,  however,  foon  called  him  in  another  dire(5tion, 
and  the  whole  matter  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Champlain, 
with  the  underftanding  that  important  modifications  were  to 

be 


ivW;? 


1611. 


Samuel  de  Charnplain, 


1 1 1 


be  introduced  into  the  conftitution  and  management  of  the 
company. 

The  burden  thus  unexpectedly  laid  upon  Champlain  was 
not  a  light  one.  His  experience  and  perfonal  knowledge 
led  him  to  appreciate  more  fully  than  any  one  ellc  the  diffi- 
culties that  environed  the  cnterprife  of  planting  a  colony 
in  New  France.  He  law  very  clearly  that  a  royal  commil- 
fion  merel}',  with  whatever  exclufive  rights  it  conferred, 
would  in  itfelf  be  ineffectual  and  powerlefs  in  the  prefcnt 
complications.  It  was  obvious  to  him  that  the  adminiflration 
mufi:  be  adapted  to  the  ftate  of  affairs  that  had  gradually 
grown  up  at  Quebec,  and  that  it  muft  be  fuftained  by  pow- 
erful perfonal  influence. 

Champlain  proceeded,  therefore,  to  draw  up  certain  rules 
and  regulations  which  he  deemed  neceffary  for  the  manage- 
ment of  the  colony  and  the  protection  of  its  interefls.  The 
leading  chara6teriftics  of  the  plan  were,  firft,  an  affociation 
of  which  all  who  defired  to  carry  on  trade  in  New  France 
might  become  members,  fliaring  equally  in  its  advantages 
and  its  burdens,  its  profits  and  its  loffes :  and,  fecondly,  that 
it  fhould  be  prefided  over  by  a  viceroy  of  high  pofition  and 
commanding  influence.  De  Monts,  who  had  thus  far  been 
at  the  head  of  the  undertaking,  was  a  gentleman  of  great 
refpe(^ability,  zeal,  and  honelly,  but  his  name  did  not,  as  fo- 
ciety  was  conflituted  at  that  time  in  France,  carry  with  it 
any  controlling  weight  with  the  merchants  or  others  whofe 
views  were  adverfe  to  his  own.  He  was  unable  to  carry  out 
any  plans  which  involved  expenfe,  either  for  the  exploration 
of  the  country  or  for  the  enlargement  and  growth  of  the 
colony.     It  was  neceffary,  in  the  opinion  of  Champlain,  to 

place 


kf-  I 


■i  .1  I 


I  .       lui 


J! 


■.'"••^mfttm* ' 


I  12 


Memoir  of 


1612. 


\ 


V  t 


II- 


li 


place  at  the  head  of  the  company  a  man  of  fuch  exalted 
official  and  focial  pofition  that  his  opinions  would  be  liftened 
to  with  refpecl  and  his  wifhcs  obeyed  with  alacrity. 

He  fubmitted  his  plan  to  De  IMonts  and  likewife  to  Prcfi- 
dent  Jeannin,"  a  man  venerable  with  age,  dillinguifhed  for 
his  wildom  and  probity,  and  at  this  time  having  under  his 
control  th:  finances  of  the  kingdom.  They  both  pronounced 
it  excellent  and  urged  its  execution. 

Having  thus  obtained  the  cordial  and  intelligent  affent  of 
the  higheft  authority  to  his  fcheme,  his  next  ftcp  was  to  fe- 
cure  a  viceroy  whole  exalted  name  and  ffanding  fliould  con- 
form to  the  requirements  of  his  plan.  This  was  an  object 
fomewhat  difficult  to  attain.  It  was  not  cafy  to  find  a  noble- 
man who  poffcffed  all  the  qualities  defired.  After  careful 
confideration,  however,  the  Count  de  SoilTons  "  was  thought 

to 


■^3  Pierre  Jeannin  was  born  at  Autun, 
in  1540,  and  died  about  1622.  He  be- 
p->i  the  practice  of  law  at  Dijon,  in 
.jOQ.  Thouirh  a  Catliolic,  he  always 
coinifelled  tolerant  meafures  in  the 
treatment  of  the  Protellants.  By  his  in- 
fluence he  prevented  the  malTacre  of  the 
Proteltants  at  Dijon  in  1572.  He  was  a 
Councillor,  and  afterward  Prefident,  of 
the  Parliament  of  Dijon.  He  was  the 
private  advifer  of  the  Duke  of  May- 
enne.  He  united  himfelf  with  the  party 
of  the  League  in  1589.  He  negotiated 
the  peace  between  .Mayenne  and  Henry 
IV.  The  king  became  greatly  attached 
to  him,  and  appointed  him  a  Councillor 
of  State  and  Superintendent  of  Finan- 
ces. He  held  many  offices  and  did  great 
fervice  to  the  State.  After  tiie  death  of 
the  king,  Marie  de  ^Iedicis,  the  regent, 
continued  him  as  Superintendent  of 
Finances. 

''^  Count  de  Soiflbns,  Charles  de  Bour- 


bon, was  born  at  Nogent-le-Rotrou.  in 
1556,  and  died  Nov.  i,  161 2.  He  was 
educated  in  the  Catholic  religion.  He 
acted  for  a  time  with  the  party  of  the 
League,  but,  falling  in  love  with  Cather- 
ine, the  fifter  of  Henry  IV..  better  to 
fecure  his  object  he  abandoned  the 
League  and  took  a  military  command 
under  Henry  III.,  and  diftinguifhed 
himfelf  for  bravery  when  the  king  was 
befieged  in  Tours.  After  the  death  of 
the  king,  he  efpoufed  the  caufe  of 
Henry  I\'.,  was  made  Grand  Mafler 
of  France,  and  took  part  in  the  uege  of 
Paris.  He  attempted  a  fecret  marriage 
with  Catherine,  but  was  thwarted;  and 
the  unhappy  lovers  were  compelled,  by 
the  Duke  of  Sully,  to  renounce  their 
matrimonial  intentions.  He  had  been 
Governor  of  Dauphiny,  and,  at  the 
time  of  his  death,  was  Governor  of 
Normandy,  with  a  penfion  of  50,000 
crowns. 


i«*iilf«r!-.'W*"l-'  t;  ' 


l6l2. 


Sa7miel  de  Chaviplain, 


\\\ 


to  unite  better  tlian  any  other  the  cliaracleriilics  which  the 
office  required.  Champlain,  therefore,  laid  before  the  Count, 
throu2[li  a  member  of  the  kin<jj's  council,  a  detailed  exhibi- 
tion  of  his  plan  and  a  map  of  New  France  executed  by  him- 
felf.  He  loon  after  received  an  intimation  from  this  nobleman 
of  his  willingnels  to  accept  the  office,  if  he  Ihould  be  ap- 
pointed. A  petition  was  fent  by  Champlain  to  the  king  and 
his  council,  and  the  appointment  was  made  on  the  oth  of 
Oftober,  1612,  and  on  the  15th  of  the  lame  month  the  Count 
iffued  a  commiffion  appointing  Champlain  his  lieutenant. 

Before  this  commiffion  had  been  publilhed  in  the  ports  and 
the  maritime  towns  of  France,  as  required  by  law,  and  before 
a  month  had  elapfed,  unhap^jily  the  death  of  the  Count 
de  Soiffons  fuddenly  occurred  at  his  Chateau  de  Bland)'. 
Henry  de  Bourbon,  the  Prince  de  Conde.'^  was  haffily  ap- 
pointed his  fucceflbr,  and  a  new  commiffion  was  iffued  to 
Champlain  on  the  2  2d  of  November  of  the  fame  year. 

The  appointment  of  this  prince  carried  with  it  the  weight 
of  high  pofition  and  influence,  though  hardly  the  charafter 

which 


"5  Prince  de  Condd,  Henry  de  Bour- 
lion  II.,  the  poflliumous  fon  of  the  tirll 
Ilcnry  de  Bourbon,  was  born  at  Saint 
Jean  d'Anu;ely.  in  15S8.  Me  married,  in 
i6o(),  Cliarlotte  Marguerite  de  Mont- 
morency, tie  filter  of  Henry,  tlie  Dul<e 
de  Montmoronc),  wlio  fucceeded  him 
as  tlic  \'iceroy  of  New  France.  To 
avoid  tl^e  impertinent  ijallantries  of 
Henry  IV.,  who  had  fallen  in  love  with 
this  beautiful  Princefs,  Cond(5  and  his 
wife  left  France,  and  did  not  return  till 
the  death  of  the  Vw\%.  He  headed  a 
confjjiracy  apiainll  the  Keirent.  Marie  de 
Mc'dicis,  and  was  thrown  into  i)rilbn  on 
the  firlt  of  September,  1616,  where  he 
remained  three  years.     Influenced  by 


ambition,  and  more  particularly  by  his 
avarice,  he  forced  his  fon  Louis,  Fe 
Grand  Condc,  to  marry  the  niece  if 
Cardinal  Richelieu,  Claire  Clemencc  de 
Maille-Breze.  He  did  much  to  confer 
power  and  influence  upon  his  family, 
largely  throui^di  his  avarice,  which  was 
his  chief  characterillic.  The  wit  of 
Voltaire  attri])utes  his  crownins:  i^lory  to 
his  havinfj  been  the  father  of  the  <;reat 
Conde.  Durint^  the  detention  of  the 
Prince  de  Condc  in  prifon,  the  Mare- 
fchal  de  Thcmins  was  Actint;  Viceroy 
of  Xew  France,  having  been  appointed 
by  Marie  de  Mcdicis,  the  Queen  're- 
gent.—  Vide  Voyages  dv  Sievf  de 
Chainplain,  Paris,  1632,  p.  211. 


-.vm^: 


Ki  ;,(.  t-f/ 


ltf 


1    ;     I: 


114 


Memoir  of 


1612. 


it    ■■ 


which  would  'lave  been  mofl  clcfirable  under  the  circum- 
ftances.  He  was,  however,  a  potent  lafeguard  againfl  tlie 
final  fucccfs,  though  not  indeed  of  the  attempt  on  the  part 
of  enemies,  to  break  uj)  the  company,  or  to  interfere  with  its 
plans.  No  fooncr  had  the  publication  of  the  commiffion 
been  undertaken,  than  the  merchants,  who  had  fchemes  of 
trade  in  New  France,  put  forth  a  powerful  oppofition.  The 
Parliamentary  Court  at  Rouen  even  forbade  its  publication 
in  that  city,  and  the  merchants  of  St.  Malo  renewed  their 
oppofition,  which  had  before  been  fet  forth,  on  the  flimfy 
ground  that  Jacques  Cartier,  the  dilcovercr  of  New  France, 
was  a  native  of  their  municipality,  and  therefore  they  had 
rights  prior  and  fi.iperior  to  all  others. 

After  much  delay  and  feveral  journeys  by  Champlain  to 
Rouen,  thefe  difficulties  were  overcome.  There  was,  indeed, 
no  folid  ground  of  oppofition,  as  none  were  debarred  from 
engaging  in  the  enterprife  who  were  willing  to  fliare  in  the 
burdens  as  well  as  the  profits. 

Thefe  delays  prevented  tiie  complete  organization  of  the 
company  contemplated  by  Champlain's  new  plan,  but  it  was 
neverthelefs  neceflary  for  him  to  make  the  voyage  to  Que- 
bec the  prefent  feafon,  in  order  to  keep  up  the  continuity  of 
his  operations  there,  and  to  renew  his  friendly  relations  with 
the  Indians,  who  had  been  greatly  difappointed  at  not  feeing 
him  the  preceding  year.  Four  veffels,  therefore,  were  au- 
thorized to  fail  under  the  commiffion  of  the  viceroy,  each  of 
which  was  to  furnifh  four  men  for  the  fervice  of  Champlain 
in  explorations  and  in  aid  of  the  Indians  in  their  wars,  if  it 
fliould  be  neceffary. 

He  accordingly  left  Honfleur  in  a  veffel  belonging  to  his 

old 


If , 


,  i     % 


W^ 


"■**^^P^— " 


;j^wft''"i^--**i»^^S(W«P*»*'^ 


i6i3- 


Samuel  do  Chaviplain, 


115 


old  friend  Pont  Grave,  on  the  6th  of  Marcli,  161 3,  and  ar- 
rived at  TadouiVac  on  the  29th  of  April.  On  the  7th  of 
May  he  reached  Quebec,  where  he  found  the  little  colony  in 
excellent  condition,  the  winter  having  been  exceedingly 
mild  and  acjreeable,  the  river  not  having  been  frozen  in  the 
feverefl  weather.  He  repaired  at  once  to  the  trading  ren- 
dezvous at  Montreal,  then  commonly  known  as  the  Falls  of 
St.  Louis.  He  learned  from  a  trading  barque  that  had  pre- 
ceded him,  that  a  fmall  band  of  Algonquins  had  already 
been  there  on  their  return  from  a  raid  ujjon  the  Iroquois 
They  had,  however,  departed  to  their  homes  to  celebrate  a 
feafi:,  at  which  the  torture  of  two  captives  whom  they  had 
taken  from  the  Iroquois  was  to  form  the  chief  element  in  the 
entertainment.  A  few  days  later,  three  Algonquin  canoes 
arrived  from  the  interior  with  furs,  which  were  purchafed  by 
the  French.  From  them  they  learned  that  the  ill  treatment  of 
the  previous  year,  and  their  difappointment  at  not  having  feen 
Champlain  there  as  they  had  expeded,  had  led  the  Indians 
to  abandon  the  idea  of  again  coming  to  the  rendezvous,  and 
that  large  numbers  of  them  had  gone  on  their  ufual  fum- 
mer's  expedition  againfl  the  Iroquois. 

Under  thefe  circumftances,  Champlain  refolved,  in  mak- 
ing his  explorations,  to  vifit  perfonally  the  Indians  who  had 
been  accullomed  to  come  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  to  affure 
them  of  kind  treatment  in  the  future,  to  renew  his  alliance 
with  them  againft  their  enemies,  and,  if  poffible,  to  induce 
them  to  come  to  the  rendezvous,  where  there  was  a  large 
quantity  of  French  goods  awaiting  them. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  an  ulterior  purpofe  of  the 
French,  in  making  a  fettlemcnt  in   North  America,  was  to 

enable 


T' 


t 


I 


w 


.  I 


ii 


Mil 


\u 


M) 


IK 


*Mi' 


!!' 


r 


!    I    ' 


m 


"  ****wpUftiitt^fl^!7HoB«ilWIBE^^t!!fcC!j^?^*!' - " "' 


M 


l1 


f 


I  :■'  1 


ii6 


Memoir  of 


1613. 


enable  them  better  to  explore  the  interior  and  difcover  an 
avenue  by  water  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  This  fhorter  palfage 
to  Cathay,  or  the  land  of  Tpicer)',  had  been  the  day-dream  of 
all  the  great  navigators  in  this  direction  for  more  than  a 
hundred  years.  Whoever  Ihould  difcover  it  would  confer  a 
boon  of  untold  commercial  value  ujwn  his  country,  and 
crown  himfelf  with  imperilhable  honor.  Champlain  had 
been  infpired  by  this  dream  from  the  firfl;  day  that  he  let  his 
foot  upon  the  foil  of  New  France.  Every  indication  that 
pointed  in  this  diredion  he  watched  with  care  and  feized 
upon  with  avidity.  In  161 1,  a  young  man  in  the  colony, 
Nicholas  de  Vignan,  had  been  allowed,  after  the  tiading 
feafon  had  clofed,  to  accompany  the  Algonquins  to  their  dif- 
tant  homes,  and  pafs  the  winter  with  them.  This  was  one 
of  the  methods  which  had  before  been  fuccefsfully  reforted 
to  for  obtaining  important  information.  De  Vignan  re- 
turned to  Quebec  in  the  fpring  of  161 2,  and  the  fame  year 
to  France.  Having  heard  apparently  fomething  of  Hud- 
fon's  difcovery  and  its  accompanying  difafter,  he  made  it  the 
bafis  of  a  flory  drawn  wholly  from  his  own  imagination,  but 
which  he  well  knew  mufl  make  a  ftrong  impreffion  upon 
Champlain  and  all  others  interefted  in  new  difcoveries.  He 
ftatcd  that,  during  his  abode  with  the  Indians,  he  had  made 
an  excurfion  into  the  forefts  of  the  north,  and  that  he  had 
actually  difcovered  a  fea  of  fait  water ;  that  the  river  Ottawa 
had  its  fource  in  a  lake  from  which  another  river  flowed  into 
the  fea  in  queftion  ;  that  he  had  feen  on  its  fhores  the  wreck 
of  an  Englifli  fliip,  from  which  eighty  men  had  been  taken 
and  flain  by  the  favages  ;  and  that  they  had  among  them  an 
Englifh  boy,  whom  they  were  keeping  to  prefent  to  him. 

As 


1 6 13- 


Savmel  de  Champ  lain. 


117 


As  was  expected,  this  flory  made  a  ftrong  I'mpreffion  upon 
the  mind  of  Chaniplain.  The  pricelefs  objecSl  for  which  he 
had  been  in  fearch  fo  many  years  fecmed  now  within  liis 
gralp.  Tlie  finiplicity  and  dirc61;ners  of  the  narrative,  and 
the  want  of  any  a}:)parent  motive  for  dccei)tion,  were  a  ftrong 
guaranty  of  its  trutli.  But,  to  make  affurance  doubly  fure, 
Vignan  was  crofs-examined  and  teflcd  in  various  ways,  and 
finally,  before  leaving  France,  was  made  to  certify  to  the  truth 
of  his  flatement  in  the  prefence  of  two  notaries  at  Rochelle. 
Champlain  laid  the  flory  before  the  Chancellor  dc  Sillcry, 
the  Prcfident  Jeannin,  the  old  Marfhal  de  BrilTac,  and  others, 
who  affured  him  that  it  was  a  qucflion  of  fo  great  imj)or- 
tance,  that  he  ought  at  once  to  teft  the  truth  of  the  narrative 
by  a  perfonal  exploration.  He  refolved,  therefore,  to  make 
this  one  of  the  objedls  of  his  fummer's  excurfion. 

With  two  bark  canoes,  laden  with  provifions,  arms,  and  a 
few  trifles  as  prcfents  for  the  favages,  an  Indian  guide,  four 
Frenchmen,  one  of  whom  was  the  mendacious  Vignan, 
Champlain  left  the  rendezvous  at  Montreal  on  the  27th  of 
May.  After  getting  over  the  Lachine  Rapids,  they  croffed 
Lake  St.  Louis  and  the  Two  Mountains,  and,  paffmg  up  the 
Ottawa,  now  expanding  into  a  broad  lake  and  again  con- 
tracting into  narrows,  whence  its  pent-up  waters  fwept  over 
precipices  and  boulders  in  furious,  foaming  currents,  they  at 
length,  after  incredible  labor,  reached  the  ifland  Allumette, 
a  diflance  of  not  lefs  than  two  hundred  and  twenty-five 
miles.  In  no  expedition  which  Champlain  had  thus  far 
undertaken  had  he  encountered  obflacles  fo  formidable. 
The  falls  and  rapids  in  the  river  were  numerous  and  difili- 
cult  to  pafs.     Sometimes  a  portage  was  impoffiblc  on  account 

of 


^1    "fflfiPlff.^!?— 


' 


!' 


!     I 


^ 


p 


I 


•! 


.■  1 


:  »• 


HI 


(i'j 


ii8 


Memoir  of 


iCij. 


of  the  dcnfencfs  of  the  forcf^s,  in  which  cafe  they  were  com- 
pelled to  drag  their  canoes  by  ropes,  wading  along  the  edge 
of  the  water,  or  clinging  to  the  precij)itous  banks  of  the  river 
as  bell  they  could.  When  a  portage  could  not  be  avoided, 
it  was  neceffary  to  carry  their  armor,  provifions,  clothing, 
and  canoes  through  the  forefls,  over  precipices,  and  Ibme- 
times  over  llretches  of  territory  where  Ibme  tornado  had 
proltrated  the  huge  pines  in  tangled  confufion,  through 
which  a  pathway  was  almoft  impoffible/'  To  lighten  their 
burdens,  nearly  every  thing  was  abandoned  but  their  canoes. 
Filh  and  wild-fowl  were  an  uncertain  reliance  for  food,  and 
fometimes  they  toiled  on  for  twenty-four  hours  with  fcarcely 
any  thing  to  appeafe  their  craving  appetites. 

Overcome  with  fatigue  and  opprelTed  by  hunger,  they  at 
length  arrived  at  Allumette  Ifland,  the  abode  of  the  chief 
TeiTouat,  by  whom  they  were  cordially  entertained.  Nothing 
but  the  hope  of  reaching  the  north  fea  could  have  fuftained 
them  amid  the  perils  and  fuffcrings  through  which  they  had 
paffed  in  reaching  this  inhofpitable  region.  The  Indians  had 
chofen  this  retreat  not  from  choice,  but  chiefly  on  account  of 
its  great  inaccellibility  to  their  enemies.  They  were  afton- 
ifhed  to  fee  Champlain  and  his  company,  and  facetioufly 
fuggelled  that  it  mufl  be  a  dream,  or  that  thefe  new-comers 

had 


'^  In  making  the  portage  from  what 
is  now  known  as  Portage  du  Fort  to 
Mulkrat  Lake,  a  diflance  of  about  nine 
miles,  Champlain,  though  lefs  heavily 
loaded  than  his  companions,  carried 
three  French  arque!)uires,  thice  oars, 
his  cloak,  and  fonie  fmall  articles,  and 
was  at  the  fame  time  bitterly  opprelTed 


by  fwarms  of   hungry   and    infatiable    for  March,  1879, 


mofquitoes.  On  the  old  portage  road, 
traverfed  by  Champlain  and  his  party 
at  this  time,  in  1613,  an  aftrolabe,  iii 
fcribed  iC')03,  was  found  in  1867.  The 
prefumptive  evidence  that  this  inrtru- 
ment  was  loft  by  Champlain  is  ftated  in 
a  brochure  by  Mr.  O.  II.  Marfliall. 
—  Vide  Magazine  of  American  llijlory 


I6I3. 


Saimicl  dc  Champlain, 


119 


had  fallen  from  the  clouds.  After  the  ufual  ceremonies  of 
feallini;  and  fmoking,  Champlain  was  permitted  to  lay  before 
Teffoliat  and  his  chiefs  the  object  of  his  journey.  When  he 
informed  them  that  he  was  in  fearch  of  a  fait  fea  far  to  the 
north  of  them,  which  had  been  actually  feen  two  years  be- 
fore by  one  of  his  companions,  he  learned  to  his  difappoint- 
ment  and  mortification  that  the  whole  (lory  of  \'ignan  was 
a  Iheer  fabrication.  The  mifcreant  had  indeed  j)aired  a 
winter  on  the  very  fpot  where  they  then  were,  but  had  never 
been  a  league  further  north.  The  Indians  themfelves  had 
no  knowledge  of  the  north  fea,  and  were  highly  enraged  at 
the  bafenefs  of  Vignan's  falfehood,  and  craved  the  ojjportu- 
nity  of  defpatching  him  at  once.  They  jeered  at  him,  calling 
him  a  "  liar,"  and  even  the  children  took  up  the  refrain,  vo- 
ciferating vigoroufly  and  heaping  maledictions  upon  his 
head. 

Indignant  as  he  was,  Champlain  had  too  much  philofophy 
in  his  compofition  to  commit  an  indilcretion  at  fuch  a  mo- 
ment as  this.  He  accordingly  rellrained  the  favages  and  his 
own  anger,  bore  his  infult  and  difappointment  with  exem- 
plary patience,  giving  up  all  hope  of  feeing  the  fait  fea  in 
this  dire(5lion,  as  he  humoroufly  added,  "except  in  imagina- 
tion." 

Before  leaving  Allumette  Ifland  on  his  return,  Champlain 
invited  Teffoiiat  to  fend  a  trading  expedition  to  the  Falls  of 
St.  Louis,  where  he  would  find  an  ample  opportunity  for  an 
exchange  of  commodities.  The  invitation  was  readily  ac- 
cepted, and  information  was  at  once  fent  out  to  the  neigh- 
boring chiefs,  requefting  them  to  join  in  the  enterprife. 
The  favages  foon  began  to  affemble,  and  when  Champlain 

left, 


! 


!     '  W 


.  ,v:l 


'!;( ^ 


I'.iU! 


!!■'„' 


1^ 


!J     !; 


1 20 


Me7noir  of 


i6i- 


left,  he  was  accompanied  by  forty  canoes  well  laden  with 
furs  ;  others  joined  them  at  different  points  on  the  way,  and 
on  reaching  Montreal  the  number  had  fwoUen  to  eighty. 

An  incident  occurred  on  their  journey  down  the  river 
worthy  of  record.  When  the  fleet  of  favage  fur-traders  had 
arrived  at  the  foot  of  the  Chaudiere  Falls,  not  a  hundred 
rods  diftant  from  the  lite  of  the  prefent  city  of  Ottawa, 
having  completed  the  portage,  they  all  affembled  on  the 
fliore,  before  relaunching  their  canoes,  to  engage  in  a  cere- 
mony which  they  never  omitted  when  paffing  this  fpot.  A 
wooden  plate  of  fuitable  dimenfions  was  paffed  round,  into 
which  each  of  the  favages  caft  a  fmall  piece  of  tobacco. 
The  plate  was  then  placed  on  the  ground,  in  the  midfl  of  the 
company,  and  all  danced  around  it,  fmging  at  the  fame  time. 
An  addrefs  was  then  made  by  one  of  the  chiefs,  fetting  forth 
the  great  importance  of  this  time-honored  cuftom,  particu- 
larly as  a  fafeguard  and  protedion  againft  tlieir  enemies. 
Then,  taking  the  plate,  the  fpeaker  cafl  its  contents  into 
the  boiling  cauldron  at  the  bafe  of  the  falls,  the  ad!  being 
accompanied  by  a  loud  fliout  from  the  affembled  multitude. 
This  fall,  named  the  Chaudiere^  or  cauldron,  by  Champlain, 
formed  in  fa6l  the  limit  above  w^hich  the  Iroquois  rarely  if 
ever  went  in  hollile  purfuit  of  the  Algonquins.  The  region 
above  was  exceedingly  difficult  of  approach,  and  from  which 
it  was  ffill  more  difficult,  in  cafe  of  an  attack,  to  retreat. 
But  the  Iroquois  often  lingered  here  in  ambufli,  and  fell  upon 
the  unfufpecfling  inhabitants  of  the  upper  Ottawa  as  they 
came  down  the  river.  It  was,  therefore,  a  place  of  great 
danger;  and  the  Indians,  enflaved  by  their  fears  and  fuper- 
llitions,  did  not  believe  it  polTible  to  make  a  profperous  jour- 
ney, 


1 1 


I6I3. 


Saimtel  de  Chainplain. 


121 


ney,  without  obfcrving,  as  they  paffcd,  the  ceremonies  above 
delcribcd. 

On  reaching  Montreal,  three  additional  Ihips  had  arrived 
from  France  with  a  licenfe  to  carry  on  trade  from  the  Prince 
de  Conde,  the  viceroy,  making  feven  in  all  in  port.  The  trade 
with  the  Indians  for  the  furs  brought  in  the  eighty  canoes, 
which  had  come  with  Champlain  to  Montreal,  was  foon 
defpatchcd.  Vignan  was  pardoned  nn  the  folemn  promife, 
a  condition  offered  by  himlclf,  that  he  would  make  a  journey 
to  the  north  fea  and  bring  back  a  true  report,  having  made 
a  mofl;  humble  confeffion  of  his  offence  in  the  prefence  of 
the  whole  colony  and  the  Indians,  who  were  purpofely  affem- 
bled  to  receive  it.  This  public  and  formal  adminiftration  of 
reproof  was  well  adapted  to  produce  a  powerful  effed  upon 
the  mind  of  the  culprit,  and  clearly  indicates  the  moderation 
and  wifdom,  fo  uniformly  chara(5^eriflic  of  Champlain's  ad- 
miniftration. 

The  bufihefs  of  the  feafon  having  been  completed,  Cham- 
plain  returned  to  France,  arriving  at  St.  Malo  on  the  26th  of 
Auguft,  161 3.  Before  leaving,  however,  he  arranged  to  fend 
back  with  the  Aigonquins  who  had  come  from  Ifle  Allu- 
mette  two  of  his  young  men  to  pafs  the  winter,  for  the  pur- 
pofe,  as  on  former  occafions,  of  learning  the  language  and 
obtaining  the  information  which  comes  only  from  an  intimate 
and  prolonged  affociation. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
16 


'  i4ilij 


! 


i  • 

■■;l 


m 


i 


r 


,» 


-h.  I 


I  I 


\' 


-,      .       '       1     1' 

Iff  yHUUm  ■ 


•"^i^  X 


J/A 


\nM, 


122 


Memoir  of 


1614. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Champlain  obtains  Missioxariks  for  New  France. — Meets  the  Indi- 
ans AT  Montreal  and  ENGAfa:s  in  a  Wax  against  the  Iroquois. 
—  His  Journey  to  the  Hurons,  and  Winter  in  their  Country. 

URING  the  whole  of  the  year  16 14,  Champlain 
remained  in  France,  occupied  for  the  mofl  part 
in  adding  new  members  to  his  company  of  af- 
fociates,  and  in  forming  and  perfecting  fuch 
plans  as  were  clearly  neceffary  for  the  profper- 
ity  and  fuccefs  of  the  colony.  His  mind  was  particularly 
abforbcd  in  devifing  means  for  the  eftablifliment  oi  the 
Chriflian  faith  In  the  wilds  of  America.  Hitherto  nothing 
whatever  had  been  done  in  this  direction,  if  we  except  the 
efforts  of  Poutrincourt  on  the  Atlantic  coafl,  which  had 
already  terminated  in  difafter."     No  miffionary  of  any  fort 

had 


"  De  Poutrincourt  obtained  a  con- 
firmation from  Henry  IV.  of  the  gift  to 
him  of  Port  Royal  by  De  Monts,  and 
proceeded  to  eltaUifli  a  colony  there  in 
1608.  In  161 1,  a  Jefuit  miffion  was 
planted  by  the  Fathers  Pierre  Biard 
and  llnemond  Maffc.  It  was  chiefly 
patronized  by  a  bevy  of  ladies,  under 
tlie  leaderfhip  of  the  Marchionefs  de 
Guerchville,  in  clofe  affociation  with 
Marie  de  Medicis,  the  queen-regent, 
Madame  de  Verneuil,  and  Madame  de 
Soudis.  Alth""  gh  De  Poutrincourt  was 
a  devout  memtjor  of  the  Roman  Church, 
the  miffionaries  were  received  with  re- 
luctance, and  between  them  and  the 
patentee  and  his  lieutenant  there  was 
a  conftant  and  irrepreffible  difcord. 
The  lady  patronefs,  the  Marchionefs  de 
Guerchville,    determined    to    abandon 


Port  Royal  and  plant  a  new  colony  at 
Kadefquit,  on  the  fite  of  the  prefent 
city  of  Bangor,  in  the  State  of  Maine. 
A  colony  was  accordingly  organized, 
which  included  the  fathers,  Ouentin 
and  Lalemant  with  the  lay  brother, 
Gilbert  du  Thet,  and  arrived  at  La 
Hcve  in  La  Cadie,  on  the  6th  of  May, 
1613,  under  the  conduct  of  Sieur  de  la 
Saufiaye.  From  there  they  proceeded 
to  Port  Royal,  took  the  two  miffionaries, 
Biard  and  Mafil^,  on  board,  and  coafted 
along  the  borders  of  Maine  till  they 
came  to  Mount  Defert,  and  finally  de- 
termined to  plant  their  colony  on  that 
ifland.  A  (hort  time  after  the  arrival 
of  the  colony,  before  they  were  in  any 
condition  for  defence,  Captain  Samuel 
Argall,  from  the  Englifli  colony  in  Vir- 
ginia, fuddenly  appeared,  and  captured 

and 


i6i4- 


Samuel  de  Chaviplain. 


123 


had  hitherto  fct  his  foot  upon  that  part  of  tlic  foil  of  New- 
France  l}'ing  within  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.^^  A  frelh 
intereft  had  been  awakened  in  the  mind  of  Champlain.  He 
faw  its  importance  in  a  new  light.  He  fought  counfel  and 
advice  from  various  perfons  whofe  wifdom  commended  them  to 
his  attention.  Among  the  refl  was  Louis  Houel,  an  intimate 
friend,  who  held  fome  office  about  the  perfon  of  the  king, 
and  who  was  the  chief  manager  of  the  fait  works  at  Brou- 
age.  This  gentleman  took  a  hearty  interefl  in  the  proje61, 
and  affured  Champlain  that  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  raife 
the  means  of  fending  out  three  or  four  Fathers,  and,  more- 
over, that  he  knew  fome  of  the  order  of  the  Recollects,  be- 
longing to  a  convent  at  Brouage,  whofe  zeal  he  was  fure 
would  be  equal  to  the  undertaking.  On  communicating 
with  them,  he  found  them  quite  ready  to  engage  in  the  work. 
Two  of  them  were  fent  to  Paris  to  obtain  authority  and  en- 
couragement from  the  proper  fources.  It  happened  that 
about  this  time  the  chief  dignitaries  of  the  church  were  in 
Paris,  attending  a  feffion  of  the  Eftates.  The  bifliops  and 
cardinals  were  waited  upon  by  Champlain,  and  their  zeal 
awakened  and  their  co-operation  fecured  in  raifmg  the  necef- 
fary  means  for  fuftaining  the  miffion.  After  the  ufual  nego- 
tiations and  delays,  the  objedt  was  fully  accompliflied  ;  fifteen 

hundred 


and  tranfported  the  whole  colony,  and 
fubfcquently  that  at  Port  Royal,  on  the 
alleged  ground  that  they  were  intrud- 
ers on  Englifh  foil.  Thus  difaftroufly 
ended  Poutrincourt's  colony  at  Port 
Royal,  and  the  Marrhionefs  de  Guerch- 
ville's  miflion  at  Mount  Defert.  —  Vide 
Voyages  par  le  Sr.  dc  Champlain^ 
Paris  ed.  1632,  pp.  98-114.  Shea's 
Charlevoix^  Vol.  I.  pp.  260-286. 


''^  Champlain  had  tried  to  induce 
Madame  de  Guerchville  to  fend  her 
miffionaries  to  Quebec,  to  avoid  the  ob- 
fiacles  wliich  they  had  encountered  at 
Port  Royal  ;  but,  for  the  fmiple  reafon 
that  De  Monts  was  a  Calvinilt,  flie  would 
not  lilten  to  it. —  Vide  Shed's  Charlevoix, 
Vol.  I.  p.  274;  Voyages  dv  Sievr  de 
Champlain,  Paris  ed.  1632,  pp.  112, 
113- 


\\w'i 

IM 

[ 

1 1 

•   i    i! 

1 

lif 

1    ^1 

' 

Mil; 


;  <*«?  ■  .J 


_J^ 


'   '!'r    ' 


.'! 


1:', 


^\- 


1 11 


124 


Memoir  of 


1615. 


hundred  livres  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  Champlain  for 
outfit  and  expenfes,  and  four  Recoiled  friars  embarked  with 
him  at  Honfleur,  on  the  fliip  "  St.  Etienne,"  on  the  24th  of 
April,  1 61 5,  viz.,  Denis  Jamay,  Jean  d'Olbeau,  Jofeph  le 
Caron,  and  the  lay-brother  Pacifique  du  Pleffis." 

On  their  arrival  at  Quebec,  Champlnin  addreffed  himfelf 
immediately  to  the  preparation  of  lodgings  for  the  miffiona- 
ries  and  the  ereftion  of  a  chapel  for  the  celebration  of  divine 
fervice.  The  Fathers  were  impatient  to  enter  the  fields  of 
labor  feverally  affigned  to  them.  Jofeph  le  Caron  was  ap- 
pointed to  vifit  the  Hurons  in  their  diflant  foreft  home, 
concerning  which  he  had  little  or  no  information  ;  but  he 
neverthelefs  entered  upon  the  duty  with  manly  courage  and 
Chriftian  zeal.  Jean  D'Olbeau  affumed  the  miffion  to  the 
Montagnais,  embracing  the  region  about  Tadouffac  and  the 
river  Saguenay,  while  Denis  Jamay  and  Pacifique  du  Pleffis 
took  charge  of  the  chapel  at  Quebec. 

At  the  earliefl  moment  poifible  Champlain  haflened  to 
the  rendezvous  at  Montreal,  to  meet  the  Indians  who  had 
already  reached  there  on  their  annual  vifit  for  trade.  The 
chiefs  were  in  raptures  of  delight  on  feeing  their  old  friend 
again,  and  had  a  grand  fcheme  to  propofe.  They  had  not 
forgotten  that  Champlain  had  often  promifed  to  aid  them  in 
their  wars.  They  approached  the  fubje(fl,  however,  with 
moderation  and  diplomatic  wifdom.  They  knew  perfectly 
well  that  the  trade  in  peltry  was  greatly  defired,  in  fa(fl;  that 
it  was  indifpenfable  to  the  French.  The  fubflance  of  what 
they  had  to  fay  was  this.  It  had  become  now,  if  not  im- 
poffible,  exceedingly  hazardous,  to  bring  their  furs  to  market. 

Their 

''^  Vide  Hijloire  du  Canada,  par  Gabriel  Sagard,  Paris,  1C36,  pp.  11-12. 


I6I5. 


Scinmel  de  Ckaiuplain, 


125 


Their  enemies,  the  Iroquois,  like  fo  many  prowling  wolves, 
were  furc  to  be  on  their  trail  as  they  came  down  the  Ot- 
tawa, and,  incumbered  with  their  loaded  canoes,  the  flrugglc 
muft  be  unequal,  and  it  was  nearly  impoflible  for  them  ever 
to  be  winners.  The  only  folution  of  the  difificulty  known  to 
them,  or  which  they  cared  to  confider,  as  in  all  Indian  war- 
fare, was  to  annihilate  their  enemies  utterly  and  wipe  out 
their  name  for  ever.  Let  this  be  done,  and  the  fruits  of 
peace  would  return,  their  commerce  would  be  fafe,  profpcr- 
ous,  and  greatly  augmented. 

Such  were  the  reafons  prefented  by  the  allies.  But  there 
were  other  confiderations,  likewife,  which  influenced  the 
mind  of  Champlain.  It  was  neceffary  to  maintain  a  clofe 
and  firm  alliance  with  the  Indians  in  order  to  extend  the 
French  difcoveries  and  domain  into  nc"  and  more  diflant 
regions,  and  on  this  extcnfion  of  French  influence  depended 
their  hope  of  converting  the  favages  to  the  Chriftian  faith. 
The  force  of  thefe  confiderations  could  not  be  refilled. 
Champlain  decided  that,  under  the  circumftances,  it  was 
neceffary  to  give  them  the  defired  affiftance. 

A  general  affembly  was  called,  and  the  nature  and  extent  of 
the  campaign  fully  confidcred.  It  was  to  be  of  vaflly  greater 
proportions  ihzai  any  that  had  hitherto  been  propofed.  The 
Indians  offered  f;o  furnifli  two  thoufand  five  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  but  they  were  to  be  gathered  together  from  differ- 
ent and  diftant  points.  The  journey  muff,  therefore,  be  long 
and  perilous.  The  objective  point,  viz.,  a  celebrated  Iro- 
quois fort,  could  not  be  reached  by  the  only  feafiblc  route  in 
a  lefs  diftance  than  eight  hundred  or  nine  hundred  miles, 
and  it  would  require  an  abfence  of  three  or  four  months. 

Preparations 


1 1';    1 


P    r 


H  ;l 


''K'i 


?.     ir 


I  ■ 


!  J 


I      •     < 


V    i       1 


126 


Memoir  of 


1615. 


Preparations  for  the  journey  were  entered  upon  at  once. 
Chaniplain  vifited  Quebec  to  make  arrangements  for  his 
long  abfence.  On  his  return  to  Montreal,  the  Indians,  im- 
patient of  delay,  had  already  departed,  and  Father  Jofeph 
le  Caron  had  cjone  with  them  to  his  diftant  field  of  miffion- 
ary  labor  among  the  Hurons. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  1615,  Champlain  embarked,  t'.tking 
with  him  an  interpreter,  probably  Etienne  Bride,  a  French 
fervant,  and  ten  favages,  who,  with  their  equipments,  were  to 
be  accommodated  in  two  canoes.  They  entered  the  Riviere 
des  Prairies,  which  flows  into  the  St.  Lawrence  fome  leagues 
eafl;  of  Montreal,  croffing  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains, 
paffed  up  the  Ottawa,  taking  the  fame  route  which  he  had 
traverfed  fome  years  beforC;  revifiting  its  long  fucceffion  of 
reaches,  its  placid  lakes,  impetuous  rapids,  and  magnificent 
falls,  and  at  length  arrived  at  the  point  where  the  river,  by 
an  abrupt  angle,  begins  to  flow  from  the  northweft.  Here, 
leaving  the  Ottawa,  they  entered  the  iVLitta'van,  paffing 
down  this  river  into  Lac  du  Talon,  thence  into  Lac  ia  Tortue, 
and  by  a  fliort  portage,  into  Lake  Nipiffmg.  After  remain- 
ing here  two  days,  entertained  generoufly  by  the  Nipiffmgian 
chiefs,  they  croffed  the  lake,  and,  following  the  channel  of 
French  River,  entered  Lake  Huron,  or  rather  the  Georgian 
Bay.  They  coafled  along  until  they  reached  the  northern 
limits  of  the  county  of  Simcoe.  Here  they  difembarked  and 
entered  the  territory  of  their  old  friends  and  allies,  the  Hu- 
rons. 

The  domain  of  this  tribe  confifled  of  a  peninfula  formed 
by  the  Georgian  Bay,  the  river  Severn,  and  Lake  Simcoe, 
at  the  fartheft,  not  more  than  forty  by  twenty-five  miles  in 

extent, 


\l 


1615. 


Saviuel  de  Champlain, 


127 


extent,  but  more  generally  cultivated  by  the  native  popula- 
tion, and  of  a  richer  foil  than  any  region  hitherto  explored 
north  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  lakes.  They  vifited  four 
of  their  villages  and  were  cordially  received  and  feafled  on 
Indian  corn,  fquaihes,  and  fi(h,  with  fome  variety  in  the 
methods  of  cooking.  They  then  proceeded  to  Carhagouha/° 
a  town  fortified  with  a  triple  palifade  of  wood  thirt\-five 
feet  in  height.  Here  they  found  the  Recollecl  Father  Jofej^h 
Le  Caron,  who,  having  preceded  them  but  a  few  days, 
and  not  anticipating  the  vifit,  was  filled  with  raptures  of 
aftonifliment  and  joy.  The  good  Father  was  intent  upon 
his  pious  work.  On  the  12th  of  Augufi:,  fi.u-rounded  by  his 
followers,  he  formally  ereded  a  crofs  as  a  fymbol  of  the 
faith,  and  on  me  fame  day  they  celebrated  the  mafs  and 
chanted  Te  Deum  Laudamus  for  the  firfi:  time. 

Lingering  but  two  days,  Champlain  and  ten  of  the  French, 
eight  of  whom  had  belonged  to  the  fuite  of  Le  Caron,  pro- 
ceeded flowly  towards  Cahiague,'''  the  rendezvous  where  the 
muflering  hofts  of  the  favage  warriors  were  to  fet  forth  to- 
gether upon  their  hoflile  excurfion  into  the  country  of  the 
Iroquois.  Of  the  Huror  villages  vifited  by  them,  fix  are 
particularly  mentioned  as  fortified  by  triple  palifades  of 
wood.  Cahiague,  the  capital,  encircled  two  hundred  large 
cabins  within  its  wooden  walls.     It  was  fituated  on  the  north 

of 


^'^  CarJtagouha,  named  by  the  French 
Saint  Gabriel.  Dr.  J.  C.  Tach^,  of 
Otti.wa,  Canada,  who  has  given  much 
attention  to  the  fuhjefl,  fixes  this  village 
in  the  central  part  of  the  prefent  town- 
fhip  of  "1  iny,  in  the  county  of  Simcoe. 
—  MS.  Letter,  Feb.  ii.  18R0. 

^^  CahiaguS.  Dr.  Tachd  places  this 
villags  on  the  extreme  eaftern  limit  of 


the  townfliip  of  Orillia,  in  the  fame 
county,  in  the  bend  of  the  river  Severn, 
a  fhort  diflance  after  it  leaves  Lake 
Couchiching.  The  Indian  warriors  do 
not  appear  to  have  launched  their  flo- 
tilla of  bark  canoes  until  they  reached 
the  fifhing  itation  at  the  outlet  of  Lake 
Simcoe.  This  village  was  fubfequently 
known  as  Saint-Jean  Baptijie. 


!i     i 


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7 


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,;. 


» 


V   • 


V 


ill  II 


'  'I 


'     i! 


U 


128 


Me7noir  of 


1615. 


of  Lake  Simcoc,  ten  or  twelve  miles  from  this  body  of  water, 
furroundccl  by  a  country  rich  in  corn,  fquaflies,  and  a 
great  variety  of  fmall  fruits,  with  plenty  of  game  and  fifli. 
When  the  warriors  had  moflly  affembled,  the  motley  crowd, 
bearing  their  bark  canoes,  meal,  and  equipments  on  their 
flioulders,  moved  down  in  a  fouthwefterly  dire6tion  till  they 
reached  the  narrow  flrait  that  unites  Lake  Chouchiching 
with  Lake  Simcoe,  where  the  Hurons  had  a  famous  filhing 
wear.  Here  they  remained  fome  time  for  other  more  tardy 
bands  to  join  them.  At  this  point  they  defpatched  twelve 
of  the  mofl  flalwart  favages,  with  the  interpreter,  Etienne 
Brule,  on  a  dangerous  journey  to  a  diflant  tribe  dwelling  on 
the  wefl  of  the  Five  Nations,  to  urge  them  to  haflen  to  the 
fort  of  the  Iroquois,  as  they  had  already  received  word  from 
them  that  they  would  join  them  in  this  campaign. 

Champlain  and  his  allies  foon  left  the  fifliing  wear  and 
coafted  along  the  northeaftern  fliore  of  Lake  Simcoe  until 
they  reached  its  mofl:  eaflern  border,  when  they  made  a  port- 
age to  Sturgeon  Lake,  thence  fweeping  down  Pigeon  and 
Ston}  Lakes,  through  the  Otonabee  into  Rice  Lake,  the 
River  Trent,  the  Bay  of  Quinte,  and  finally  rounding  the 
eaftern  point  of  Amherfl:  Ifland,  they  were  fairly  on  the  wa- 
ters of  Lake  Ontario,  jufl.  as  it  merges  into  the  great  River 
St.  Lawrence,  and  where  the  Thoufand  Iflands  begin  to 
loom  into  fight.  Here  they  croffed  the  extremity  of  the  lake 
at  its  outflow  into  the  river,  paufmg  at  this  important  geo- 
graphical point  to  take  the  latitude,  which,  by  his  imperfedl 

inftruments,  Champlain  found  to  be  43°  north.^^ 

Sailing 

82  The  latitude  of  Champlain  is  here    was  taken.    It  could  not,  however  have 
far  from  correft.     It  is  not  poffible  to    been  at  a  point  much  below  44°7'. 
determine  the  exact  place  at  which  it 


i6is. 


Samuel  de  Champlam. 


I2< 


Sailing  clown  to  the  fouthcrn  fide  of  the  lake,  after  a  dif- 
taace,  by  their  edimate,  of  about  fourteen  leagues,  they  landed 
and  concealed  their  canoes  in  a  thicket  near  the  fhore. 
Taking  their  arms,  they  proceeded  along  the  lake  Ibnie  ten 
miles,  through  a  country  diverfified  with  meadows,  brooks, 
ponds,  and  beautiful  forefts  filled  with  plenty  of  wild  game, 
when  they  ftruck  inland,  apparently  at  the  mouth  of  Little 
Salmon  River.  Advancing  in  a  foutherly  direction,  along 
the  courle  of  this  flream,  they  croffed  Oneida  River,  an  out- 
let of  the  lake  of  the  fame  name.  When  within  about  ten 
miles  of  the  fort  which  they  intended  to  capture,  they  met  a 
fmall  party  of  favages,  men,  women,  and  children,  bound  on 
afifliing  excurfion.  Although  unarmed,  neverthelefs,  accord- 
ing to  their  cuftom,  they  took  them  all  prifoners  of  war,  and 
began  to  infiicl  the  ufual  tortures,  but  this  was  dropped  on 
Champlain's  indignant  interference.  The  next  day,  on  the 
loth  of  October,  they  reached  the  great  fortrefs  of  the  Iro- 
quois, after  a  journey  of  four  days  from  their  landing,  a  dif- 
tance  loofely  eflimated  at  from  twenty-five  to  thirty  leagues. 
Here  they  found  the  Iroquois  in  their  fields,  induflrioufly 
gathering  in  their  autumnal  harvefl  of  corn  and  fquaflies. 
A  fkirmifli  enfued,  in  which  feveral  were  wounded  on  both 
fides. 

The  fort,  a  drawing  of  vvhich  has  been  left  us  by  Cham- 
plain,  was  fituated  a  few  miles  fouth  of  the  eaflern  terminus 
of  Oneida  Lake,  on  a  fmall  flream  that  winds  its  way  in  a 
northwefterly  direction,  and  finally  lofes  itfelf  in  the  fame 
body  of  water.  This  rude  military  ftruclure  w^as  hexagonal 
in  form,  one  of  its  fides  bordering  immediately  upon  a 
fmall  pond,   while   four  of    the  other  laterals,  two  on  the 

17  right 


♦mJ. 


.r  I  I 


i'q  ', 


./,'>; 


!l 


r« 


hi  ' 


130 


Memoir  of 


1615. 


right  and  two  on  the  left,  were  waflied  by  a  channel  of  water 
flowing  along  their  bafes.'*^     The  fide  oppofite  the  pond  alone 

had 


"'  There  has  naturally  been  fome 
difficulty  in  fixinsi  fatisfactorilv  the  lite 
of  the  Iroquois  fort  attacked  by  Cham- 
plain  and  his  allies. 

The  fourccs  of  information  on  which 
we  are  to  rely  in  identifyini;;  the  (ite  of 
this  fort  are  in  j;encral  the  fame  that  we 
refort  to  in  fixinif  any  locality  mentioned 
in  his  explorations,  and  are  to  be  fouml  in 
Champlain's  journal  of  this  expedition, 
the  map  contained  in  what  is  commonly 
called  his  edition  of  1632,  and  the  en- 
graved picture  of  the  fort  executed  by 
Champlain  himfelf,  which  was  publiflieu 
in  connection  with  his  journal.  The 
information  thus  obtained  is  to  be  con- 
fdered  in  connetlion  with  the  natural 
features  of  the  country  through  which 
the  expedition  pafied,  with  fuch  allow- 
ance for  inexactness  as  the  hillory,  na- 
ture, and  circumltances  of  the  evidence 
render  necefl'ary. 

The  map  of  1632  is  only  at  bed  an 
outline,  drafted  on  a  very  fmall  scale, 
and  without  any  exact  meafurements 
or  aftual  furveys.  It  pictures  general 
features,  and  in  connection  with  the 
journal  may  be  of  great  fervice. 

Champlain's  diltances,  as  given  in  his 
journal,  are  eftimates  made  under  cir- 
cumrtances  in  which  accuracy  was 
fcarcely  poffible.  He  was  journeying 
along  the  border  of  lakes  and  over  the 
face  of  the  country,  in  company  with 
fome  hundreds  of  wild  favages,  hunting 
and  fithing  by  the  way,  marching  in  an 
irregular  and  defultory  manner,  and  his 
ftatements  of  diftances  are  wifely  ac- 
companied by  very  wide  margins,  and 
are  of  little  fervice,  taken  alone,  in  fix- 
ing the  lite  of  an  Indian  town.  But 
when  natural  features,  not  fubject  to 
change,  are  defcribed,  we  can  eafdy 
comprehend  the  meaning  of  the  text. 


The  engraving  of  the  fort  may  or  may 
not  have  been  fketched  by  Champlain 
on  the  fpot :  parts  of  it  may  have  been 
and  doubtlufs  were  fupplied  by  memory, 
and  it  is  decifive  aulliority,  not  in  its 
minor,  but  in  its  general  features. 

With  thefe  obfcrvations,  we  are  pre- 
pared to  examine  the  evidence  that 
points  to  the  fitc  of  the  Iroquois  fort. 

Wiien  the  expedition,  emerging  from 
C)uinte  Bay,  arrived  at  the  eallcrn  end 
uT  Lake  Ontario,  at  the  point  where  the 
lake  ends  and  the  Kiver  .St.  Lawrence 
begins,  they  crolTed  over  tiie  lake,  pair- 
ing large  and  beautiful  illands.  Some 
of  thefe  idands  will  be  found  laid  down 
on  the  map  of  1632.  They  then  pro- 
ceeded, a  diftance,  according  to  their 
eltimation,  of  about  fourteen  leagues,  to 
the  fouthern  fide  of  Lake  Ontario,  where 
they  landed  and  concealed  their  canoes, 
'i'lie  diilance  to  the  fouthern  fide  of  the 
lake  is  too  indefinitely  Hated,  even  if 
we  knew  at  what  precife  point  the  meaf- 
urement  began,  to  enable  us  to  fix  the 
exatt  place  of  the  landing. 

They  marched  along  the  fandy  fliore 
about  four  leagues,  and  then  flruck  in- 
land. If  we  turn  to  the  map  of  1632,  on 
which  a  line  is  drawn  to  rudely  repre- 
fent  their  courfe,  we  fhall  fee  that  on 
fi riking  inland  they  proceeded  along  the 
banks  of  a  fmall  river  to  which  feveral 
fmall  lakes  or  ponds  are  tributary.  Little 
Salmon  River  being  fed  by  numerous 
fmall  ponds  or  lakes  may  well  be  the 
flream  figured  by  Champlain.  The  text 
fays  they  difcovered  an  excellent  coun- 
try along  the  lake  before  they  Itruck  in- 
land, with  fine  foreft-trees,  elpecially  the 
cheftnut,  with  abundance  of  vines.  For 
feveral  miles  along  Lake  Ontario  on  the 
north-eall  of  Little  Salmon  River  the 
country    anfwers    to    this    defcription. 

—  Vide 


I 


i6is  Saviucl  de  Chaviplain. 


131 


I 


had  an  unobftru61cd  land  approach.     As  an  Indian  military 
work,  it  was  of  groat  llrcngth.     It  was  made  of  the  trunks  of 

trees, 


—  Vide  MS.  Letters  of  the  Rev.  James 
Cross,  D.I).,  I.I..JJ,  and  otW.  J).  Smith, 
Efq.,ol  Mexico,  N.Y. 

The  text  fays  tliey  continued  tlieir 
cniiife  ajjout  twenty -five  or  tliirly 
lea.mies.  Tiiis  af^ain  is  indefinite,  al- 
lowing a  marj,'in  of  twelve  or  fiftei.'n 
miles  ;  but  the  text  alfo  fays  they  crolVetl 
a  river  flowini;  from  a  lake  in  which 
were  certain  beautiful  idands,  and  more- 
over that  the  river  fo  croffed  difciiarged 
into  Lake  Ontario.  The  lake  here  re- 
ferred to  mull  be  the  Oneida,  fince  that 
is  the  only  one  in  the  region  which  con- 
tains any  idands  wliatever,  and  there- 
fore the  river  they  crolfed  mull  be  the 
Oneida  River,  flowing  from  the  lake  of 
the  fame  name  into  Lake  Ontario. 

Soon  after  they  crolVed  Oneida  River, 
they  met  a  banc!  of  favages  who  were 
going  fifliing,  whom  they  made  prifon- 
ers.  This  occurred,  tlie  text  informs 
us,  when  they  were  about  four  leagues 
from  the  fort.  They  were  now  fome- 
where  fouth  of  Oneida  Lake.  If  we 
confult  the  map  of  1632,  we  fliall  find 
reprefented  on  it  an  expanfe  of  water 
from  which  a  ftream  is  reprefented  as 
flowing  into  Lake  Ontario,  and  which  is 
clearly  Oneida  Lake,  and  fouth  of  this 
lake  a  llream  is  reprefented  as  flowing 
from  tlic  eall  in  a  northweflerly  direc- 
tion and  entering  this  lake  towards  its 
wellern  extremity,  which  mull  be  Chit- 
tenango  Creek  or  one  of  its  branches. 
A  fort  or  enclofed  village  is  alfo  figured 
on  tlie  map,  of  fuch  huge  dimenfions  that 
it  fubtends  the  angle  formed  by  the  creek 
and  the  lake,  and  ajipears  to  relt  upon 
both.  It  is  plain,  however,  from  the  text 
that  the  fort  does  not  red;  upon  Oneida 
Lake  ;  we  may  infer  therefore  that  it 
relied  upon  the  creek  figured  on  the 
map,  which  from  its  courfe,  as  we  have 


already  feen,  is  clearly  intended  to  rcp- 
refent  Chittenango  Creek  or  one  of  its 
brandies.  A  note  explanatory  of  the 
maj)  informs  us  that  tiiis  is  the  village 
where  Champiain  went  to  war  againll 
the  '•  Antouhonorons,"  that  is  to  f.iy, 
the  Iroquois.  The  text  informs  us  that 
tlie  fort  was  on  a  pond,  which  furnifhed 
a  per|)etual  fupply  of  water.  We  there- 
fore look  for  the  lite  of  the  ancient  fort 
on  fonie  fmall  body  of  water  connected 
with  Chittenango  Creek. 

If  we  examine  Champlain's  engraved 
reprefentation  of  the  fort,  we  (iiall  fee 
that  it  is  fituated  on  a  peninfula,  that 
one  fide  rells  on  a  pond,  and  that  two 
llreams  pals  it,  one  on  the  rigiit  and 
one  on  the  left,  and  that  one  I'ule  only 
has  an  unobllructed  land -apiiroach. 
Tliefe  channels  of  water  courfing  along 
the  fides  are  fuch  marked  characteril- 
tics  of  tlie  fort  as  reprefented  by  Cham- 
plain,  that  they  mull  be  regarded  as  im- 
portant features  in  the  identification  of 
its  ancient  file. 

On  Nichols's  Pond,  near  the  north- 
eaftern  limit  of  the  townfliip  of  Fenner 
in  Madifon  County,  N.Y.,  the  fite  of 
an  Indian  fort  was  fome  years  fince  dif- 
covered,  identified  as  fuch  by  broken 
bits  of  pottery  and  Hone  implements, 
fuch  as  are  ufually  found  in  localities  of 
tliis  fort.  It  is  fituated  on  a  peculiarly 
formed  peninfula,  its  nortiiern  fide  rell- 
iiig  on  Nichols's  Pond,  while  a  fmall 
flream  flowing  into  the  pond  forms  its 
wefiern  boundary,  and  an  outlet  of  the 
pond  about  thirty-two  rods  eall  of  the 
inlet,  running  in  a  fouth-eaflerly  direc- 
tion, forms  the  eaftern  limit  of  the  fort. 
The  outlet  of  this  pond,  deflecting  to 
the  eall  and  then  fweping  round  to  the 
north,  at  length  fin<  its  way  in  a  wind- 
ing courfe  into  Cow.:;halon  Creek,  thence 

into 


M  |l 


132 


Memoir  of 


1615. 


,'  \ 


trees,  as  large  as  could  be  conveniently  tranfported.  Thefe 
were  let  in  the  ground,  forming  four  concentric  palifades,  not 
more  than  fix  inches  apart,  thirty  feet  in  height,  interlaced  and 
bound  together  near  the  top,  fupporting  a  gallery  of  double 
paling  extending  around  the  whole  enclofure,  proof  not  only 
againft  the  flint-headed  arrows  of  the  Indian,  but  againfl  the 
leaden  bullets  of  the  French  arquebus.  Port-holes  were 
opened  along  the  gallery,  through  which  effe(5live  fervice 
could  be  done  upon  alTailants  by  hurling  ftones  and  other 
miffiles  with  which  they  were  well  provided.  Gutters  were 
laid  along  between  the  palilades  to  conduf^l  water  to  every 

part 


into  the  Chittenango,  throui^h  which  it 
flows  into  Oneida  Lake,  at  a  point  north- 
well  of  Xiciiols's  Pond. 

If  we  compare  the  <,'eos,Tapliical  fitua- 
tion  of  Ciiamplain's  fort  as  fiuurcd  on 
his  map  of  1632,  particularly  with  refer- 
ence to  Oneida  Lake,  we  (hall  obferve 
a  remarkable  correfpondence  between 
it  and  the  fite  of  the  Indian  fort  at 
Nichols's  Pond.  Both  are  on  the  fouth 
of  Oneida  Lake,  and  both  are  on 
ftreams  which  flow  into  that  lake  by 
runniny;  in  a  north-wellerly  diretlion. 
Moreover,  the  fite  of  the  old  fort  at 
Nichols's  Pond  is  lituated  on  a  peninfula 
like  that  of  Champlain  ;  and  not  only 
so,  but  it  is  on  a  peninfula  formed  l)y  a 
pond  on  one  fide,  and  by  two  rtreams  of 
water  on  two  other  oppofite  fides;  thus 
fulfilling  in  a  remarkable  degree  the 
conditions  contained  in  Champlain's 
drawing  of  the  fort. 

If  the  reader  has  carefully  examined 
and  compared  the  evidences  referred  to 
in  this  note,  he  will  have  feen  that  all 
the  dillinguifliing  circumrtances  con- 
tained in  the  text  of  Champlain's  jour- 
nal, on  the  map  of  1632.  and  in  his 
dr.iwing  of  the  fort,  converge  to  and 
point  out  this  fpot  on  Nichols's  Pond, 


as  the  probal)le  fite  of  the  palifadcd 
Iroquois  town  attacked  by  Champlain 
in   1615. 

VVc  are  indebted  to  General  S. 

Clark,  of  Auburn,  N.Y.,  for  poi)  rit 

and  identifying  the  peninfula  ai  Nich- 
ols's Pond  as  the  fite  of  the  Iroquois 
fort. —  l'i(/e  Shea's  A'o/cs  on  Cliain- 
pl(nn''s  Expedition  into  Wcjlern  A'ew 
York  in  161 5,  and  the  /decent  Identifi- 
cation of  the  /'ort,  by  General  Joiin  S. 
Clark,  Pennfylvania  Mai^azinc  of  Jlif- 
tory,  Philadelphia,  Vol.  II.  pp.  103-108; 
alfo  A  Lofi  Point  in  Hifioy,  by  L.  VV. 
Ledyard,  Cazenovia  Republican^  Vol. 
XXV'.  No.  47;  Champlain^ s  Invafion 
of  (hiondai^a,  by  the  Rev.  W.  M.  Beau- 
cham]3,  Baldwinfinlle  Gazette,  for  June 
27.  1S79. 

We  are  indebted  to  Orfamus  H.  Mar- 
fliall,  Efq.,  of  Buffalo,  N.Y.,  for  prov.ng 
the  fite  of  the  Iroquois  fort  to  be  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Oneida  Lake,  and  not 
at  a  point  farther  weft  as  claimed  by 
ieveral  autiiors.  —  Vide  Proceedinjrs  of 
the  iVezu  \'ork  Hijtorical  Society  for 
1849,  p.  96;  i\faQazine  of  American 
Hiftory,  New  York,  Vol.  I.  pp.  1-13, 
Vol.  II.  pp.  470-483. 


i6is. 


Samuel  de  Chavi plain. 


133 


part  of  the  fortification  for  cxtinguiHiing  fire,  in  cafe  of 
need. 

It  was  obvious  to  Champlain  that  tliis  fort  was  a  complete 
protection  to  the  Iroquois,  unlefs  an  opening  could  be  made 
in  its  walls.  This  could  not  be  eafily  done  by  any  force 
which  he  and  his  allies  had  at  their  command.  I  lis  only 
hope  was  in  fetting  fire  to  the  palilades  on  the  land  fide. 
This  required  the  dillodgement  of  the  enemy,  who  were  polled 
in  large  numbers  on  the  gallery,  and  the  proteclion  of  the 
men  in  kindling  the  fire,  and  fliielding  it,  when  kindled, 
againfl;  the  extinguifliing  torrents  which  could  be  jjoured 
from  the  water-fpouts  and  gutters  of  the  fort.  He  confe- 
quently  ordered  two  inftruments  to  be  made  with  which 
he  hoped  to  overcome  ihefe  obftacles.  One  was  a  wooden 
tower  or  frame-work,  dignified  by  Cham})lain  as  a  cavalier, 
fomewhat  higher  than  the  palilades,  on  the  toj)  of  which 
was  an  encloled  platform  where  three  or  four  Iharp-fliooters 
could  in  fecurity  clear  the  gallery,  and  thus  defiroy  the  effec- 
tive force  of  the  enemy.  The  other  was  a  large  wooden 
fliield,  or  mantelet,  under  the  protection  of  which  they  could 
in  fafety  approach  and  kindle  a  fire  at  the  bafe  of  the  fort, 
and  prote6l  the  fire  thus  kindled  from  being  extinguiflied  by 
water  coming  from  above. 

When  all  was  in  readinefs,  two  hundred  favages  bore  the 
fraried  tower  and  planted  it  near  the  palilades.  Three  ar- 
quebusiers  mounted  it  and  poured  a  deadly  fire  upon  the 
defenders  on  the  gallery.  The  battle  now  began  and  raged 
fiercely  for  three  hours,  but  Champlain  firove  in  vain  to  carry 
out  any  plan  of  attack.  The  favages  ruflied  to  and  fro  in  a 
frenzy  of  excitement,  filling  the  air  with  their  difcordant 

yells, 


I 


134 


Memoir  of 


x6is. 


i-i 


I  ;■ 


?l  :    i 


\\ 


\  I 


r  1^ 


yells,  obferving  no  method  and  heeding  no  commands.  The 
wooden  fliields  were  not  even  brought  forward,  and  the  burn- 
ing of  the  fort  was  undertaken  with  fo  little  judgment  and 
flvill  that  the  fire  was  inftantly  extinguiflied  by  the  fountains 
of  water  let  loofe  by  the  Ikilful  defenders  through  the  gut- 
ters and  watcr-fpouts  of  the  fort. 

The  fliarp-Hiooters  on  the  tower  killed  and  wounded  a 
large  number,  but  neverthelefs  no  effective  impreffion  was 
made  upon  the  fortrefs.  Two  chiefs  and  fifteen  men  of  the 
allies  were  wounded,  while  one  was  killed,  or  died  of  wounds 
received  in  a  fkirmilh  before  the  formal  attack  upon  the  fort 
began.  After  a  frantic  and  defultory  fight  of  three  hours, 
the  attacking-  favaq-es  loff  their  coura2:e  and  becjan  to  clamor 
for  a  retreat,  l^^o  perfuafions  could  induce  them  to  renew 
the  attack. 

After  lingering  four  days  in  vain  expe6lation  of  the  ar- 
rival of  the  allies  to  whom  Brule  had  been  lent,  the  retreat 
began.  Champlain  had  been  wounded  in  the  knee  and  leg, 
and  was  unable  to  walk.  Litters  in  the  form  of  bafkets 
were  fabricated,  into  which  the  wounded  were  packed  in  a 
conftrained  and  uncomfortable  attitude,  and  carried  on  the 
Ihoulders  of  the  men.  As  the  tafk  of  the  carriers  was 
lightened  by  frequent  relays,  and,  as  there  was  little  bag- 
gage to  impede  their  progrels,  the  march  was  rapid.  In 
three  days  they  had  reached  their  canoes,  which  had  re- 
mained in  the  place  of  their  concealment  near  the  fliore 
of  the  lake,  an  eflimated  diftance  of  twenty-five  or  thirty 
leagues  from  the  fort. 

Such  v(;as  the  charadler  of  a  great  battle  among  the  con- 
tending favages,  an  undifciplined  hoft,  without  plan  or  well- 
defined 


I6I5. 


Samuel  de  Champlain. 


135 


defined  purpofe,  rufliing  in  upon  each  other  in  the  heat  of  a 
fuddcn  frenzy  of  paflion,  ffriking  an  aimlefs  blow,  and  follow- 
ing it  by  a  haffy  and  cowardly  retreat.  They  had,  for  the 
time  being  at  leaft,  no  ulterior  defign.  They  fought  and  ex- 
peded  no  fubflantial  reward  of  their  confli6l.  The  fwcet- 
nefs  of  perlbnal  revenge  and  the  blotting  out  a  few  human 
lives  were  all  they  hoped  for  or  cared  at  this  time  to  attain. 
The  invading  party  had  apparently  deffroyed  more  than  they 
had  themfclves  lofl,  and  this  was  doubtlefs  a  fuitable  reward 
for  the  hazards  and  hardfhips  of  the  campaign. 

The  retreating  warriors  lingered  ten  days  on  the  fliore  of 
Lake  Ontario,  at  the  point  where  they  had  left  their  canoes, 
beguiling  the  time  in  preparing  for  hunting  and  fifliing  ex- 
curfions,  and  for  their  journey  to  their  diflant  homes.  Cham- 
plain  here  took  occafion  to  call  the  attention  of  the  allies  to 
their  promife  to  condu61;  him  fafely  to  his  home.  The 
head  of  the  St.  Lawrence  as  it  flows  from  the  Ontario  is  lefs 
than  two  hundred  miles  from  Montreal,  a  journey  by  canoes 
not  difficult  to  make.  Champlain  defired  to  return  this  way, 
and  demanded  an  efcort.  The  chiefs  were  relucftant  to  grant 
his  requeft.  Maffers  in  the  art  of  making  excufes,  they  faw 
many  infuperable  obffacles.  In  reality,  they  did  not  defire 
to  part  with  him,  but  wiflied  to  avail  themfclves  of  his 
knowledge,  counfel,  and  perfonal  aid  againfl;  their  enemies. 
When  one  obftacle  after  another  gave  way,  and  when  volun- 
teers were  found  ready  to  accompany  him,  no  canoes  could 
be  fpared  for  the  journey.  This  clofed  the  debate.  Cham- 
plain  was  not  prepared  for  the  expofure  and  hardfliip  of  a 
winter  among  the  favages,  but  there  was  left  to  him  no 
choice.     He  fubmitted  as  gracefully  as  he  could,  and  with 

fuch 


1,   .., 


i 

f 


» 


i 

I 


w 


\l 


\   ; 


f 


i 


'ST^ 


M' 


■I 


^i^r 


m 


m 


r-'! 


It 


ilit#i 


136 


Memoir  of 


1615. 


fuch  patience  as  necelTity  made  it  pofTible  for  him  to  com- 
mand. 

The  bark  flotilla  was  at  length  ready  to  leave  the  borders 
of  the  prefent  State  of  New  York.  According  to  their 
ufual  cuflom  in  canoe  navigation,  they  crept  along  the  fliore 
of  the  Ontario,  revifiting  an  ifland  at  the  eaftern  extremity 
of  the  lake,  not  unlikely  the  fame  place  where  Cham  plain 
had  flopped  to  take  the  latitude  a  few  weeks  before.  Croff- 
ing  over  from  the  ifland  to  the  mainland  on  the  north,  they 
appear  to  have  continued  up  the  Cataraqui  Creek  eaft  of 
Kingflon,  and,  after  a  fliort  portage,  entered  Loughborough 
Lake,  a  flieet  of  water  then  renowned  as  a  refort  of  water- 
fowl in  vaft  numbers  and  varieties.  Having  bagged  all 
they  defired,  they  proceeded  inland  twenty  or  thirty  miles, 
to  the  objedive  point  of  their  excurflon,  which  was  a  fa- 
mous hunting-ground  for  wild  game.  Here  they  conflru6l- 
ed  a  deer-trap,  an  enclofure  into  which  the  unfufpe6ling 
animals  were  beguiled  and  from  which  it  was  impofflble  tor 
them  to  efcape.  Deer-hunting  was  of  all  purfuits,  if  we 
except  war,  the  moft  exciting  to  the  Indians.  It  not  only 
yielded  the  richeft  returns  to  their  larder,  and  fupplied  more 
fully  other  domeflic  wants,  but  it  poffeffed  the  element  of 
fafcination,  which  has  always  given  zeft  and  infpiration  to 
the  fportfman. 

They  lingered  here  thirty-eight  days,  during  which  time  they 
captured  one  hundred  and  twenty  deer.  They  purpofely 
prolonged  their  flay  that  the  froft  might  feal  up  the  marfhes, 
ponds,  and  rivers  over  which  they  were  to  pafs.  Early  in 
December  they  began  to  arrange  into  convenient  packages 
their  peltry  and  venifon,  the  fat  of  which  was  to  ferve  as 

butter 


i6is. 


Samuel  de  Champlain. 


^11 


butter  in  their  rude  huts  during  the  icy  months  of  winter. 
On  the  4th  of  the  month  they  broke  camp  and  began  their 
weary  march,  each  favage  bearing  a  burden  of  not  lefs  than 
a  hundred  pounds,  while  Champlain  himfelf  carried  a  pack- 
age of  about  twenty.  Some  of  them  conflructed  rude 
fledges,  on  which  they  eafily  dragged  their  luggage  over  the 
ice  and  fnow.  During  the  progrels  of  the  journey,  a  warm 
current  came  fweeping  up  from  the  fouth,  melted  the  ice, 
flooded  the  marfhes,  and  for  four  days  the  overburdened  and 
weary  travellers  ftruggled  on,  knee-deep  in  mud  and  water 
and  flufli.  Without  experience,  a  lively  imagination  alone 
can  picture  the  toil,  fuffering,  and  expofure  of  a  journey 
through  the  tangled  forefts  and  half-llibmerged  bogs  and 
marflies  of  Canada,  in  the  moft  inclement  feafon  of  the 
year. 

At  length,  on  the  ?3d  of  December,  after  nineteen  days 
of  exceffive  toil,  they  arrived  at  Cahiague,  the  chief  town  of 
the  Hurons,  the  rendezvous  of  the  allied  tribes,  whence  they 
had  fet  forth  on  the  firft  of  September,  nearly  four  months 
before,  on  what  may  fucm  to  us  a  bootlefs  raid.  To  the  fav- 
age warriors,  however,  it  doubtlefs  feemed  a  different  thing. 
They  had  been  enabled  to  bring  home  valuable  provifions, 
which  were  likely  to  be  important  to  them  when  an  unfuc- 
cefsful  hunt  might,  as  it  often  did,  leave  them  nearly  deftitute 
of  food.  They  had  loft  but  a  fingle  man,  and  this  was  lefs 
than  they  had  anticipated,  and,  moreover,  was  the  common 
fortune  of  war.  They  had  invaded  the  territory  and  made 
their  prefence  felt  in  the  very  home  of  their  enemies,  and 
could  rejoice  in  having  infli6ted  upon  them  more  injury  than 
they  had  themfelves  received.  Though  they  had  not  cap- 
tured 


\.\^ 


r  ' 


If', 


i  ill  ?;; 

Ii  lit  ■■  1 


'.(  i 


I  ' 


I 


!  I 


I 


(«' 


&      '. 


\  <  ' 
:  I 
;i      I- 


138 


Memoir  of 


1615. 


tured  or  annihilated  them,  they  had  done  enough  to  infpire 
and  fully  fuftain  their  own  grovelling  pride. 

To  Champlain  even,  although  the  expedition  had  been  ac- 
companied by  hardfliip  and  fuffering  and  fome  difappoint- 
ments,  it  was  by  no  means  a  failure.  He  had  explored  an 
interefting  and  important  region ;  he  had  gone  where  Euro- 
pean feet  had  never  trod,  and  had  feen  what  European  eyes 
had  never  feen  ;  he  had,  moreover,  planted  the  lilies  of  France 
in  the  chief  Indian  towns,  and  at  all  fuitable  and  important 
points,  and  thefe  were  to  be  witneffes  of  poffeffion  and 
ownerfliip  in  what  his  exuberant  imagination  faw  as  a  vaft 
French  empire  rifmg  into  powder  and  opulence  in  the  weft- 
'^rn  world. 

It  was  now  the  laft  week  in  December,  and  the  deep 
fnows  and  piercing  cold  rendered  it  impoffible  for  Champlain 
or  even  the  allied  warriors  to  continue  their  journey  further. 
The  Algonquins  and  Nipiffmgs  became  guefls  of  the  Hu- 
rons  for  the  winter,  encamping  within  their  principal  walled 
town,  or  perhaps  in  fome  neighboring  village  not  far  re- 
moved. 

After  the  refl  of  a  few  days  at  Cahiague,  where  he  had 
been  hofpitably  entertained,  Champlain  took  his  departure 
for  Carhagouha,  a  fmaller  village,  where  his  friend  the  Recoi- 
led!: Father,  Jofeph  le  Caron,  had  taken  up  his  abode  as  the 
pioneer  miffionary  to  the  Hurons.  It  was  important  for  Le 
Caron  to  obtain  all  the  information  poflible,  not  only  of  the 
Hurons,  but  of  all  the  furrounding  tribes,  as  he  contem- 
plated returning  to  France  the  next  fummer  to  report  to  his 
patrons  upon  the  chara(5ter,  extent,  and  hopefulnefs  of  the 
miffionary  field  which   he   had  been   fent  out  to   explore. 

Champlain 


i6is. 


Samuel  de  Champlain. 


139 


ii/i 


Champlain  was  happy  to  avail  himfelf  of  his  company  in 
executing  the  explorations  which  he  dcfired  to  make. 

They  accordingly  fet  out  together  on  the  15th  of  January, 
and  penetrated  the  tracklels  and  fnow-bound  forefls,  and,  pro- 
ceeding in  a  weflern  direction,  after  a  journey  of  two  days, 
reached  a  tribe  called  Pctiins^  an  agricultural  people,  iimilar 
in  habits  and  mode  of  life  to  the  Hurons.  By  them  they 
were  hofpitably  received,  and  a  great  fefl;i\'al,  in  which  all 
their  neighbors  participated,  was  celebrated  in  honor  of  their 
new  guefts.  Having  vifited  leven  or  eight  of  their  villages, 
the  explorers  puflied  forward  flill  further  wefl:,  when  they 
came  to  the  fcttlement  of  an  interefling  tribe,  which  they 
named  Chevctix-Relcves,  or  the  "  lofty  haired,"  an  appellation 
fuggeffed  by  the  mode  of  dreffing  their  hair. 

On  their  return  from  this  expedition,  they  found,  on  reach- 
ing the  encampment  of  the  Nipiffings,  who  were  wintering 
in  the  Huron  territory,  that  a  difagreement  had  arifen  be- 
tween the  Hurons  and  their  Algonquin  g.  fls,  which  had 
already  affumed  a  dangerous  character.  An  Iroquois  cap- 
tive taken  in  the  late  war  had  been  awarded  to  the  Algon- 
quins,  according  to  the  cuftom  of  dividing  the  prifoners 
among  the  feveral  bands  of  allies,  and,  finding  him  a  fkilful 
hunter,  they  refolved  to  fpare  his  life,  and  had  adtually 
adopted  him  as  one  of  their  tribe.  This  had  offended  the 
Hurons,  who  expe6ted  he  would  be  put  to  the  ufual  torture, 
and  they  had  commiffioned  one  of  their  number,  who  had 
inflantly  killed  the  unfortunate  prifoner  by  plunging  a  knife 
into  his  heart.  The  affaffin,  in  turn,  had  been  fet  upon  by 
the  Algonquins  and  put  to  death  on  the  fpot.  The  perpe- 
trators of  this  lafl  ad  had  regretted  the  occurrence,  and  had 

done 


M 


»    111 


I  IV 


)   ,• 


'!    . 


{•?  ■'"  ^ 


l.\ 


',    '  '  \' 


140 


Memoir  of 


1616. 


done  what  they  could  to  heal  the  breach  by  prefents :  but 
there  was,  neverthelefs,  a  fmouldering  feeling  of  hoitility  ftill 
lingering  in  both  parties,  which  might  at  any  moment  break 
out  into  open  confli6t. 

It  was  obvious  to  Champlain  that  a  permanent  difagree- 
ment  between  thefe  two  important  allies  would  be  a  great 
calamity  to  themfelves  as  well  as  dilaflrous  to  his  own  plans. 
It  was  his  purpofe,  therefore,  to  bring  them,  if  poffible,  to  a 
cordial  pacification.  Proceeding  cautioufly  and  with  great 
deliberation,  he  made  himfelf  acquainted  with  all  the  facts 
of  the  quarrel,  and  then  called  an  affembly  of  both  parties 
and  clearly  fet  before  them  in  all  its  lights  the  utter  foolifli- 
nefs  of  allowing  a  circumflance  of  really  fmall  importance 
to  interfere  with  an  alliance  between  two  great  tribes ;  an 
alliance  neceffary  to  their  profperity,  and  particularly  in  the 
war  they  were  carrying  on  againfl  their  common  enemy,  the 
Iroquois.  This  appeal  of  Champlain  was  fo  convincing  that 
when  the  affembly  broke  up  all  profeffed  themfelves  entirely 
fatisfied,  although  the  Algonquins  were  heard  to  mutter  their 
determination  never  again  to  winter  in  the  territory  of  the 
Hurons,  a  wife  and  not  unnatural  conclufion. 

Champlain's  conflant  intercourfe  with  thefe  tribes  for  many 
months  in  their  own  homes,  his  explorations,  obfervatlons, 
and  inquiries,  enabled  him  to  obtain  a  comprehenfive,  defi- 
nite, and  minute  knowledge  of  their  chara6ler,  religion, 
government,  and  mode  of  life.  As  the  fruit  of  thefe  invef- 
tigations,  he  prepared  in  the  leifure  of  the  winter  an  elabo- 
rate memoir,  replete  with  difcriminating  details,  which  is  and 
mufl;  always  be  an  unqueftionable  authority  on  the  fubjedl  of 

which  it  treats. 

CHAPTER   IX. 


i6i6. 


Samtcel  de  Champlain. 


141 


CHAPTER   IX. 

Champlain's  Return  from  the  Huron  Country  and  Voyage  to  France. 

—  The  Contracted  Views  of  the  Comp\ny  of  Merchants.  —  The 
Prince  de  Conde  sells  thk  Viceroyaltv  to  thk  Duke  de  Mont- 
morency.—  Cha.mplain  with  his  Wife  returns  to  Qleuec,  where 
HE  remains  Four  Years.  —  Having  repaired  the  Buildings  and 
erected  the  Fortress  of  St.  Louis,  Champlain  returns  to  France. 

—  The  Viceroyalty  transferred  to  Henry  de  Levi,  and  the  Com- 
pany OF  THE  Hundred  Associ.'Vtes  organized. 

BOUT  the  20th  of  May,  Champlain,  accompa- 
nied by  the  miffionary,  Le  Caron,  elcortcd  by  x 
delegation  of  favages,  fet  out  from  the  Huron 
capital,  in  the  prefent  county  of  Simcoe,  on 
their  return  to  Quebec.  Purfuino:  the  fame 
circuitous  route  by  which  they  had  come,  they  were  forty 
days  in  reaching  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  near  Montreal, 
where  they  found  Pont  Grave,  jufl  arrived  from  France,  who, 
with  the  reft,  was  much  rejoiced  at  feeing  Champlain,  fince  a 
rumor  had  gone  abroad  that  he  had  periflied  among  the 
favages. 

The  party  arrived  at  Quebec  on  the  nth  of  July.  A  pub- 
lic fervice  of  thankfgiving  was  celebrated  by  the  Recolle6t 
Fathers  for  their  fafe  return.  The  Huron  chief,  D'Arontal, 
with  whom  Champlain  had  paffed  the  winter  and  who  had 
accompanied  him  to  Quebec,  was  greatly  entertained  and 
delighted  with  the  eftablifhment  of  the  French,  the  buildings 
and  other  acceffories  of  European  life,  fo  different  from  his 
own,  and  earneflly  requefled  Champlain  to  make  a  fettle- 
ment  at   Montreal,  that  his  whole  tribe  might  come  and 

refide 


[  1 1 V 


III.' 


% 


<H  M 


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.■•a»w'»'-" 


i  i  i 

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( 

w 

1; 

I  i 

i 

f  i  ^  ' 

1 

1 

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W. 

I!    I 


142 


Memoir  of 


1616. 


rcficle  near  thcni,  fafc  under  their  protedlion  againft  their 
Iroquois  enemies. 

Champlain  did  not  remain  at  Quebec  more  than  ten  days, 
during  which  he  planned  and  put  in  execution  the  enlarge- 
ment of  their  houfes  and  fort,  increafmg  their  capacity  by  at 
leaft  one  third.  This  he  found  neceffary  to  do  for  the  greater 
convenience  of  the  little  colony,  as  well  as  for  the  occafional 
entertainment  of  flransfers.  He  left  for  France  on  the  20th 
day  of  July,  in  company  with  the  Recollect  Fathers,  Jofeph 
le  Caron  and  Denis  Jamay,  the  commilfary  of  the  miffion, 
taking  with  them  fpecimens  of  French  grain  which  had  been 
produced  near  Quebec,  to  tcftify  to  the  excellent  quality  of 
the  foil.  They  arrived  at  Honfleur  in  France  on  the  loth 
of  September,  16 16. 

The  exploration  in  tlie  diftant  Indian  territories  which 
we  have  jufl:  deicribed  in  the  preceding  pages  was  the  laft 
made  by  Champlain.  He  had  plans  for  the  furvey  of  other 
regions  yet  unexplored,  but  the  favorable  opportunity  did  not 
occur.  Henceforth  he  direded  his  attention  more  exclu- 
fively  than  he  had  hitherto  done  to  the  enlargement  and 
flrengthening  of  his  colonial  plantation,  without  fuch  fuccefs, 
we  regret  to  fay,  as  his  zeal,  devotion,  and  labors  fitly  de- 
ferved.  The  obflaclcs  that  lay  in  his  way  were  infurmount- 
able.  The  ellablifhment  or  fa6lory,  we  can  hardly  call  it  a 
plantation,  at  Quebec,  was  the  creature  of  a  company  of 
merchants.  They  had  invefled  confiderable  funis  in  fliip- 
ping,  buildings,  and  in  the  employment  of  men,  in  order  to 
carry  on  a  trade  in  furs  and  peltry  with  the  Indians,  and  they 
naturally  defired  remunerative  returns.  This  was  the  limit 
of  their  purpofe  in  making  the  inveftment.  The  corpora- 
tors 


I 

i 


T 


t6. 
I'r 

s, 

It 

Ji- 
ll 
h 

ll 

I, 
1 
f 


1618. 


Saimiel  de  Chaviplain, 


143 


-I 


tors  faw  nothing  in  their  organization  but  a  commercial  cn- 
terprife  yielding  immediate  relults.  They  were  infpired  by 
no  gencrofity,  no  loyalty,  or  patriotifm  that  could  draw  from 
them  a  farthing  to  increafe  the  wealth,  power,  or  aggrandize- 
ment of  France.  Under  theie  circumftances,  Champlain 
ftruggled  on  for  years  againft  a  current  which  he  could 
barely  direct,  but  by  no  means  control. 

Champlain  made  voyages  to  New  France  both  in  161 7  and 
in  1 61 8.  In  the  latter  year,  among  the  Indians  who  came 
to  Quebec  for  the  purpofe  of  trade,  appeared  Etienne  Brule, 
the  interpreter,  who  it  will  be  remembered  had  been  de- 
fpatched  in  16 15,  when  Champlain  was  among  the  Hurons, 
to  the  Entouhonorons  at  Carantouan,  to  induce  them  to  join 
in  the  attack  of  the  Iroquois  in  central  New  York.  During 
the  three  years  that  had  intervened,  nothing  had  been  heard 
from  him.  Brule  related  the  ftory  of  his  extraordinary  ad- 
ventures, which  Champlain  has  prelcrved,  and  which  may  be 
found  in  the  report  of  the  voyage  of  161 8,  in  Volume  III. 
of  this  work.*'-* 

At  Quebec,  he  met  numerous  bands  of  Indians  from  remote 

regions. 


^^  The  charafler  of  Etienne  Brule, 
either  for  honor  or  veracity,  is  not  im- 
proved by  his  fabfequent  conduft.  He 
appears  in  1629  to  have  turned  traitor, 
to  have  fold  himfelf  to  the  Englifh,  and 
to  have  piloted  them  up  the  river  in 
their  expedition  a2;ain(l  Quebec. 
Whether  this  conduct,  bafe  certainly 
it  was,  ought  to  affect  the  :redibility 
of  his  flory,  tlie  reade.  mull  judge. 
Cliamplaiu  undoul^tedly  believed  it 
when  he  firlt  related  it  to  him.  He 
probably  had  no  means  then  or  after- 
wards of  tefling  its  truth.  In  the  edi- 
tion of  1632,  Braid's  ftory  is  omitted. 


It  does  not  neceffarily  follow  that  it 
was  omitted  becaufe  Champlain  came 
to  difcredit  tlie  (lory,  fince  many  paf- 
fages  contained  in  Iiis  preceding  publi- 
cations are  omitted  in  tlie  edition  of 
1632,  but  they  are  not  generally  paffages 
of  fo  much  geographical  importance  as 
this,  if  it  be  true.  Tlie  map  of  1632 
indicates  the  country  of  the  Cuantou- 
anais  ;  but  this  information  might  have 
been  obtained  by  Champlain  from  the 
Hurons,  or  the  more  weitern  tribes 
wliich  he  vifited  during  the  winter  of 
161 5-16. —  Vide  ed.  1632,  p.  220. 


Mil: 


(f 

j  "t 

f '    '  1 

1  ;    1/   , 

i  t     ll! 


if 


144 


Memoir  of 


1618. 


regions,  whom  he  had  vifited  in  former  years,  and  who,  in  f ul- 
fihiient  of  their  promilcs,  had  come  to  barter  their  peltry  for 
fuch  commodities  as  fuited  their  need  or  fancy,  and  to  renew 
and  flrengthen  their  friendfliip  with  the  French.  By  thefe  re- 
peated interviews,  and  the  cordial  reception  and  generous 
entertainment  which  he  always  gave  them,  the  Indians 
dwelling  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Ottawa,  along  the  bor- 
ders of  Lake  Huron,  or  on  the  Georgian  Bay,  formea  a 
ftrong  perfonal  attachment  to  Champlain,  and  yearly  brought 
down  their  fleets  of  canoes  heavily  freighted  with  the  valu- 
able furs  which  they  had  diligently  fecured  during  the  pre- 
ceding winter.  His  perfonal  influence  with  them,  a  power 
which  he  exercifed  with  great  delicacy,  wifdom,  and  fidelity, 
contributed  largely  to  the  revenues  annually  obtained  by  the 
affociated  merchants. 

But  Champlain  defired  more  than  this.  He  was  not  fat- 
isfied  to  be  the  agent  and  chief  manager  of  a  company  or- 
ganized merely  for  the  purpofe  of  trade.  He  was  anxious 
to  elevate  the  meagre  fa6lory  at  Quebec  into  the  dignity  and 
national  importance  of  a  colonial  plantation.  For  this  pur- 
pofe he  had  telled  the  foil  by  numerous  experiments,  and 
had,  from  time  to  time,  forwarded  to  France  fpecimens  of 
ripened  grain  to  bear  tellimony  to  its  produdive  quality. 
He  even  laid  the  fubje6l  before  the  Council  of  State,  and 
they  gave  it  their  cordial  approbation.  By  thefe  means  giv- 
ing emphafis  to  his  perfonal  appeals,  he  fucceeded  at  length 
in  extorting  from  the  company  a  promife  ^o  enlarge  the  ef- 
tablifliment  to  eighty  perfons,  with  fuitable  equipments,  farm- 
ing implements,  all  kinds  of  feeds  and  domeflic  animals, 
including  cattle  and  flieep.     But  when  the  time  came,  this 

promife 


3. 


i6i9- 


SamtLcl  de  Champlain. 


145 


■1 


proniife  was  not  fultillcd.  Differences,  bickerings,  and  feuds 
Iprang  up  in  the  company.  Some  wanted  one  thing,  and 
feme  wanted  anotlier.  Even  rchgion  call  in  an  apple  of  dil- 
cord.  The  Catholics  willicd  to  extend  tlie  faith  of  tlieir 
church  into  the  wilds  of  Canada,  while  the  Huguenots  de- 
fired  to  jjrcvent  it,  or  at  lead  not  to  promote  it  by  their  own 
contributions.  The  company,  infpired  by  avarice  and  a  de- 
fire  to  redricl  the  eftabliflmient  to  a  mere  trading  poll,  railed 
an  ilTuc  to  dilcredit  Champlain.  It  was  gravely  propofed 
that  he  fhould  devote  himfelf  exclufively  to  exploration,  and 
that  the  government  and  trade  Ihould  henceforth  be  under 
the  direction  and  control  of  Pont  Grave.  But  Chamjilain 
was  not  a  man  to  be  ejecled  from  an  official  pofition  by  thofe 
who  had  neither  the  authority  to  give  it  to  him  or  the  power 
to  take  it  away.  Pont  Grave  was  his  intimate,  long-tried, 
and  trufted  friend ;  and,  while  he  regarded  him  with  filial 
refpe6l  and  affe6lion,  he  could  not  yield,  even  to  him,  the 
riijhts  and  honors  which  had  been  accorded  to  him  as  a  rec- 
ognition,  if  not  a  reward,  for  many  years  of  faithful  fervice, 
which  he  had  rendered  under  circumflances  of  perfonal 
hardfliip  and  danger.  The  king  addreiled  a  letter  to  the 
company,  in  which  he  diredled  them  to  aid  Champlain  as 
much  as  poffible  in  making  explorations,  in  fettling  the 
country,  and  cultivating  the  foil,  while  with  their  agents  in 
the  traffic  of  peltry  there  fliould  be  no  interference.  But 
the  fpirit  of  avarice  could  not  be  fubdued  by  the  mandate  of 
the  king.  The  affociated  merchants  were  ftill  obflinate. 
Champlain  had  intended  to  take  his  family  to  Canada  that 
year,  but  he  declined  to  make  the  voyage  under  any  impli- 
cation of  a  divided  authority.     The  velTel  in  which  he  was 

19  to 


Mil    i 


li 


I 


i  »l 


r' 


^: 


'  ( 


1 

'■ 

k  i 

1 

i 

i' 

1' 

.     ; 

I 

( 

■i 

,i 

146 


Memoir  of 


1619. 


to  fail  departed  without  him,  and  Pont  Grave  fpent  the 
winter  in  charge  of  the  comjxiny's  affairs  at  Quebec. 

Champlain,  in  the  mean  time,  took  llich  adivc  meafures 
as  feemed  neceffary  to  ellablilh  his  authority  as  Heutenan*^  of 
the  viceroy,  or  governor  of  New  France.  He  appeared  be- 
fore the  Council  of  State  at  Tours,  and  after  an  elaborate 
argument  and  thorough  difcuffion  of  the  whole  fubje6l,  ob- 
tained a  decree  ordering  that  he  fhould  have  the  command 
at  Quebec  and  at  all  other  fettlements  in  New  France,  and 
that  the  company  (hould  abftain  from  any  interference  with 
him  in  the  difcharge  of  the  duties  of  his  office. 

The  Prince  de  Conde  haxing  recently  been  liberated  from 
an  imprifonment  of  three  years,  governed  by  his  natural  ava- 
rice, was  not  unwilling  to  part  with  his  viceroyalty,  and  early 
in  1620  transferred  it,  for  the  confideration  of  eleven  thoufand 
crowns,  or  about  five  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  flerling,  to 
his  brother-in-law,  the  Duke  de  IMontmorency,^^  at  that  time 
high-admiral  of  France.  The  new  viceroy  appointed  Cham- 
plain  his  lieutenant,  who  immediately  prepared  to  leave  for 
Quebec.  But  when  he  arri  ;  d  at  Honfleur,  the  company, 
difpleafed  at  the  recent  change,  again  brought  forward  the 
old  queftion  of  the  authority  which  the  lieutenant  was  to 
exercife  in  New  France.  The  time  for  difcuffion  had,  how- 
ever, paffed.     No  further  words  were    now  to    be   wafled. 

The 

^5  Henry  de  Montmorency  II.  was  adopted  the  party  of  Gafton,  the  Duke 
born  at  Chantilly  in  1595,  and  was  be-  of  Orleans,  and  having  excited  the 
headed  at  Touloufe  Oct.  30,  1632.  He  province  of  Languedoc  of  which  he  was 
was  created  admiral  at  the  age  of  feven-  governor  to  rebellion,  he  was  defeated, 
teen.  He  commanded  the  Dutch  fleet  and  executed  as  guilty  of  high  treafon. 
at  the  fie!j;e  of  Rochelle.  He  made  the  He  was  the  laft  fcion  of  the  elder 
campaigns  of  1629  and  1630  in  Pied-  l)rancii  of  Montmorency,  and  his  death 
mont,  and  wis  created  a  marfhal  of  was  a  fatal  blow  to  the  reign  of  feu- 
France  after  the  vidory  of  Veillane.    He  dalifm. 


l620. 


Savnicl  dc  Chaviplain. 


147 


The  viceroy  fcMit  them  a  peremptory  order  to  clcfifl  from  fur- 
ther interferences,  or  otherwile  their  lliij^s,  ah'eady  ec|uippefl 
for  tlieir  yearly  trade,  would  not  be  jiermitted  to  leave  port. 
This  meffaufe  from  the  hitih-admiral  of  France  came  with 
authority  and  had  the  defired  effec"t. 

Early  in  May,  1620,  Champlain  i'ailed  from  Honfleur,  ac- 
companied by  his  wife  and  feveral  Recollect  friars,  and,  after 
a  voyage  of  two  months,  arrived  at  Tadoulfac,  where  he  was 
cordially  greeted  b)'  his  brother-in-law,  luiftache  Boulle,  who 
was  very  much  afloniflied  at  the  arrival  of  his  lifter,  and  par- 
ticularly that  the  was  brave  enough  to  encounter  the  dangers 
of  the  ocean  and  take  up  her  abode  in  a  wildernels  at  once 
barren  of  both  the  comforts  and  refinements  of  European 
life. 

On  the  nth  of  July,  Champlain  left  Tadouffac  for  Que- 
bec, where  he  found  the  whole  ellablilhment,  after  an  abfence 
of  two  years,  in  a  condition  of  painful  negleiSi;  and  diforder. 
He  was  cordially  received,  and  becoming  ceremonies  were 
obferved  to  celebrate  his  arrival.  A  fermon  compofed  for 
t!  1  occafion  was  delivered  by  one  of  the  Recolle(5l  T'athers, 
the  commifTion  of  the  king  and  that  of  the  viceroy  appoint- 
ing him  to  the  Ible  command  of  the  colony  w^ere  publicly 
read,  cannon  were  difcharged,  and  the  little  populace,  from 
loyal  hearts,  loudly  vociferated  Vive  Ic  Roy  ! 

The  attention  of  the  lieutenant  was  at  firfl  direded  to  ref- 
toration  and  repairs.  The  roof  of  the  buildings  no  longer 
kept  out  the  rain,  nor  the  walls  the  piercing  fury  of  the 
winds.  The  gardens  were  in  a  ffate  of  ruinous  negled,  and 
the  fields  poorly  and  fcantily  cultivated.  But  the  zeal,  en- 
ergy, and  induftry  of  Champlain  foon  put  every  thing  in 

repair, 


HI 


(; 


H 


'  < 


,1: 


I  ,1 


''^:Siksiik 


BWPIPPpaiMaaii.- 


!f    ' 


fn' 


v     i 


i 


If! 


II 


ir: 


■m 


'.  I  :■", 


•;   1^ 


I*;;       Is 

u 


148 


Memoir  of 


1621. 


repair,  pnd  gave  to  the  little  lettlement  the  afpedl:  of  neat- 
nefs  and  tlirift.  When  this  was  accompHilied,  he  laid  the 
foundations  of  a  fortrcls,  which  he  called  the  Fort  Saint 
Louis,  fituatcd  on  the  crefl  of  the  rocky  elevation  in  tlie 
rear  of  the  fettlen  ent,  about  a  hundred  and  feventy-two  feet 
above  the  furface  of  the  river,  a  pofition  which  commanded 
the  whole  breadth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  at  that  narrow  point. 
This  work,  ib  neceffary  for  the  prote6tion  and  lafety  of 
the  colony,  involving  as  it  did  fome  expenfe,  was  by  no 
means  latisfaclory  to  the  Company  of  Affociates.^^  Their 
general  fault-finding  and  chronic  difcontent  led  the  Duke 
de  Montmorency  to  adopt  heroic  meafures  to  filence  their 
complaints.  In  the  fpring  of  1621,  he  fummarily  dif- 
folved  the  affocicition  of  merchants,  which  he  denominated 
the  •'  Company  of  Rouen  and  St.  Malo,"  and  eflabliflied 
another  in  its  place.  He  continued  Champlain  in  the  office 
cf  lieutenant,  but  comi.iitted  ail  matters  relating  to  trade  to 
William  do  Caen,  a  merchant  of  high  ftanding,  and  to  Eme- 
ric  de  Caen  the  nephew  of  the  former,  a  good  naval  captain. 
This  new  and  hafty  reorganization,  arbitrary  if  not  Hlegal, 
however  important  it  might  feem  to  the  profperity  and  fuc- 
c^fs  of  the  colony,  laid  upon  Champlain  new  refponfibilities 
and  duties  at  once  delicate  and  difficult  to  difcharge.  Though 
in  form  lupprelTed,  the  company  did  not  yield  either  its  ex- 
iftence  or  its  rights.  Both  the  old  and  the  new  company 
were,  by  their   agents,  (jarly  in  New  France,  clamoring  for 

their 

'"''  Amop^;    otlier    annoyances   wliich  fuppliecl  the  Indians  witli  fire-arms  and 

Champlain  had  to  contend  ay;ainll  was  ammunition.      This  was  illegal,  and  en- 

tlie  contraband  trade  carried  on  by  tlie  dangered   the    fafety   of  the   colony.  — 

unlicenfed    Rochellers.   who    not   only  Vide  Voyages  par  De  Cha»tplain,  V:vc\?,, 

carried  off  quantities  of  peltry,  but  even  1632,  Sec.  Partie,  p.  3. 


l621 


Smnuel  de  Champlain, 


149 


i' .'.  ■ 


their  rcfpeftivc  interefls.  De  Caen,  in  behalf  of  the  new, 
infixed  that  the  lieutenant  ought  to  prohibit  all  trade  with 
the  Indians  by  the  old  company,  and,  moreover,  that  he 
ought  to  Icize  their  property  and  hold  it  as  lecurity  for  their 
unprid  obligations.  Champlain,  having  no  written  authority 
for  fuch  a  proceeding,  and  De  Caen  declining  to  produce 
any,  did  not  approve  the  meafure  and  declined  to  acT:.  The 
threats  of  De  Caen  that  he  would  take  the  matter  into  his 
own  hands,  and  fcize  the  veffel  of  the  old  company  com- 
manded by  Pont  Grave  and  then  in  port,  were  lb  violent 
that  Champlain  though  ^  it  prudent  to  placf  a  body  of  armed 
men  in  his  little  fort  flill  unfinifhed,  until  the  fury  of  the 
altercation  fhould  fubfidc:^'  This  decifive  meafure,  and  time, 
the  natural  emollient  of  irritated  tempers,  loon  reflored 
peace  to  the  contending  parties,  and  each  was  allowed  to 
carry  on  its  trade  unmolefted  by  the  other.  The  prudence 
of  Champlain's  condu6t  was  fully  jullified,  and  the  two  com- 
panies, by  mutual  confent,  were,  the  next  year,  conlblidated 
into  one. 

Champlain  remained  at  Quebec  four  years  before  again 
returninc:  to  France.  His  time  was  divided  between  many 
local  enterpriles  of  great  importance.  His  fpccial  attention 
was  2:iven  to  advancino:  the  work  en  the  unfinillicd  fort,  in 
order  to  provide  againft  incurfions  of  the  hoilile  Iroquois,^^ 
who  at  one  time  approached  the  very  walls  of  Quebec,  and 
attacked  unfucccfsfully  the  guarded  houfe  of  the  RecolleCls 
on  the  St.  Charles.'^     He  undertook   the   reconflrudion  of 

the 

^^  F/Wi-ed.  1632,  Sec.  Fartic.Clia]).  I II.         '*'■•  The  lioufo  of  llio  Recollecfls  on  tlie 

83   l7(/t'  Ilijl.  Xi'-w  /'itUK,,  l)y  Cliar-     St.   Cliirlcs  was   erected  in    1620,  and 

levoix,  Shea's  Trans.,  Vol.  II.  p.  32.  was     called    the     Coiiuent    dc    iVo/lre 

Dame 


'I  1: 
■  ■■'■'!!■ 


(#'?  H: 


,i| 


I 

pii 


( 


■    y 


150 


Memoir  of 


1624. 


the  buildinfrs  of  the  fcttlcment  from  their  foundations.  The 
main  ftruclure  was  enlarged  to  a  hundred  and  eiglit  feef" 
in  length,  with  two  wings  of  fixty  feet  each,  having  fmall 
towers  at  the  four  corners.  In  front  and  on  the  borders  of 
the  river  a  platform  was  erecled,  on  which  were  placed  can- 
non, while  the  whole  was  lurrounded  by  a  ditch  fpanned  by 
drawbridixes. 

Having  placed  every  thing  at  Quebec  in  as  good  order  as 
his  limited  means  would  permit,  and  given  orders  for  the 
completion  of  the  works  which  he  had  commenced,  leaving 
Emeric  de  Caen  in  command,  Champlain  determined  to  re- 
turn to  France  with  his  wife,  who,  though  devoted  to  a  relig- 
ious life,  we  may  well  fuppofe  was  not  unwilling  to  exchange 
the  rough,  monotonous,  and  dreary  mode  of  living  at  Que- 
bec for  the  more  congenial  refinements  to  which  Hie  had 
always  been  accuflomed  in  her  father's  family  near  the  court 
of  Louis  XIII.  He  accordingly  failed  on  the  15th  of  Au- 
gufl;,  and  arrived  at  Dieppe  on  the  ifl  of  06tober,  1624. 
He  hallened  to  St.  Germain,  and  reported  to  the  king  and 
the  viceroy  what  had  occurred  and  what  had  been  done  dur- 
ing the  four  years  of  his  abfence. 

The  interefts  of  the  two  companies  had  not  been  adjufled 
and  they  were  flill  in  conflicl:.  The  Duke  de  Montmo- 
rency about  this  time  neg^Uiatcd  a  fale  of  his  viceroyalty  to 
his  nephew,  Henry  de  Levi,  Duke  de  Ventadour.  This  no- 
bleman, 

rique  Scptcntrionak    1637.   par  Pierre 
Margry,  I'aris,  1S76,  Vol.  I.  p.  7. 

^'^  Hundred  and  eight  feet,  dix-lmicl: 
toyfes.  The  toife  is  liere  ellimated  at  fix 
feet.  Compare  Voyages  de  Ckaiiip/ain, 
Laver(iiere"s  ed..  Vol.  \.  p.  lii,  and  ed. 
1632,  Paris,  Partie  Seconiie,  p.  03. 


Dainc  des  Anges.  Tlie  Father  Jean 
d'(_)ll)eau  laid  the  firll  Hone  on  the  3d 
of  June  of  that  year.  —  /  'ide  Hijloire  dii 
Canada  par  Gabriel  Sagard.  J'aris. 
1636,  Trois  ed.,  1866.  p.  67:  Decou- 
vertcs  et  RtahUjfenients  des  Fran^ais, 
dans  Voitejt  et  dans  le  fud  de  UAme- 


■ 


1626. 


Savntel  de  Champlain. 


i5f 


bleman,  of  a  deeply  religions  cafl  of  mind,  had  taken  holy 
orders,  and  his  chief  purpole  in  obtaining  the  viceroyalty 
was  to  encourage  the  planting  of  Catholic  mifiions  in  New- 
France.  As  his  fpiritual  directors  were  Jefuits,  he  naturally 
committed  the  work  to  them.  Three  fathers  and  two  lay 
brothers  of  this  order  were  fent  to  Canada  in  1625,  and  oth- 
ers fubfequcntly  joined  them.  Whatever  were  the  fruits  of 
tht-ir  labors,  many  of  them  periflied  in  their  heroic  under- 
taking. .  manfully  fuffering  the  exquifite  pains  of  mutilation 
and  tc-rture. 

Champlain  was  reappointed  lieutenant,  but  remained  in 
France  two  years,  fully  occupied  with  public  and  private  du- 
ties, and  in  frequent  confultations  with  the  viceroy  as  to  the 
bell;  method  of  advancing  the  future  interefls  of  the  colony. 
On  the  15th  of  April,  1626,  with  Euflache  Boulle,  his  brother- 
in-law,  who  had  been  named  his  affillant  or  lieutenant,  he 
again  failed  for  Quebec,  where  he  arrived  on  the  5th  of  July- 
He  found  the  colonifls  in  excellent  health,  but  neverthelefs 
approaching  the  borders  of  ftarvation,  having  nearly  ex- 
haufted  their  provifions.  The  work  that  he  had  laid  out  to 
be  done  on  the  buildings  had  been  entirely  neglected.  One 
important  rcifon  for  this  negle61,  was  the  neceffary  employ- 
ment of  a  larL,e  number  of  the  rnofl:  efficient  laborers,  for  the 
chief  part  of  the  fummer  in  obtaining  forage  for  their  cattle 
in  winter,  colledling  it  at  a  diflance  of  twenty-five  or  thirty 
miles  from  the  fettlement.  To  obviate  this  inconvenience, 
Champlain  took  an  early  opportunity  to  erecl  a  farm-houfe 
near  the  natural  meadows  at  Cape  Tourmente,  where  the 
cattle  could  be  kept  with  little  attendance,  appointing  at  the 
fame  time  an  overfeer  for  the  men,  and  making  a  weekly 

vifit 


'ill 


I  ' 


if. 


i  ^1 


!' 


11    i  i 


',  I 


,t'  ( 


152 


Memoir  of 


1627. 


vifit  to  this  eftablifliment  for  perlbnal  infpedion  and  over- 
fight 

The  fort,  which  had  been  erccled  on  the  creft  of  the 
rocky  height  in  the  rear  of  the  dwelling,  was  obvioufly  too 
fmall  for  the  protection  of  the  whole  colony  in  cafe  of  an 
attack  by  hoftile  favages.  He  confequently  took  it  down 
and  eredled  another  c  i  the  fame  fpot,  with  earthworks  on 
the  land  fide,  where  alone,  with  difficulty,  it  could  be  ap- 
proached. He  alfo  made  extenfive  repairs  upon  the  ftore- 
houfe  and  dwelling. 

During  the  winter  of  1626-27,  the  friendly  Indians,  the 
INIontagnais,  Algonquins,  and  others  gave  Champlain  much 
anxiety  by  unadvifedly  entering  into  an  alliance,  into  which 
they  were  enticed  by  bribes,  with  a  tribe  dwelling  near  the 
Dutch,  in  the  prefent  State  of  New  York,  to  affift  them 
againfl  their  old  enemies,  the  Iroquois,  with  whom,  however, 
they  had  for  fome  time  been  at  peace.  Champlain  juflly 
looked  upon  this  foolifli  undertaking  as  hazardous  not  only 
to  the  profperity  of  thefe  friendly  tribes,  but  to  their  very 
exigence.  He  accordingly  fent  his  brother-in-law  to  Three 
Rivers,  the  rendezvous  of  the  favage  warriors,  to  convince 
them  of  their  error  and  avert  their  purpofe.  Boulle  fuc- 
ceeded  in  obtaining  a  delay  until  all  the  tribes  fhould  be 
affembled  and  until  the  trading  veffels  fliould  arrive  from 
France.  When  Emeric  de  Caen  was  ready  to  go  to  Three 
Rivers,  ChamjDlain  urged  upon  him  the  great  importance  of 
fupprcffmg  this  impending  confli6l  with  the  Iroquois.  The 
efforts  of  De  Caen  were,  however,  ineffectual.  He  forthwith 
wrote  to  Champlain  that  his  prefence  was  neceffary  to  arrefl 
thefe  hoftile  proceedings.     On  his  arrival,  a  grand  council 

was 


..  h 


1627. 


Samuel  de  Cluunplain, 


153 


was  affcmbled,  and  Champlain  fuccceded,  after  a  full  ftate- 
ment  of  all  the  evils  that  nuift  evidently  follow,  in  reverfing 
their  decifion,  and  melTengers  were  lent  to  heal  the  breach. 
Some  weeks  afterward  news  came  that  the  embalTadors  were 
inhumanly  maffacred. 

Crimes  of  a  ferious  nature  w-ere  not  unfrequently  com- 
mitted againft  the  French  by  Indians  belonging  to  tribes, 
with  which  they  were  at  profound  peace.  On  one  occafion 
two  men,  who  were  conducting  cattle  by  land  from  Cape 
Tourmente  to  Quebec,  were  affalfinated  in  a  cowardly  man- 
ner. Champlain  demanded  of  the  chiefs  that  they  fhould 
deliver  to  him  the  perpetrators  of  the  crime.  They  ex- 
preffed  genuine  forrow  for  what  had  taken  place,  but  were 
unable  to  obtain  the  criminals.  At  length,  after  confulting 
with  the  miffionary,  Le  Caron,  they  offered  to  preient  to 
Champlain  three  young  girls  as  pledges  of  their  good  faith, 
that  he  misht  educate  them  in  the  relisfion  and  manners  of 
the  French.  The  gift  was  accepted  by  Champlain,  and 
thefe  favage  maidens  became  exceedingly  attached  to  their 
fofter-father,  as  we  fliall  fee  in  the  Icquel. 

The  end  of  the  year  1627  found  the  colony,  as  ufual,  in  a 
depreffed  flate.  As  a  colony,  it  had  never  profpered.  The 
average  number  compofing  it  had  not  exceeded  about  fifty 
perfons.  At  this  time  it  may  have  been  fomewhat  more, 
but  did  not  reach  a  hundred.  A  fingle  family  only  appears 
to  have  fubfifled  by  the  cultivation   of  the  foil."     The   reft 

were 

°^  Tliere  was  but  one  private  houfe    gard,  Hijl.  du  Canada,  1636,  Trofs  ed. 


at  Quebec  in  1C23,  and  that  belonged 
to  Afadame  Hcbert,  whofe  hufband  was 
the  firft  to  attempt  to  obtain  a  living  by 
the  cultivation  of  the  foil. —  Vide  Sa- 


Vol.  I.  p.  163.  There  were  fifty-one 
inhabitants  at  Quebec  in  1624,  includ- 
ing men,  women,  and  children.  —  Vide 
Champlain,  ed.  1632,  p.  76. 


20 


\  \ ; 


liji' 


r 


i  t 


1  ,1 


1 1  I 


154 


Memoir  of 


1627, 


were  fuftained  by  fiipplics  fcnt  from  France.  From  the  be- 
ginning difputes  and  contentions  had  prevailed  in  the  cor- 
poration. Endlefs  bickerings  fprung  up  between  the  Hu- 
guenots and  Catholics,  each  fenfitive  and  jealous  of  their 
rights.'^-  All  expenditures  were  the  fubje6t  of  cenforious 
criticifm.  The  necelTary  repairs  of  the  fort,  the  enlargement 
and  improvement  of  the  buildings  from  time  to  time,  were  too 
often  refifled  as  unneceffary  and  extravagant.  The  company, 
as  a  mere  trading  alTociation,  was  doubtlefs  fuccefsful. 
Large  quantities  of  peltry  were  annually  brought  by  the  In- 
dians for  traffic  to  the  Falls  o^  St.  Louis,  Three  Rivers, 
Quebec,  and  TadoulTac.  The  averai^e  number  of  beaver- 
n<ins  annually  purchafed  and  tranfported  to  France  was 
probably  not  far  from  fifteen  thoufand  to  twenty  thoufand, 
and  in  a  moft  favorable  year  it  mounted  up  to  twenty-two 
thoufand.'^^  The  large  dividends  that  they  were  able  to  make, 
intimated  by  Champlain  to  be  not  far  from  forty  per  centum 
yearly,  were,  of  courfe,  highly  fatisfaclory  to  the  company. 
They  defired  not  to  impair  this  chara6tcriflic  of  their  enter- 
prife.  They  had,  therefore,  a  prime  motive  for  not  wifliing 
to  lay  out  a  fmglc  unneceffary  franc  on   the  eflablifhment. 

Their 


°-  l^ide  CJia)nphiiti,  ed.  1632,  pp. 
107.  108.  for  an  account  of  the  attemj^t 
on  the  part  of  the  Huguenot,  I'lmcric  de 
Caen,  to  require  his  failors  to  cliaunt 
pfahns  and  fay  prayers  on  board  his 
Ihip  after  entering  tiie  River  St.  Law- 
rence, contrary  to  tlie  direction  of  tne 
Viceroy,  the  Duke  de  Ventadour.  As 
two  tliirds  of  them  were  Huguenots,  it 
was  finally  agreed  that  they  fliould  con- 
tinue to  fay  their  prayers,  but  mult  omit 
tlicir  iiialm-finging. 

"^  Father  I.alemant  enumerates  tlic 
kind  of  peltry  obtained  by  the  French 


from  the  Indians,  and  the  amount,  as 
follows  :  "  F]n  efchange  ils  emportert 
des  peaux  d'Orignac,  de  Loup  Ceru:er, 
de  Renard,  de  Loutre,  et  quclquefois  il 
fen  rencontre  de  noires,  de  ALartre,  de 
Blaireau  et  de  Rat  Musque,  mais  prin- 
cipalement  de  Caflor  qui  ell  le  plus 
grand  de  leur  gain.  On  m'a  dit  que 
pour  vne  annde  ils  en  auoyent  emporte 
iufques  u  22000.  L'ordinaire  de  chaque 
an  nee  elt  de  15000,  ou  20000,  l\  vne  pif- 
tole  la  jiiece,  ce  n'elt  pas  mal  alle."  — 
/  'ide  Relation  dc  la  NoitTclle  France  en 
fAnnee  1626,  Quebec  cd.  p.  5. 


\ 


1627. 


Saviucl  de  Chaviplain. 


155 


Their  policy  was  to  keep  the  expenfes  at  the  minimum  and 
the  net  income  at  the  maximum.  Under  thele  circum- 
flances,  nearly  twenty  years  had  elapled  lince  the  founding 
of  Quebec,  and  it  Hill  porfelTed  only  the  charafter  of  a 
trading  poft,  and  not  that  of  a  colonial  plantation.  This 
progrels  was  fatisfacloiy  neither  to  Champlain,  to  the  vice- 
roy, nor  the  council  of  Hate.  In  the  view  of  thcfe  feveral 
interefled  parties,  the  time  had  come  for  a  radical  change  in 
the  organization  of  the  compan}'.  Cardinal  de  Richelieu 
had  rifen  by  his  extraordinary  ability  as  a  flatefman,  a  fbort 
time  anterior  to  this,  into  fupreme  authority,  and  had  af- 
fumed  the  of^ce  of  grand  mailer  and  chief  of  the  naviiration 
and  commerce  of  France.  His  fagacious  and  comprehen- 
five  mind  faw  clearly  the  intimate  and  interdependent  rela- 
tions between  thele  two  great  national  interefts  and  the 
enlargement  and  profperity  of  the  French  colonics  in 
America.  He  lofl:  no  time  in  organizing  meafures  which 
fliould  bring  them  into  the  clofeft  harmony.  The  company 
of  merchants  whofe  finances  had  been  lb  fkilfully  managed 
by  the  Caens  was  by  him  at  once  diffolved.  A  new  one  was 
formed,  denominated  La  Couipagnic  dc  la  Notivellc-Francc, 
confifting  of  a  hundred  or  more  members,  and  commonly 
known  as  the  Company  of  the  Hundred  Affociates.  It  was 
under  the  control  and  management  of  Richelieu  himfelf. 
Its  members  were  largely  gentlemen  in  oiTicial  pofitions 
about  the  court,  in  Paris,  Rouen,  and  other  cities  of  France. 
Among  them  were  the  Marquis  Deffiat,  luperintendent  of 
finances,  Claude  de  Roquemont,  the  Commander  de  Razilly, 
Captain  Charles  Daniel,  Sebaftien  Cramoify,  thediftinguifhed 
Paris  printer,  Louis  Houel,  the  controller  of  the  lalt  works  in 

Brouage, 


'I 


\  \ 


r    t 


J ,' 


1^  lili 


>-'<se»i^'Li'ftaa^:iS^£:kJ!r^iS!:ssmsis:^3S^isfg^:^ 


"^SSm^ 


> 

':'^ 

i 

156 


Me^noir  of 


1627. 


■  I 


I 

I 


I  I 


M       ^ 

( 

1' 
1     < 

i 

' 

l|      ^ 

1 

:  I 


lit; 


BroLiage,  Champlain,  and  others  well  known  in  public  cir- 
cles. 

The  new  company  had  many  chara61crifl;ics  which  fcemed 
to  affure  the  folid  growth  and  enlargement  of  the  colony.  Its 
authority  extended  over  the  whole  domain  of  New  France 
and  Morida.  It  provided  in  its  organization  for  an  actual 
capital  of  three  hundred  thoufand  livres.  It  entered  into  an 
obligation  to  fend  to  Canada  in  1628  from  two  to  three 
hundred  artilans  of  all  trades,  and  within  the  fpace  of  fif- 
teen years  to  tranlport  four  thouland  colonifls  to  New 
France.  The  colonilts  were  to  be  wholly  lupported  by  the 
company  for  three  years,  and  at  the  expiration  of  that  pe- 
riod were  to  be  affigned  as  much  land  is  they  needed  for 
cultivation.  The  fettlers  were  to  be  native-born  Frenchmen, 
exclufively  of  the  Catholic  faith,  and  no  foreigner  or  Hugue- 
not was  to  be  permitted  to  enter  the  country.''^  The  char- 
ter accorded  to  the  company  the  exclufive  control  of  trade, 

and 


8*  This  exclufivenefs  was  cliaracter- 
iftic  of  the  a,sj;e.  Cardinal  Richelieu 
and  his  alTociates  were  not  qualified  by 
education  or  by  any  tendency  of  their 
natures  to  inaugurate  a  reformation  in 
this  diroction.  The  ex])eriment  of 
amalgamating  Catholic  and  Huguenot 
in  the  enterprifes  of  the  colony  had  been 
tried  but  with  ill  fuccefs.  Contentions 
and  bickerings  had  been  inceffant,  and 
subverfive  of  peace  and  good  neiuhbor- 
hood.  Neither  party  had  the  fpirit  of 
practical  toleration  as  we  underllanl  it, 
and  which  we  regard  at  the  prefent  day 
as  a  pricelefs  boon.  \or  was  it  under- 
ftood  anywhere  for  a  long  time  after- 
ward. Even  the  Puritans  of  Maflachu- 
fetts  Bay  did  not  comprehend  it,  and 
took  heroic  meafures  to  exclude  from 


their  commonwealth  thofe  who  differed 
from  them  in  their  religious  faith.  We 
certainly  cannot  ccnfure  them  for  not 
being  in  advance  of  their  times.  It 
would  doubtlefs  have  been  more  manly 
in  them  had  they  excluded  all  differing 
from  them  by  plain  legal  enactment,  as 
did  the  Society  of  the  Hundred  Affo- 
ciates,  rather  than  to  imprifon  or  banifh 
any  on  charges  which  all  fubfequent  gen- 
erations mult  pronounce  unfultained. — 
Vide  Aft'.uoir  of  the  Rev.  John  Wheel- 
li'n'i^hf,  by  Charles  H.  Bell.  Prince  So- 
ciety, ed.  1876,  pp.  9-31  et  pajjlni; 
Hutehinfon  Papers.  Prince  .Society  ed., 
1S65,  Vol.  I.  pp.  70-11,"?.  American 
Criininac  Trials,  by  Peleg  W.  Chandler, 
Boilon,  1841,  \'ol.  I.  p.  29. 


HI 


1627- 


Samuel  de  CkamJ>lcim. 


157 


and  all  goods  manufaclured  in  New  France  were  to  be  free 
of  impofts  on  exportation.  Befides  thefe,  it  fccured  to  the 
corporators  other  and  various  excUifive  privileges  of  a  femi- 
feiidal  character,  fuppofed,  however,  to  contribute  to  the 
profperity  and  growth  of  the  colony. 

The  organization  of  the  company,  having  received  the  for- 
mal approbation  of  Richelieu  on  the  29th  of  April,  1627, 
was  ratified  by  the  Council  of  State  on  the  6th  of  May, 
1628. 


CHAPTER   X. 

The  Favorable  Prospects  of  the  Company  of  New  France.  —  The 
English  Invasion  of  Canada  and  the  Surrender  of  Quehec. — 
Captaln  Daniel  plants  a  French  Colow  near  the  Grand  Cuuiu.  — 
Champlalv  in  France,  and  the  Territorial  Claims  of  the  French 
and  English  still  unsettled. 

HE  Company  of  New  France,  or  of  the  Hun- 
dred Affociates,  loft  no  time  in  carrying  out  the 
purpofe  of  its  organization.  Even  before  the 
ratification  of  its  charter  by  the  council,  four 
armed  veffels  had  been  fitted  out  and  had  al- 
ready failed  under  the  command  of  Claude  de  Roquemont, 
a  member  of  the  company,  to  convoy  a  fleet  of  eighteen 
tranfports  laden  with  emigrants  and  ftores,  together  with 
one  hundred  and  thirty-five  pieces  of  ordnance  to  fortify 
their  fettlements  in  New  France. 

The  company,  thus  compoled  of  noblemen,  wealthy  mer- 
chants, and  officials  of  great  perfonal  influence,  with  a  large 
capital,  and  Cardinal    Richelieu,  who  really  controlled  and 

fhaped 


1 

i 

'1  \  'i 

1 '    1 

:/ 

!  :l   ' 


yl  i 


% 


Mi 


h 


158 


Memoir  of 


1627. 


fliajDCcl  the  policy  of  I'rance  at  that  period,  at  its  head,  pof- 
f,.'lTcd  fo  many  elements  of  flrei\Lj;th  tliat,  in  the  reafonable 
judgment  of  men,  fuccefs  was  affnred,  failure  impoffible.'' 

To  Champlain,  the  vifion  of  a  great  colonial  eftablilhment 
in  New  France,  that  had  fo  long  lloated  before  him  in  the 
diflance,  might  well  feem  to  be  now  almoft  within  hisgrafj). 

But  difapijointment  was  near  at  hand.  Events  were  al- 
ready tranfpiring  which  were  defined  to  cafl  a  cloud  over 
thefe  brilliant  hoi)es.  A  lleet  of  armed  veffels  was  already 
croffing  the  Atlantic,  bearing  the  Engliih  flag,  with  hnllile 
intentions  to  the  fettlements  in  New  P^-ance.  Here  we  mull: 
paufe  in  our  narrative  to  explain  the  origin,  characfer,  and 
purpofe  of  this  armament,  as  m  \pecled  to  Champlain  as  it 
was  unwelcome. 

The  reader  muft  be  reminded  that  no  boundaries  between 
the  French  and  Englifh  territorial  poffeffions  in  North 
America  at  this  time  exifted.  Each  of  thefe  great  nations 
was  putting  forth  claims  lb  broad  and  extenfive  as  to  utterly 
exclude  the  other.  By  their  refpeclive  charters,  grants,  and 
conceffions,  they  recognized  no  fovereignty  or  ownerfliip  but 
their  own. 

Henry  IV.  of  France,  made,  in  1603,  a  grant  to  a  favorite 
nobleman,  De  Monts,  of  the  territory  lying  between  the  for- 
tieth and  the  forty-fixth  degrees  of  north  latitude.  James  I. 
of  England,  three  years  later,  in  1606,  granted  to  the  Vir- 
ginia 

'"'  The  aflbciation  was  a  joint-flock  For  a  full  ftatement  of  the  n-!r,iniza- 

company.     Each  'nrj^orator  was  hound  tion  and  conllitution  of  the  Conijany  of 

to  pay  in  three  thjufand  livres  ;  and  as  New  France.    Vide  Meirnre  Frc7iii;iii.<!, 

there  were  over  a  hundred,  the  quick  Tome    XIV.   pp.    232-267.      I'ufi'  alfo 

capital  amount  ,d  to  'jver  300,000  livres.  Charlevoix's  Hijl.  Neiv  France,  Shea's 

—  I'ide  Merci.'-e    'ratii^ois,  Paris,  1628,  Trans.  Vol.  II.  pp.  39-44. 
Tome  XIV.  p.  250. 


1627. 


Saimtel  de  Champlain, 


159 


ginia  Companies  the  territory  lying  between  the  thirty-foui'lh 
and  the  forty-eighth  degrees  of  nortli  latitude,  covering  the 
whole  grai  made  by  the  French  three  years  before.  Creux- 
ius,  a  French  hillorian  of  Canada,  writing  Ibme  years  later 
than  this,  informs  us  that  New  iM-ance,  that  is,  the  I'Vench 
polTeffions  in  North  America,  then  embraced  the  immenfe 
territory  extending  from  Florida,  or  fKjm  th(>  thirty-fecond 
degree  of  latitude,  to  the  polar  circle,  and  in  longitiide  from 
Newfoundland  to  Lake  Huron.  It  will,  therefore,  oe  feen 
that  each  nation,  the  Englilh  and  the  French,  claimed  at 
that  time  fovcreigntyover  the  fame  territory,  and  over  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  continent  of  North  America.  Under 
thefe  Lircumflances,  either  of  thefe  nations  was  prepared  to 
avail  itlelf  of  any  favorable  opportunity  to  difpolTefs  the 
other. 

The  Englifli,  however,  had,  at  this  period,  particular  and 
fpecial  reafons  for  dcfiring  to  accomplilh  this  important  ob- 
jcd.  Sir  William  Alexander,'^'  Secretary  of  State  for  Scot- 
land at  the  court  of  England,  had  received,  in  162 1,  from 
James  I.,  a  grant,  under  the  name  of  New  Scotland,  of  a 
large  territory,  covering  the  prefent  province  of  Nova  Scotia, 
New  Brunfwick,  and  that  part  of  the  ])rovince  of  Quebec 
lying  eaft  of  a  line  drawn  from  the  head-waters  of  the  River 
St.  Croix  in  a  northerly  diredion  to  the  River  St.  Lawrence. 
He  had  affociated  with  him  a  large  number  of  Scottilh  no- 
blemen and  merchants,  and  was  takino:  active  meafures  to 
eftablifh  Scottifli  colonies  on  this  territory.  The  French 
had  made  a  fettlement   within   its   limits,  which   had   been 

broken 

^^  Vide  Sir  William  Alexander  and  American  Colonization,  Prince  Society, 
Bofton,  1873. 


:i'l 


I  :    \ 


i6o 


Memoir  of 


162S, 


\\\ 


broken  up  and  the  colopy  clifpcrfed  in  161 3,  by  Captain 
Samuel  Argall,  under  the  i?uthority  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale, 
governor  of  the  colony  at  Jamcflown,  Virginia.  A  dcfultory 
and  ftraggling  French  population  was  flill  in  occupation,  un- 
der the  nominal  governorfhip  o'"  v3laude  La  Tour.  Sir  Wil- 
liam Alexander  and  his  affociates  naturally  looked  for  more 
or  lels  inconvenience  and  annoyitnce  from  the  claims  of  the 
French.  It  was,  therefore,  an  obje6l  of  great  pcrfonal  im- 
portance and  particularly  defired  by  him,  to  extinguifh  all 
French  claims,  not  only  to  his  own  grant,  but  to  the  neigh- 
boring fettlement  at  Quebec.  If  this  were  done,  he  might 
be  fure  of  being  unmolefled  in  carrying  forward  his  colonial 
enterprile. 

A  war  had  broken  out  between  France  and  England  the 
year  before,  for  the  oftenfible  purpofe,  on  the  part  of  the 
Englifli,  of  relieving  the  Huguenots  who  were  fliut  up  in 
the  city  of  Rochelle,  which  was  beleaguered  by  the  armies 
of  Louis  XIII.,  under  the  direction  of  his  prime  minifler, 
Richelieu,  who  was  refolved  to  reduce  this  laft  flronghold  to 
obedience.  The  exigence  of  this  war  offered  an  opportu- 
nity and  pretext  for  difpoffeffmg  the  French  and  extinguilh- 
ing  their  claims  under  the  rules  of  war.  This  objecft  could 
not  be  attained  in  any  other  way.  The  French  were  too 
deeply  rooted  to  be  removed  by  any  lefs  violent  or  decifive 
means.  No  time  was,  therefore,  loft  in  taking  advantage  of 
this  opportunity. 

Sir  William  Alexander  applied  himfelf  to  the  formation  of 
a  company  of  London  merchants  who  fliould  bear  the  ex- 
penfe  of  fitting  out  an  armament  that  fhould  not  only  over- 
come and  take  poffeffion  of  the  Frei  ch  lettlements  and  forts 

wherever 


iGaS. 


S  aimed  do  Champ  la  in. 


i6i 


wlicrcvcr  they  flioulcl  be  found,  but  plant  colonies  and  erc(fi 
fuital)!^  defences  to  hold  them  in  the  future.  The  comj^any 
was  Ipeedily  ori^anized,  confidini;  of  Sir  William  Alexander, 
junior,  Gervafe  Kirke,  Robert  Charlton,  William  Herkeley, 
and  perhaj)s  others,  dillinj^uilhed  merchants  of  London.*^^ 
Six  (hips  were  equipped  with  a  luitable  armament  and  letters 
of  marque,  and  defpatched  on  their  holtile  errand.  Capt. 
David  Kirke,  afterwards  Sir  David,  was  appointed  admiral 
of  the  fleet,  who  like  wife  commanded  one  of  the  IhiiJS.'* 
His  brothers,  Lewis  Kirke  and  Thomas  Kirke,  were  in  com- 
mand of  two  others.  They  Tailed  under  a  rtjyal  patent  exe- 
cuted in  favor  of  Sir  William  vYlexander,  junior,  Ton  of  the 
fecretary,  and  others,  granting  exclufive  authority  to  trade, 
feize,  and  confifcate  French  or  Spanilh  fliips  and  deflroy  the 
French  fettlements  on  the  river  and  Gulf  of  St.  Lawence 
and  parts  adjacent. 

Kirke 


"  Vide  Colonial  Papers,  Vol.  V.  87, 
III.  We  do  not  find  tlie  mention  of 
any  otliers  as  belonging  to  the  Company 
of  Merchant  Adventurers  to  Canada. 

^*  Sir  David  Kirke  was  one  of  fi%'e 
brothers,  the  fons  of  Gervafe  or  Gervais 
Kirke,  a  merchant  of  London,  and  his 
wife,  Elizal)etii  Goudon  of  Uiepjie  in 
France.  The  grandfather  of  Sir  David 
was  Tluirflon  Kirke  of  Norton,  a  fm  ill 
town  in  the  nortliern  part  of  tlie  county 
of  Derliy,  known  as  tlie  birtliplace  of 
the  fculptor  Chantrey.  This  little  ham- 
let had  been  the  home  of  the  Kirkes  for 
feveral  generations.  Gervafe  Kirke  had. 
in  1629,  refided  in  Dieppe  for  the  molt  of 
the  forty  years  preceding,  and  his  chil- 
dren were  proljably  born  there.  Sir 
David  Kirke  was  married  to  Sarah, 
daughter  of  Sir  Jofeph  Andrews.  In 
early  life  he  was  a  wine-merchant  at 
Bordeaux  and  Cognac.  He  was  knighted 


by  Charles  I.  in  1^33,  in  recognition  of 
his  fervices  in  taking  Queijec.  On  the 
13th  of  Noveml)er,  1637.  he  received  a 
grant  of  "the  whole  continent,  illand, 
or  region  called  Newfoundland."  In 
1638,  he  took  uj)  his  relidence  at  Ferry- 
land,  Newfoundland,  in  tlie  Iio-.fe  liuilt 
by  Lord  Hallimore.  He  was  a  friend 
and  correfpondent  of  Archbirtiop  Laud, 
to  whom  he  wrote,  in  1639,  "That  tlie 
ayre  of  Newfoundland  agrees  perfectly 
well  witli  ail  (iod's  creatures,  e.xccpt 
Jefuits  and  fchifmatics."  He  remained 
in  Newfoundland  nearly  twenty  years, 
where  he  died  in  1655-56,  having  expe- 
rienced many  difappointments  occa- 
fioned  by  his  loyalty  to  Charles  I. — 
Vide  Colonial  Papers,  Vol.  IX.  No.  76  ; 
The  Firjl  Emrlijh  Conquejl  of  Canada, 
by  Henry  Kirke,  London,  iSji,  pajft /it  ; 
Les  Voyae^es  dv  Sievr  de  Champlain, 
Paris  ed.  1632,  p.  257. 


21 


M  '  ! 


/}  ', 


i\ 


r.i 


'\  A 


1 

1 

•  i 

i 

i 

\ 
I 

).i  >i 


1 1 

i!    T 


?;     ^ 


162 


Meinoir  of 


1628. 


Kirkc  failed,  with  a  part  if  not  the  whole  of  his  fleet,  to 
Annapolis  l^afin  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  and  took  poffefrion  of 
the  dcfultory  French  Icttlement  to  which  we  have  already 
referrr  1.  He  left  a  Scotch  colony  there,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Sir  William  Alexander,  junior,  as  governor.  The 
fleet  finally  rendezvouled  at  Tadouffac,  capturing  all  the 
French  filhing  barques,  boats,  and  pinnaces  which  fell  in  its 
way  on  che  coall  of  Nova  Scotia,  including  the  Illand  of 
Cape  Breton. 

From  Tadoulfac,  Kirke  despatched  a  fliallop  to  Quebec,  in 
charge  of  fix  Bafque  filTiermen  whom  he  had  recently  cap- 
tured. They  were  bearers  of  an  official  communication 
from  the  admiral  of  the  Englifh  fleet  to  Champlain.  About 
the  fame  time  he  fent  up  tiie  river,  likewife,  an  armed  barque, 
well  manned,  which  anchored  off  Cape  Tourmente,  thirty 
miles  below  Quebec,  near  an  outpoft  which  had  been  eftab- 
lilhed  by  Champlain  for  the  convenience  of  forage  and  paf- 
turage  for  cattle.  Here  a  fquad  of  men  landed,  took  four 
men,  a  woman,  and  little  girl  prifoners,  killed  fuch  of  the 
cattle  as  the)  defired  for  ufe  and  burned  the  reft  in  the  fta- 
bles,  as  likewife  two  fmall  houfes,  pillaging  and  laying  wafte 
every  thing  they  could  find.  Piaving  done  this,  the  barque 
haflily  returned  to  Tadouffac. 

We  mufl  now  afk  the  reader  to  return  with  us  to  the  little 
fettlement  at  Quebec.  The  proceedings  which  we  have  jufl 
narrated  were  as  yet  unknown  to  Champlain.  The  fummer 
of  1628  was  wearing  on,  and  no  fupplies  had  arrived  from 
France.  It  was  obvious  that  fome  accident  had  detained 
the  tranfports,  and  they  might  not  arrive  at  all.  His  provi- 
fions  w^ere  nearly  exhaulled.     To  fubfill  without  a  refupply 

was 


r-  — '■* 


i638. 


Samuel  de  Champlain. 


i6 


wa^^  "mpofrible.  Eacli  weary  day  added  a  new  kecnnels  to 
his  anxiety.  A  winter  of  dellitution,  of  flarvation  and  deatli 
for  his  little  colony  of  well  on  towards  a  hundred  perlbns 
was  the  painful  picture  that  now  conflantly  haunted  his 
mind.  To  avoid  this  catallrophe,  if  poffible,  he  ordered  a 
boat  to  be  conftrucled,  to  enable  him  to  communicate  with 
the  lower  waters  of  the  gulf,  where  he  hoped  he  might  ob- 
tain provifions  from  the  filhermen  on  the  coafl,  or  traniporta- 
tion  for  a  part  or  tiie  whole  of  his  colony  to  P^-ancc. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  two  men  came  up  from  Cape  Tour- 
mente  to  announce  that  an  Indian  had  brouirht  in  the  news 
that  fix  large  ihips  had  entered  and  were  lying  at  anchor  in 
the  harbor  of  Tadouffac.  The  fame  day,  not  long  after,  two 
canoes  arrived,  in  one  of  which  was  Toucher,  the  chief  herdf- 
man  at  Cape  Tourmente,  who  had  cfcaped  from  his  captors, 
from  w^hom  Champlain  fird  learned  what  had  taken  place  at 
that  outpoft. 

Sufficiently  allured  of  the  characT:er  of  the  enemy,  Cham- 
plain haflened  to  put  the  unfiniflied  fort  in  as  good  condition 
as  poffible,  appointing  to  every  man  in  the  little  garrifon  his 
poft,  fo  that  all  might  be  ready  for  duty  at  a  moment's  warning. 
On  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day  a  fmall  fail  came  into  the 
bay,  evidently  a  flranger,  direding  its  courfe  not  through  the 
ufual  channel,  but  towards  the  little  River  St.  Charles.  It 
was  too  infignificant  to  caufe  any  alarm.  Chamjilain,  how- 
ever, fent  a  detachment  of  arquebufiers  to  receive  it.  It 
proved  to  be  Englifli,  and  contained  the  fix  Bafque  fifliermen 
already  referred  to,  charged  by  Kirke  with  defpatches  for 
Champlain.  They  had  met  the  armed  barque  returning  to 
Tadouffac,  and  had    taken  off   and  brought  up  with   them 

the 


*!,/ 


'\    /I, 


mm 


h' 


ti 


I'      I 


1  1 .  , 

$ 

I  f 


164 


Memoir  of 


1G28. 


the  woman  and  little  girl  who  had  been  captured   the  day 
before  at  Cape  Tourmente. 

The  defpatch,  written  two  days  before,  and  bearing  date 
July  8th,  1628,  was  a  courteous  invitation  to  furrender  Que- 
bec into  the  hands  of  the  Englifli,  affigning  leveral  natural 
and  cogent  realbns  why  it  would  be  for  the  intereft  of  all  par- 
ties for  them  to  do  lb..  Under  different  circumflances,  the 
reafoninGf  minht  have  had  weii^ht ;  but  this  Enu:lilh  admiral 
had  clearly  conceived  a  very  inadequate  idea  of  the  character 
of  Champlaiii,  if  he  fuiipolcd  he  would  furrender  his  poll,  or 
even  take  it  into  confideration,  while  the  enemy  demanding 
it  and  his  means  of  enforcin":  it  were  at  a  diftance  of  at 
leaft  a  hundred  miles.  Champlain  fubmitted  the  leticr  to 
Pont  Grave  and  the  other  gentlemen  of  the  colony,  and  we 
concluded,  he  adds,  that  if  the  Englilh  had  a  delire  to  lee  us 
nearer,  they  muft  come  to  us,  and  not  threaten  us  from  lb 
great  a  dilfance. 

Champlain  returned  an  anfwer  declining  the  demand, 
couched  in  language  of  refpcclful  and  dignified  politenefs. 
It  is  ealy,  licvever,  to  dete6t  a  tinge  of  larcafm  running 
through  it,  lb  delicate  as  not  to  be  offenfive,  and  yet  fufifi- 
ciently  obvious  to  convey  a  ferene  indifference  on  the  part 
of  the  French  commander  as  to  what  the  Enolifli  mifjht 
think  it  befl  to  do  in  the  fequel.  The  tone  of  the  reply,  the 
air  of  confidence  pervading  it,  led  Kirke  to  believe  that  the 
French  were  in  a  far  better  condition  to  refift  than  they 
really  were.  The  Englilh  admiral  thought  it  prudent  to 
withdraw.  He  deilroyed  all  the  French  fifliing  velTels  and 
boats  at  Tadou.la*.,  and  proceeded  down  the  gulf,  to  do  the 
fame  along  the  ':oaft:. 

We 


1628. 


Samttel  de  Chaviplain. 


165 


We  have  already  alluded,  in  the  preceding  pages,  to  De 
Roquemont,  the  French  admiral,  who  had  been  charged  by 
the  Company  of  the  Hundred  ylUociates  to  convoy  a  fleet 
of  tranlports  to  Canada.  Wholly  ignorant  of  the  impor- 
tance of  an  earlier  arrival  at  Quebec,  he  appears  to  have 
moved  leilurely,  and  was  now,  with  his  whole  fleet,  lying  at 
anchor  in  the  Bay  of  Gafpe.  Hearing  that  Kirke  was  in 
the  gulf,  he  very  unwilr^v  prepared  to  give  him  battle,  and 
moved  out  of  the  ba^  for  that  purpofe.  On  the  iSth  of 
July  the  two  armaments  met.  Kirke  had  fix  armed  veffels 
under  his  command,  while  De  Roquemont  had  but  four. 
The  conflict  was  unequal.  The  Englifh  veffels  were  unen- 
cumbered and  much  heavier  than  thofe  of  the  French.  De 
Roquemont  '''^  was  foon  overpowered  and  compelled  to  fur- 
render.  His  whole  fleet  of  twentv-two  veffels,  with  a  hun- 
dred  and  thirty-five  pieces  of  ordnance,  together  with  fupplies 
and  coloniffs  for  Quebec,  were  all  taken.  Kirke  returned  to 
England  laden  wiih  the  rich  fpoiis  of  his  conquefl,  having 
practically  accomplifhed,  if  not  what  he  had  intended,  nev- 
erthelefs  that  wb.ich  fatisfied  the  avarice  of  the  London  mer- 
chants under  whofe  aufpices  the  expedition  had  failed.  The 
capture  of  Quebec  had  from  the  beginning  been  the  objective 
purpofe  of  Sir  William  Alexander.  The  taking  of  th.is  fleet 
and  the  cutting  off  their  fupplies  was  an  important  ftep  in 
this  undertaking.     The  conqueft  was  thereby  affured,  though 

not  completed. 

Champlain, 


^'•'  Cliam])lnin  criticifes  witli  merited 
fevcrity  tlio  condutt  of  De  Roquemont, 
and  clofes  in  the  followint:  words  :  •■  Le 
inerite  d"un  bon  Capitaine  n'ell  jias 
feulemct  au  coura,c;e,  niais  il  doit  el!re 
accopa^nd  de   prudece,  qui  ell   ce   qui 


les  fait  cdimcr,  come  ellat  fuiuy  de 
rules,  llrataueliiu's.  &  d'inventios  :  plu- 
lieurs  auec  pen  ont  l)eaiicoiip  fait,  &  le 
font  redus  jrlorieux  tS:  redoul, tallies. "" - 
]'ii{c  l.cs  {'oynia  i/v  ."-'/Vt'/-  </<'  Cliam- 
plaiii,  ed.   i'^'.;,^,  part  II    p.   iT/). 


i 

f         ! 
i    1     \\ 

"  1  1 

I 


I 


\  V 


Hi 


4 


II 'f 


r 


\- 


!       !ll 


:<    ,( 


'  ■■'#•'-' 


i66 


%  |i  I 


.1      <: 

;1  !' 


Memoir  of 


1628. 


Champlain,  having  dcliDatched  his  reply  to  Kirke,  naturally 
fuppofcd  he  would  foon  appear  before  Quebec  to  carry  out  his 
threat.  He  awaited  this  event  with  great  anxiety.  About  ten 
days  after  the  niefiengers  had  departed,  a  young  Frenchman, 
named  Deldames,  arrived  in  a  fmall  boat,  having  been 
fent  by  De  Roquemont,  the  admiral  of  the  new  company, 
to  inforni  Champlain  that  he  was  then  at  Galpe  with  a  large 
fleet,  bringing  colonills,  arms,  llores,  and  provifions  for  the 
fettlement.  Defdanics  alfb  ftated  that  De  Roquemont  in- 
tended to  attack  the  Engliih,  and  that  on  his  way  he  had 
heard  the  report  of  cannon,  which  led  him  to  believe  that 
a  conflict  had  already  taken  place.  Chami)lain  heard  nothing 
more  from  the  lower  St.  Lawrence  until  the  next  May,  when 
an  Indian  from  Tadouflac  brought  the  flory  of  De  Roque- 
mont's  defeat. 

In  the  mean  time,  Champlain  reforted  to  every  expedient 
to  provide  fubfillence  for  his  familhing  colony.  Even  at  the 
time  when  the  furrender  was  demanded  by  the  Englilli,  they 
were  on  daily  rations  of  feven  ounces  each.  The  means  of 
obtaining  food  were  exceedingly  flender.  Fifliing  could  not 
be  protecutcd  to  any  extent,  for  the  want  of  nets,  lines,  and 
hooks.  Of  gunpowder  they  had  lefs  than  fifty  pounds,  and 
a  poffible  attack  by  treacherous  favages  rendered  it  inexpe- 
dient to  expend  it  in  hunting  game.  Moreover,  they  had  no 
lalt  for  curing  or  prelerving  the  flefli  of  luch  wild  animals  as 
they  chanced  to  take.  The  few  acres  cultivated  by  the  mif- 
fionaries  and  the  Hebert  family,  and  the  fmall  gardens 
about  the  letUement,  could  yield  but  little  towards  fuftaining 
nearly  a  hundred  perfons  for  the  full  term  of  ten  months, 
the  Ihorteft  period   in  which   they  could  reafonably  cxpedl 

ilipulies 


II 


Vi  f 


if.n 


ifc., 


1629- 


Saimtel  de  Champlain, 


167 


fupplics  from  France.  A  fyftLiii  of  the  iitmofi:  econom}'  was 
inflitutecl.  A  few  eels  were  j-urchafed  by  cxcliange  of  bca- 
ver-fkins  from  the  Indians.  Peafe  were  reduced  to  ilour  fir(l 
by  mortars  and  later  by  hand-mills  conllructed  for  the  pur- 
pofe,  and  made  into  a  foup  to  add  flavor  to  other  lefs  palatable 
food.  Thus  economiling  their  refources,  the  winter  finally 
wore  away,  but  when  the  fpring  came,  their  fcanty  means 
were  entirely  exhaulled.  Henceforth  their  fole  reliance  was 
upon  the  few  fifli  that  could  be  taken  from  the  river,  and  the 
edible  roots  gathered  day  by  day  from  the  fields  and  forefls. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  quarter  fome  of  the  men  upon  the 
friendly  Indians,  but  with  little  fuccefs.  Near  the  lafl  of 
June,  thirty  of  the  colony,  men,  women,  and  children,  unwill- 
ing to  remalii  longer  at  Quebec,  were  defpatched  to  Gafpe, 
twenty  of  them  to  refide  there  with  the  Indians,  the  others 
to  feek  a  paffage  to  France  by  fome  of  the  foreign  fifliing- 
veffels  on  the  coaft.  This  detachment  was  conducfed  by 
Euffache  Boulle,  the  brother-in-law  of  Champlain.  The  rem- 
nant of  the  little  colony,  diOieartencd  by  the  gloomy  prof- 
pe61  before  them  and  exhaufted  by  hunger,  continued  to 
drag  out  a  miferable  exiftcnce,  gathering  fuftenance  for  the 
wants  of  each  day,  without  knowing  what  was  to  fupply  the 
demands  of  the  next. 

On  the  19th  of  July,  1629,  three  Englifh  veffels  were  {q.(ix\ 
from  the  fort  at  Quebec,  diftant  not  more  than  three  miles, 
approaching  under  full  fail.'"°     Their  purpofe  could  not  be 
miflaken.     Champlain  called  a  council,  in  which    it  was  de- 
cided 

^°'^  On  tlie  13th  of  March,  1629,  let-  ers,  in  favor  of  the  "Abigail,"  300 
ters  of  marque  were  ilTtied  to  Cajji.  tons,  the  "  William,"  200  tons,  the 
David  Kirke,  Thomas   Kirke,  and  oth-    "  George"  of  London,  and  the  "Jarvis." 


w 


(*( 


J.;, 


mx:, 


;•)' 


f'  1 


1 1 


A 


i!  l!  " 


»■     V 


i68 


Memoir  of 


1629. 


cided  at  once  to  furrendcr,  but  only  on  good  terms  ;  other- 
wile,  to  refill:  to  their  utmoll  with  fuch  flender  means  as  they 
had.  The  little  garrifon  of  fixteen  men,  all  his  availal)lc 
force,  hallened  to  their  pofls.  A  flag  of  truce  Toon  brought 
a  fummons  from  tlie  brothers,  Lewis  and  Thomas  Kirke, 
couched  in  courteous  language,  alking  the  furrender  of  the 
fort  and  fettlement,  and  ijromifuig  fuch  honorable  and  rea- 
fonablc  terms  as  Champlain  himfclf  might  diclate. 

To  this  letter  Champlain  '°'  replied  that  he  had  not,  in  his 
prefent  circumflances,  the  power  of  refifling  their  demand, 
and  that  on  the  morrow  he  would  communicate  the  condi- 
tions on  which  he  would  deliver  up  the  fettlement ;  but,  in 
the  mean  time,  he  muft  requefl;  them  to  retire  beyond  can- 
non-fliot,  and  not  attempt  to  lanc^  On  the  evening  of  the 
fame  day  the  articles  of  capitulation  were  delivered,  which 
were  finally,  with  very  little  variation,  agreed  to  by  both 
parties. 

The  whole  eflablilhment  at  Quebec,  with  all  the  mov- 
able  property  belonging  to  it,  was  to  be  furrendered  into  the 
hands  of  the  Englilh.  The  colonifts  were  to  be  tranfported 
to  France,  neverthelefs,  by  the  way  of  England.  The  offi- 
cers were  permitted  to  leave  with  their  arms,  clothes,  and  the 
peltries  belonging  to  them  as  perfonal  property.  The  fol- 
diers  were  allowed  their  ci  thes  and  a  beaver-robe  each  ;  the 
miffionaries,  their  robes  and  books.  This  agreement  was 
fubfequently  ratified  at  Tadouffac  by  David  Kirke,  the  ad- 
miral of  the  fleet,  on  the  19th  of  Auguft,  1629. 

On  the  20th  of  July,  Lewis  Kirke,  vice-admiral,  at  the 

head 

1°^  This  correfpondence  is  prcferved    le  Sicvr  de  Champlain,  Paris,  1632,  pp. 
by  Champlain. —  Vide  Les  Voyages  par    215-219. 


t* 


1629. 


Samuel  de  Clianiplain. 


169 


head  of  two  hundred  armed  men,""  took  formal  poffeffion  of 
Quebec,  in  the  name  of  Cliarles  I.,  tlie  king  of  England. 
The  Englilh  flag  was  hoifled  over  the  T'oi  t  of  vSt.  Louis. 
Drums  beat  and  cannon  were  difeharged  in  token  of  the  ac- 
compli fhed  victory. 

The  Hnglilii  demeaned  themfelves  with  exemplary  cour- 
tefy  and  kindnefs  towards  their  prifoners  of  war.  Cham- 
plain  was  requefted  to  continue  to  occu]:)y  his  accuftomed 
quarters  until  he  ihould  leave  Quebec;  the  holy  mafs  was 
celebrated  at  his  requcft ;  and  an  inventory  of  what  was 
found  in  the  habitation  and  fort  was  prepared  and  placed  in 
his  hand,  a  document  which  proved  to  be  of  fervice  in  ihe 
fequel.  The  colonics  were  naturally  anxious  as  to  the  difjio- 
fition  of  their  lands  and  effects  ;  but  their  fears  were  quieted 
when  they  were  all  cordially  invited  to  remain  in  the  fet. 
tlement,  affured,  moreover,  that  they  fhould  ha\-e  the  lame 
privileges  and  fecurity  of  pcrfon  and  property  which  they 
had  enjoyed  from  their  own  government.  This  generous 
offer  of  the  Englifli,  and  their  kind  and  confiderate  treat- 
ment of  them,  induced  the  larger  part  of  the  colonics  to 
remain. 

On  the  24th  of  July,  Champlain,  exhaufted  by  a  year  of 
diftreffmg  anxiety  and  care,  and  depreffed  by  the  adverfe 
proceedings  going  on  about  him,  embarked  on  the  veffel  of 
Thomas  Kirke  for  Tadouffac,  to  await  the  departure  of  the 
fleet  for  England.  Before  reaching  their  deflination,  they 
encountered  a  French  fliip  laden  with  merchandife  and  fup- 
plies,  commanded  by  Emeric  de  Caen,  who  was  endeavoring 

to 

102  Vide  Ahjlrafl  of  the  Drpofition  of   endar  of  State   Papers,  Colonial,  1574- 
Capt.  David  Kirke  and  Others.     Cal-     1660,  p.  103. 

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Memoir  of 


1629. 


to  reach  Quebec  for  the  purpofe  of  trade  and  obtainhig  cer- 
tain peltry  and  other  property  (lorcd  at  that  place,  belonging 
to  his  uncle,  William  de  Caen.  A  conflict  was  inevitable. 
The  two  velTels  met.  The  liruggle  was  levere,  and,  for  a 
time,  of  doubtful  refult.  At  length  the  French  cried  for 
quarter.  The  combat  ceafed.  De  Caen  afked  permiffion  to 
fpcak  with  Champlain.  This  was  accorded  by  Kirke,  who 
informed  him,  if  another  fliot  were  fired,  it  would  be  at  the 
peril  of  his  life.  Champlain  was  too  old  a  foldier  and  too 
brave  a  man  to  be  influenced  by  an  appeal  to  his  perfonal 
fears.  He  coolly  replied,  It  will  be  an  eafy  matter  for  you 
to  take  my  life,  as  I  am  in  your  power,  but  it  would  be  a 
difgraceful  a(5l,  as  you  would  violate  your  facred  promife.  I 
cannot  command  the  men  in  the  ihip,  or  prevent  their  doing 
their  duty  as  brave  men  (liould  ;  and  you  ought  tc  commend 
and  not  blame  them. 

De  Caen's  fliip  was  borne  as  a  prize  into  the  harbor  of  Ta- 
douffac,  and  paffed  for  the  prefcnt  into  the  vortex  of  general 
confifcation. 

Champlain  remained  at  Tadouffac  until  the  fleet  was  ready 
to  return  to  England.  In  the  mean  time,  he  was  courte- 
oufly  entertained  by  Sir  David  Kirke.  He  was,  however, 
greatly  pained  and  difappointed  that  the  admiral  was  unwill- 
ing that  he  fliould  take  with  him  to  France  two  Indian  girls 
who  had  been  prefented  to  him  a  year  or  two  before,  and 
whom  he  had  been  carefully  intruding  in  religion  and  man- 
ners, and  whom  he  loved  as  his  own  daughters.  Kirke,  how- 
ever, w^as  inexorable.  Neither  reafon,  entreaty,  nor  the  tears 
of  the  unhappy  maidens  could  move  him.  As  he  could  not 
take  them  with  him,  Champlain  adminiftered  to  them  fuch 

confolation 


i||r!!    i 


i629- 


Samuel  de  Chaviplaiu, 


171 


confolation  as  he  could,  counfclling  them  to  be  brave  and 
virtuous,  and  to  continue  to  lay  the  praters  that  he  had  taught 
them.  It  was  a  rehef  to  his  anxiety  at  laft  to  be  able  to  ob- 
tain from  Mr.  Couillard,'"^  one  of  the  carlieft  fettlers  at  Que- 
bec, the  jjromile  that  they  Ihould  remain  in  the  care  of  his 
wife,  while  the  girls,  on  their  part,  allured  him  that  they 
would  be  as  daughters  Ki  their  new  folter-parents  until  his 
return  to  New  Franco, 

Quebec  having  been  provilKmed  and  garrifoned,  the  fleet 
failed  for  Kngland  about  the  middle  of  Septennber,  and  ar- 
rived at  lMym(n\\h  \\\\  the  20th  of  November.  On  the  27th, 
the  miffionaries  and  ethers  who  wilhed  to  return  to  France, 
(liien\barkcd  at  Dover,  while  Champlain  was  taken  to  Lon- 
don, where  he  arrived  on  the  29th. 

At  Plymouth,  Kirke  learned  that  a  peace  between  France 
and  England  had  been  concluded  on  the  24th  of  the  preced- 
ing April,  nearly  three  months  before  Quebec  had  been 
taken  ;  conlequently,  every  thing  that  had  been  done  by  this 
expedition  muff,  fooner  or  later,  be  rcverlcd.  The  articles  of 
peace  had  provided  that  all  conquefts  fubfequcnt  to  the  date 
of  that  inftrument  fliould  be  rcllored.  It  was  evident  that 
Quebec,  the  peltr}'',  and  other  property  taken  there,  together 
with  the  fifliing-vefrds  and  others  cai)tured  in  the  gulf,  mull 
be  reflorcd  to  the  French.  To  Kirke  and  the  Company  of 
London  Merchants  this  was  a  bitter  difa})pointment.  Their 
expenditures  had  been  large  in  the  firfl;  inftance  ;  the  prizes 
of  the  year  before,  the  fleet  of  the  Hundred  Affociates  which 

they 

^"^  Couillard.    Chamijlain  writes  Con-  which  remained  at  Quebec  after  it  was 

lart.  This  appears  to  irave  been  William  taken   by   the    Enijlilh. --  F/V/i?    Lnver- 

Couillard,    the    Ibn-in-law    of    Madame  dicrc's   note,    Qiic'res    de    Chatnpiaiti, 

Hdbert  and   one  of  the   five    families  Quebec  ed.  Vol.  V'l.  p.  249. 


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1629. 


they  had  captured,  had  probably  all  been  abforbed  in  the 
outfit  of  the  prefent  expedition,  comprinng  the  fix  veffels 
and  two  jjinnaces  with  which  Kirke  had  failed  for  the  con- 
queft  of  Quebec.  Sir  William  Alexander  had  obtained,  in 
the  February  preceding,  from  Charles  I.,  a  royal  charter  of 
The  Country  and  Lordship  of  Canada  in  America,'"-* 
embracing  a  belt  of  territory  one  hundred  leagues  in  width, 
coverintr  both  fides  of  the  St.  Lawrence  from  its  mouth  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean.  This  charter  with  the  moll  ample  pro- 
vifions  had  been  obtained  in  anticipation  of  the  taking  of 
Quebec,  and  in  order  to  pave  the  way  for  an  immediate  oc- 
cui)ation  and  fettlement  of  the  country.  Thus  a  plan  for 
the  eflablifhment  of  an  Englidi  colonial  empire  on  the  banks 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  had  been  deliberately  formed,  and  down 
to  the  prefent  moment  offered  every  profpedl  of  a  brilliant 
fuccefs.  But  a  cloud  had  now  fwept  along  the  horizon  and 
fuddenly  obfcured  the  last  ray  of  hope.  The  proceeds  of  their 
two  years  of  incellant  labor,  and  the  large  fums  which  they 
had  rifked  in  the  enterprife,  had  vaniflied  like  a  mifl:  in  the 
morning  fun.  But,  as  the  caufe  of  the  Englifli  became  more 
defi)erate,  the  hopes  of  the  French  revived.  The  loffes  of 
the  latter  were  great  and  diflieartening ;  but  they  faw^,  never- 
thelefs,  in  the  diftance,  the  long-cherilhed  New  France  of  the 
paft  rifing  once  more  into  renev^ed  flrength  and  beauty. 

On  his  arrival  at  London,  Champlain  immediately  put 
himfelf  in  communication  with  Monfieur  de  Chateauneuf, 
the  French  ambaffador,  laid  before  him  the  original  of  the 

capitulation, 

1°^  An  En^Iifli  tranflation  of  this  Vide  Sir  William  Alexander  ami  A  uier- 
charter  from  the  Latin  oric;inal  was  ican  Colonization,  Prince  Society,  Bof- 
piiblilhed  by  tlie  I'rince  Society  in  1873.    ton,  pp.  239-249. 


1629- 


Samuel  de  Cham  plain,  1 73 


capitulation,  a  map  of  the  country,  and  fuch  other  memoirs 
as  were  needed  to  (how  the  fuperior  claims  of  the  I'Vench  to 
Quebec  on  the  ground  botli  of  dilcovery  and  occupation.'"* 
Many  queftions  arofe  concerning  the  polTuffion  and  owner- 
fhip  of  the  peltry  and  other  property  taken  by  the  Englifh, 
and,  during  his  Hay,  Chaniplain  cr»ntributed  as  far  as  pofliblc 
to  the  ll'ttlement  of  thele  complications.  It  is  fomewhat 
remarkable  that  during  this  time  the  Englidi  pretended  to 
hold  him  as  a  prilbner  of  war,  and  even  attempted  to  extort 
a  ranlbm  from  him,'"''  preffmg  the  matter  lb  far  that  Cham- 
plain  felt  compelled  to  remonftrate  againft  a  demand  lb  ex- 
traordinary and  lb  obvioufly  unjull,  as  he  was  in  no  fenfe  a 
prifoner  of  war,  and  likewife  to  ftate  his  inability  to  pay  a 
ranfom,  as  his  whole  eftate  in  France  did  not  exceed  {kixq'^. 
hundred  pounds  flerling. 

After  having  remained  a  month  in  London,  Champlain 
was  permitted  to  depart  for  France,  arriving  on  the  lafl:  day 
of  December. 

At  Dieppe  he  met  Captain  Daniel,  from  whom  he  learned 

that 

i"-"^  Champlain  publiflied,  in  1632,  a  flrengtli.  It  contains,  probably,  the 
brief  argument  fettine;  forth  the  claims  rubllance  of  what  Champlain  placed  at 
of  the  French,  which  lie  entitles,  ^/r//v;4,'-('  this  time  in  the  hands  of  the  French 
des    Di'fcinn>ertvrcs    de     la     Nouuelle    emhalTador  in  London. 

1""  It  is  dilTKult  to  conceive  on  what 
ground  this  ranlbm  was  demanded,  lince 
the  whole   proceedings  of   the  Englilh 

and  con- 


l''raiici\  tant  de  ce  que  nous  auons  def- 

couuert  coDune  nujjl  les  .1  iii^lois,  depuis 

les   Virilities   iusqu'au    Freton    Dauis^ 

St*  de  cequ^eux  &^  nous  pouuons  pre- 

tendre  fuiuant  le  rapport  des  Hijtoriens    trary   to  tiie    articles    of   peace   which 

q7ii  en  ont  defcrit,  que  ie  rapporte  cy    had  ju(t  been  concluded.     That  fuch  a 

deJTousy  quiferont  ius;er  ii  rn  c/uk im  du    demand  was  made  would  lie  regarded  as 


againlt   ()uebec  were    illegal 


tout  fans  pajfion.  —  /7c/t'ed.  1632,1).  200. 
In  this  ]mper  he  narrates  luccinctly  the 
early  difcoveries  made  both  by  the 
French  and  Englifli  navigators,  and  en- 
forces the  doctrine  of  the  fuiierior  claims 
of    the     French     with    clearnefs    and 


incredible,  did  not  the  tact  relt  upon 
documentary  evidence  of  undoubted 
authoritv. —  Vide  I.(7Trrdiere's  citation 
from  Slate  Papers  Office,  Vol.  V.  No. 
33.  CEuvres  de  Champlain,  Qi^t^bec  ed., 
Vol.  VI.  p.  1413. 


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Memoir  of 


1630. 


that  Richelieu  and  the  Hundred  Affociates  had  not  been 
unmindful  of  the  preffing  wants  of  their  colony  at  Quebec. 
Arrangements  had  been  made  early  in  the  year  1629  to  fend  to 
Champlain  fuccor  and  fupplies,  and  a  fleet  had  been  organized 
to  be  conduced  thither  by  the  Commander  Ifaac  de  Razilly. 
While  preparations  were  in  progrefs,  peace  was  concluded 
between  France  and  England  on  the  24th  of  April.  It  was, 
confequently,  deemed  unneceffary  to  accompany  the  tranf- 
ports  loy  an  armed  force,  and  thereupon  Razilly  s  orders  were 
countermanded,  while  Captain  Daniel  of  Dieppe,'"^  whofe 
fervices  had  been  engaged,  was  fent  forward  with  four  veffels 
and  a  barque  belonging  to  the  company,  to  carry  fupplies  to 
Quebec.  A  ftorm  fcattered  his  fleet,  but  the  veffel  under 
his  immediate  command  arrived  on  the  coafl  of  the  Ifland 
of  Cape  Breton,  and  anchored  on  the  i8th  of  September, 
novo  Jlylo^  in  the  little  harbor  of  Baleine,  lituated  about  fix 
miles  eafferly  from  the  prefent  fite  of  Louifburgh,  now 
famous  in  the  annals  of  that  ifland.  Here  he  was  furprifed 
to  find  a  Britifli  fettlement.  Lord  Ochiltrie,  better  known 
as  Sir  James  Stuart,  a  Scottifh  nobleman,  had  obtained  a 
grant,  through  Sir  William  Alexander,  of  the  Ifland  of  Cape 
Breton,  and  had,  on  the  loth  of  the  July  preceding,  «^z;^/?v/<^, 
planted  there  a  colony  of  ^ixty  perfons,  men.  women,  and 
children,  and  had  thrown  up  for  their  protection  a  temporary 
fort.  Daniel  confidered  this  an  intrufion  upon  French  foil. 
He  accordingly  made  a  bloodlefs  capture  of  the  fortrefs  at 

Baleine, 

^<>''   Vide  Relation  dv  Voyage  fait  par    Society  of  New  France  or  the  Hundred 
le  Capitaine  Daniel  de  Dieppe,   ann^e    Affociates,  as  Carolvs  Daniel,  nauticus 


1629,  Les  Voyages  du  Sieur  de  Cham- 
plain,  Paris,  1632,  p.  271.  Captain 
Daniel  was  enrolled  by  Creuxius  in  the 


Capitaneus,  Vide  Hijloria  Canadenfis 
for  the  names  of  the  Society  of  the 
Hundred  AfTociates. 


1630. 


Samuel  de  Champlain, 


175 


Baleine,  demolifhed  it,  and,  failing  to  the  north  and  f\veei> 
ing  round  to  the  weft,  entered  an  eftuary  which  he  fays  the 
favages  called  Grand  Cibou,"^  where  he  eredled  a  fort  and 
left  a  garrifon  of  forty  men,  with  provifions  and  all  nccef- 
fary  means  of  defence.  Having  fet  up  the  arms  of  the 
King  of  France  and  thofe  of  Cardinal  Richelieu,  ereded  a 
houfe,  chapel,  and  magazine,  and  leaving  two  Jefuit  miffion- 
aries,  the  fathers  Barthelemy  Vimond  and  Alexander  de 
Vieuxpont,he  departed,  taking  with  him  the  Britifh  colonifts, 
forty-two  of  whom  he  landed  near  Falmouth  in  England, 
and  eighteen,  including  Lord  Ochiltrie,  he  carried  into 
France.  This  fettlement  at  the  Bay  of  St.  Anne,  or  Port 
Dauphin,  accidentally  eftabliflied  and  inadequately  fuftained, 
lingered  a  few  years  and  finally  difappeared. 

Having  received  the  above  narrative  from  Captain  Daniel, 
Champlain  foon  after  proceeded  to  Paris,  and  laid  the  whole 
fubjedl  of  the  unwarrantable  proceedings  of  the  Englifli  in 

detail 


"'  Ciboti.  Sometimes  written  Chi- 
bou.  "  Cibou  means,"  fays  Mr.  J. 
Hammond  Trumball,  "  fimply  river  in 
all  carter n  Algonkin  languages."  —  MS. 
letter.  Nicholas  Denys,  in  liis  very  full 
itinerary  of  the  coafl  of  the  ifland  of 
Cape  Breton  fpeaks  alfo  of  the  entree 
du  petit  Chibou  on  de  Labrador.  This 
petit  Chibou,  according  to  his  defcrip- 
tion,  is  identical  with  what  is  now  known 
as  the  Little  Bras  d'Or,  or  fmaller  paf- 
fage  to  Bras  d'Or  Lake.  It  feems  prob- 
able that  the  great  Cibou  of  the  Indians 
was  applied  originally  by  them  to  what 
we  now  call  the  Great  Bras  d'Or.  or 
larger  paflage  to  Bras  d'Or  Lake.  It  is 
plain,  however,  that  Captain  Daniel 
and  other  early  writers  applied  it  to  an 
eftuary  or  bay  a  little  further  weft  than 


the  Great  Bras  d'Or,  feparated  from  it 
by  Cape  Dauphin,  and  now  known  as 
St.  Anne's  Bay.  It  took  the  name  of 
St.  Anne's  immediately  on  the  planting 
of  Captain  Daniel's  colony,  as  Cham- 
plain calls  it,  V habitation  Jainne  Anne 
en  njle  du  Cap  Breton  in  his  relation 
of  what  took  place  in  163 1. —  Voyages., 
ed.  1632,  p.  298.  A  very  good  defcrip- 
tion  of  it  by  P6re  Perrault  may  be 
found  in  Jefuit  Relations,  1635,  Quebec 
ed.  p.  42.  —  P'ide,  alfo,  Defer iption  de 
PAmerique  Septentrionale  par  Afon- 
fieur  Denys,  Paris,  1672,  p.  155,  where 
is  given  an  elaborate  defcription  of  St. 
Anne's  Harbor.  Granfibou  may  be 
feen  on  Champlain's  map  of  1632,  but 
the  map  is  too  indefinite  to  aid  us  in 
fixing  its  exaft  location. 


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176 


Memoir  of 


1630. 


;Ut 


!    I 


detail  before  the  king,  Cardinal  Richelieu,  and  the  Company 
of  New  France,  and  urged  the  importance  of  regaining  pof- 
fefTion  as  early  as  poffible  of  the  plantation  from  which  they 
had  been  unjuftly  ejedled.  The  Englifh  king  did  not  hefi- 
tate  at  an  early  day  to  promife  the  reftoration  of  Quebec, 
and,  in  fa6t,  after  fome  delay,  all  places  which  were  occupied 
by  the  French  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  The  policy  of 
the  Englifli  minifters  appears,  however,  to  have  been  to  poft- 
pone  the  execution  of  this  promife  as  long  as  poffible,  prob- 
ably with  the  hope  that  fomething  might  finally  occur  to 
render  its  fulfilment  unneceffary.  Sir  William  Alexander, 
the  Earl  of  Stirling,  who  had  very  great  influence  with 
Charles  I.,  was  particularly  oppofcd  to  the  refloration  of  the 
fettlement  on  the  fliores  of  Annapolis  Bafin.  This  fell 
within  the  limits  of  the  grant  made  to  him  in  162 1,  under 
the  name  of  New  Scotland,  and  a  Scotch  colony  was  now  in 
occupation.  He  contended  that  no  proper  French  planta- 
tion exifled  there  at  the  opening  of  the  war,  and  this  was 
probably  true ;  a  few  French  people  were,  indeed,  living 
there,  but  under  no  recognized,  certainly  no  adual,  authority 
or  control  of  the  crown  of  France,  and  confequently  they 
were  under  no  obligation  to  reftore  it.  But  Charles  I. 
had  given  his  word  that  all  places  taken  by  the  Englifh 
fhould  be  reflored  as  they  were  before  the  war,  and  no  ar- 
gument or  perfuafions  could  change  his  refolution  to 
fulfil  his  promife.  It  was  not,  however,  till  after  the  lapfe 
of  more  than  two  years,  owing,  chiefly,  to  the  oppofition  of 
Sir  William  Alexander,  that  the  refloration  of  Quebec  and 
the  plantation  on  Annapolis  Bafin  was  fully  affured  by  the 
treaty  of  St.  Germain  en  Laye,  bearing  date  March  29,  1632. 

The 


163: 


Samticl  de  Chaviplam. 


177 


The  reader  miifl  be  reminded  that  the  text  of  tlie  treaty  juft 
mentioned  and  numerous  contemporary  documents  fliow  that 
the  reftorations  demanded  by  the  French  and  granted  by  the 
Englifli  only  related  to  the  places  occupied  by  the  French 
before  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  and  not  to  Canada  or  New 
France  or  to  any  large  extent  of  provincial  territory  what- 
eyer  109  When  the  reftorations  were  completed,  the  boundary 
lines  diflinguifhing  the  Englifh  and  French  poffeffions  in 
America  were  ftill  unfettled,  the  territorial  rights  of  both 
nations  were  flill  undefined,  and  each  continued,  as  they  had 
done  before  the  war,  to  claim  the  fame  territory  as  a  part  of 
their  refpe6l:ive  poffeffions.  Hiflorians,  giving  to  this  treaty 
a  fuperficial  examination,  and  not  confidering  it  in  connec- 
tion with  contemporary  documents,  have,  from  that  time  to 
the  prefent,  fallen  into  the  loofe  and  unauthorized  ftatement 
that,  by  the  treaty  of  St.  Germain  en  Laye.  the  whole  do- 
main of  Canada  or  New  France  was  reftored  to  the  French. 
Had  the  treaty  of  St.  Germain  en  Laye,  by  which  Que- 
bec was  reftored  to  the  French,  fixed  accurately  the  boun- 
dary lines  between  the  two  countries,  it  would  probably  have 
faved  the  expenditure  of  money  and  blood,  which  continued 
to  be  demanded  from  time  to  time  until,  after  a  century  and 
a  quarter,  the  whole  of  the  French  poffeffions  were  tranf- 
ferred,  under  the  arbitration  of  war,  to  the  Englifh  crown. 

CHAPTER   XI. 

109  Yidg  Sir  William  Alexander  and  ters,  and  Trails  relating  to  the  Coloni- 
American  Colonization,  Prince  Society,  zation  of  New  Scotland,  Bannatyne 
1873,  PP-  66-72.  — Royal  Letters,  Char-    Club,  Edinburgh,  1867,  p.  77  et paj/t.-;:. 


•1 


23 


178 


Memoir  of 


1632. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

fiMERic  DE  Caen  takes  possession  of  Quebec.  —  Champlain  publishes 
HIS  Voyages.  —  Returns  to  New  France,  repairs  the  Habitation, 
and  erects  a  Chapel.  —  His  Letter  to  Cardinal  de  Richelieu.  — 
Champlain's  Death. 

N  breaking  up  the  fettlement  at  Quebec,  the 
loffes  of  the  De  Caens  were  confiderable,  and  it 
was  deemed  an  a6l  of  juflice  to  allow  them  an 
opportunity  to  retrieve  them,  at  leaft  in  part; 
and,  to  enable  them  to  do  this,  the  monopoly  of 
the  fur-trade  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  was  granted  to 
them  for  one  year,  and,  on  the  retirement  of  the  Englifh, 
Emeric  de  Caen,  as  provifional  governor  for  that  peiiod, 
took  formal  poffeflion  of  Quebec  on  the  13th  of  July,  1632. 
In  the  mean  time,  Champlain  remained  in  France,  devot- 
ing himfelf  with  chara6leriftic  energy  to  the  interefts  of  New 
France.  Befide  the  valuable  counfel  and  aid  which  he  gave 
regarding  the  expedition  then  fitting  out  and  to  be  fent  to 
Quebec  by  the  Company  of  New  France,  he  prepared  and 
carried  through  the  prefs  an  edition  of  his  Voyages,  com- 
prifmg  extended  extradls  from  what  he  had  already  pub- 
lifhed,  and  a  continuation  of  the  narrative  to  1631.  He 
alfo  publiflied  in  the  fame  volume  a  Treatife  on  Navigation, 
and  a  Catechifm  tranflated  from  the  French  by  one  of  the 
Fathers  into  the  language  of  the  Montagnais."° 

On 

^10  This  catechifm,  bearing  the  fol-    dois,  autre  que  celuy  des  Montagnars, 
lowing  title,  is  contained  on  fifteen  pages    pour  la  Conuerfion  des  habitans  dudit 


in  the  ed.  of  1632 :  Doctrine  Chrcjli- 
enne,  dv  R.  P.  Lcdefme  de  la  Compagnie 
de  le/vs.     Tradui^e  en  Langage  Cana- 


pays.  Par  le  R.  P.  Breboeufde  la  me/me 
Compagnie.  It  is  in  double  columns, 
one  fide  Indian  and  the  other  French. 


1633.  Samuel  de  Champlam, 


179 


On  the  23d  of  March,  1633,  having  again  been  commif- 
fioned  as  governor,  Champlain  failed  from  Dieppe  with  a 
fleet  of  three  veffels,  the  "  Saint  Pierre,"  the  "  Saint  Jean," 
and  the  "  Don  de  Dieu,"  belonging  to  the  Company  of  New 
France,  conveying  to  Quebec  a  large  number  of  colonics, 
together  with  the  Jefuit  fathers,  Enemond  Maffe  and  Jean 
de  Brebeuf.  The  three  veffels  entered  the  harbor  of  Cue- 
bee  on  the  23d  of  May.  On  the  announcement  of  Cham- 
plain's  arrival,  the  little  colony  was  all  aftir.  The  cannon 
at  the  Fort  St.  Louis  boomed  forth  their  hoarfe  welcome 
of  his  coming.  The  hearts  of  all,  particularly  of  thofe 
who  had  remained  at  Quebec  during  the  occupation  of  the 
Englifli,  were  overflowing  with  joy.  The  three  years'  ab- 
fence  of  their  now  venerable  and  venerated  governor,  and 
the  trials,  hardfliips,  and  difcouragements  through  which 
they  had  in  the  mean  time  paffed,  had  not  effaced  from  their 
minds  the  virtues  that  endeared  him  to  their  hearts.  The 
memory  of  his  tender  folicitude  in  their  behalf,  his  brave 
example  of  endurance  in  the  hour  of  want  and  peril,  and 
the  fweetnefs  of  his  parting  counfels,  came  back  afrefli  to 
awaken  in  them  new  pulfations  of  gratitude.  Champlain's 
heart  was  touched  by  his  warm  reception  and  the  vifible 
proofs  of  their  love  and  devotion.  This  was  a  bright  and 
happy  day  in  the  calendar  of  the  little  colony. 

Champlain  addreffed  him.felf  with  his  old  zeal  and  a  re- 
newed flrength  to  every  interefl  that  promifed  immediate  or 
future  good  refults.  He  at  once  dire6ted  the  renovation  and 
improvement  of  the  habitation  and  fort,  which,  after  an  oc- 
cupation of  three  years  by  aliens,  could  not  be  delayed.  He 
then  inflituted  means,  holding  councils  and  creating  a  new 

trading-pofl;. 


\i 


fi'. 


\y\ 


II   1.1 


!■(  >■ 


\s- 


i8o 


Memoir  of 


«633- 


'■  :\ 


«  . 


trading-poft,  for  winning  back  the  traffic  of  the  allied  tribes, 
which  had  been  of  late  drawn  away  by  the  Englifli,  who 
continued  to  fleal  into  the  waters  of  the  St.  Lawrence  for 
that  purpofe.  At  an  early  day  after  his  re-eflablilliment  of 
himfelf  at  Quebec,  Champlain  proceeded  to  build  a  memo- 
rial chapel  in  clofe  proximity  to  the  fort  which  he  had  ere6tcd 
fome  years  before  on  the  crefl  of  the  rocky  eminence  that 
overlooks  the  harbor.  He  gave  it  the  appropriate  and  fig- 
nificant  name,  Notre  Dame  de  Recouvrance,  in  grateful 
memory  of  the  recent  return  of  the  French  to  New  France.'" 
It  had  long  been  an  ardent  defire  of  Champlain  to  eftablifli 
a  French  fettlement  among  the  Hurons,  and  to  plant  a  mif- 
fion  there  for  the  converfion  of  this  favorite  tribe  to  the 
Chriflian  faith.  Two  miffionaries,  De  Brebeuf  and  De  Noue, 
were  now  ready  for  the  undertaking.  The  governor  fpared 
no  pains  to  fccure  for  thern  a  favorable  reception,  and  vig- 
oroufly  urged  the  importance  of  their  miffion  upon  the  Hurons 
affembled  at  Quebec.'"  But  at  the  laft,  when  on  the  eve  of 
fecuring  his  purpofe,  complications  arofe  and  fo  much  hof- 
tility  was  difplayed  by  one  of  the  chiefs,  that  he  thought  it 

prudent 

'"  The  following  extrafls  will  fhow  ayent  eftd  bien  receues,  et  la  Chapelle 

that  the  chapel  was  erefled  in  1633,  that  qu'il  a  fait  diefler  prochedu  fort  a  Ihon- 

it  was  built  by  Champlain,  and  that  it  neur  de  nollre  Dame,  &c.  —  Idem,  1634, 

was   called    Notre    Dame  de  Recouv-  p.  2. 

ranee.  La  troifidme,  que  n  us  aliens  habiter 

Nous  les  menafmes  en  noftre  petite  cette  Autome,  la  Relidence  de  Nortre- 

chapelle,  qui  a  commencd  cefte  annde  \  dame  de  Recouurance,  a  Kebec  proche 

f'embellir.  —  Vide  Relations desjilftiites.  du  Fort.  —  Idem.,  1635,  p.  3. 


Quebec  ed.  1633,  p.  30. 


*'■*  According  to  Pere  Lejeune,  from 


La  fage  conduitte  et  la  prudence  de  five  to  feven  hundred  Hurons  had  al- 

Monfieur  de  Champlain  Gouuerneur  de  fembled  at  Quebec  in  July,  1633.  bring- 

Kebec  et  du  fleuue  fain6t  Laurens,  qui  ing  their  canoes  loaded  with  merchan- 

nous  honore  de  fa  bien-veillance,  rete-  dife.  —  Vide    Relations    des    Jejttites, 

nant  vn  chacun  dans  fon  deuoir,  a  fait  Quebec  ed.   1633,  p.  34. 
que   nos    paroles    et   nos  predications 


1635. 


Samuel  de  Cha7ftplain, 


181 


prudent  to  advife  its  poftponemcnt  to  a  more  aufpicious  mo- 
ment. With  thefe  and  kindred  occupations  growing  out  of 
the  refponfibilities  of  his  charge,  two  years  loon  paffed  away. 
During  the  fummer  of  1635,  Champlain  addreffed  an  in- 
terefting  and  important  letter  to  Cardinal  de  Richelieu, 
whofe  authority  at  that  time  fliaped  both  the  domeflic  and 
foreign  policy  of  France.  In  it  the  condition  and  impera- 
tive wants  of  New  France  are  clearly  fet  forth.  This  docu- 
ment was  prop' oly  the  laft  that  Champlain  e\er  penned,  and 
is,  perhaps,  the  only  autograph  letter  of  his  now  extant. 
His  views  of  the  richnefs  and  poffible  relburces  of  the  coun- 
try, the  vafl  miffionary  field  which  it  offered,  and  the  policy 
to  be  purfucd,  are  lb  clearly  ftated  that  we  need  offer  no 
apology  for  giving  the  following  free  tranflation  of  the  let- 
ter in  thefe  pages.'" 

Letter  of  Champlain  to  Cardinal  df.  Richelieu. 

MoNSEiGNEUR,  —  The  honor  of  the  commands  that  I  have 
received  from  your  Eminence  has  infpired  me  with  greater 
courage  to  render  to  you  every  poffible  fervice  with  all  the 
fidelity  and  affe6lion  that  can  be  defired  from  a  faithful  fer- 
vant.  I  fliall  fpare  neither  my  blood  nor  my  life  whenever 
the  occafion  fhall  demand  them. 

There  are  fubjecfls  enough  in  thefe  regions,  if  your  Emi- 
nence, after  confidering  the  character  of  the  country,  fhall 
defire  to  extend  your  authority  over  them.  This  territory 
is  more  than  fifteen  hundred  leagues  in  length,  lying  be- 
tween the  fame  parallels  of  latitude  as  our  own  France.     It 

is 

**'  This  letter  was  printed  in  (Euvres     nal  is  at  Paris,  in  the  Archives  of  For- 
de    Champlain,    Quebec    ed.    Vol.    vi.     eign  Affairs. 
Pieces  yujlificatives.  p.  35.     Tiie  orij;i- 


f!    (  I 


1  '!i 


I. 


/I 


l82 


Memoir  of 


i63S' 


is  watered  by  one  of  the  finefl;  rivers  in  the  world,  into  which 
empty  many  tributaries  more  than  four  hundred  leagues  in 
length,  beautifying  a  country  inhabited  by  a  vaft  number  of 
tribes.  Some  of  them  are  fedentary  in  their  mode  of  life, 
poffefTmg,  like  the  Mufcovites,  towns  and  villages  built  of 
wood ;  others  are  nomadic,  hunters  and  fifliermen,  all  long- 
ing to  welcome  the  French  and  religious  fathers,  that  they 
may  be  inflru6led  in  our  faith. 

The  excellence  of  this  country  cannot  be  too  highly  efti- 
mated  or  praifed,  both  as  to  the  richnefs  of  the  foil,  the 
diverfity  of  the  timber  fuch  as  we  have  in  France,  the  abun- 
dance of  wild  animals,  game,  and  fifli,  which  are  of  extraor- 
dinary magnitude.  All  this  invites  you,  Monfcigneur,  and 
makes  it  feem  as  if  God  had  created  you  above  all  your  pre- 
deceffors  to  do  a  work  here  more  pleafmg  to  Him  than  any 
that  has  yet  been  accompliflied. 

For  thirty  years  I  have  frequented  this  country,  and  have 
acquired  a  thorough  knowledge  of  it,  obtained  from  my  own 
obfervation  and  the  information  given  me  by  the  native  in- 
habitants. Monfeigneur,  I  pray  you  to  pardon  my  zeal,  if  I 
fay  that,  after  your  renown  has  fpread  throughout  the  Eaft, 
you  fliould  end  by  compelling  its  recognition  in  the  Weft. 

Expelling  the  Englifli  from  Quebec  has  been  a  very  im- 
portant beginning,  but,  neverthelefs,  fmce  the  treaty  of  peace 
between  the  two  crowns,  they  have  returned  to  carry  on 
trade  and  annoy  us  in  this  river ;  declaring  that  it  was  en- 
joined upon  them  to  withdraw,  but  not  to  remain  away,  and 
that  they  have  their  king's  permifTion  to  come  for  the  period 
of  thirty  years.  But,  if  your  Eminence  wills,  you  can  make 
them  feel  the  power  of  your  authority.  This  can,  further- 
more, 


1635.  Savitiel  de  Champlain, 


183 


more,  be  extended  at  your  pleafurc  to  him  who  has  come 
here  to  bring  about  a  general  peace  among  thefe  peoples, 
who  are  at  war  with  a  nation  holding  more  than  four  hun- 
dred leagues  in  fubjediion,  and  who  prevent  the  free  ufe  of 
the  rivers  and  highways.  If  this  peace  were  made,  we  (liould 
be  in  complete  and  eafy  enjoyment  of  our  polTeffions.  Once 
eftablifhed  in  the  country,  we  could  expel  our  enemies,  both 
Englifli  and  Flemings,  forcing  them  to  withdraw  to  the  coaft, 
and,  by  depriving  them  of  trade  with  the  Iroquois,  oblige 
them  to  abandon  the  country  entirely.  It  requires  but  one 
hundred  and  twenty  men,  light-armed  for  avoiding  arrows, 
by  whofe  aid,  together  with  two  or  three  thoufand  favage 
warriors,  our  allies,  we  fliould  be,  within  a  year,  abfolute 
maflers  of  all  thefe  peoples,  and,  by  eflablifhing  order  among 
them,  promote  religious  worfliip  and  fecure  an  incredible 
amount  of  traffic. 

The  country  is  rich  in  mines  of  copper,  iron,  fleel,  brafs, 
filver,  and  other  minerals  which  may  be  found  here. 

The  coft,  Monfeigneur,  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  is 
a  trifling  one  to  his  Majefty,  the  enterprife  the  mofl  noble 
that  can  be  imagined. 

All  for  the  glory  of  God,  whom   I  pray  with  my  whole 

heart  to  grant  you  ever-increafing  profperity,  and  to  make 

me,  all  my  life, 

Monfeigneur, 

Your  mofl  humble, 

Mofl  faithful,  and 

Mofl  obedient  fervant, 

Champlain. 
At  Quebec,  in  New  France,  the  isth  of  Auguft,  1635. 

In 


k!^    '» 


<  ■ 


1  I' 


', 


J 


1/  '*Si 


i 


I-. 


184 


Memoir  of 


1635. 


In  this  letter  will  be  found  the  key  to  Champlain's  war- 
policy  with  the  Iroquois,  no  where  elfc  fo  fully  unfolded. 
We  fliall  refer  to  this  fubject  in  the  Icquel. 

Early  in  06tober,  when  the  harvefl  of  the  year  had  ri- 
pened and  been  gathered  in,  and  thv.  Ijaves  had  faded  and 
fallen,  and  the  earth  was  mantled  in  the  fymbols  of  general 
decay,  in  fympathy  with  all  that  furrounded  him,  in  his 
chamber  in  the  little  fort  on  the  creft  of  the  rocky  promon- 
tory at  Quebec,  lay  the  manly  form  of  Champlain,  fmittcn 
with  difeafe,  which  was  daily  breaking  down  the  vigor  and 
ftrength  of  his  iron  conllitution.  From  loving  friends  he  re- 
ceived the  miniftrations  of  tender  and  alliduous  care.  But 
his  earthly  career  was  near  its  end.  The  bowl  had  been 
broken  at  the  fountain.  Life  went  on  ebbing  away  from 
week  to  week.  At  the  end  of  two  months  and  a  half,  on 
Chriflmas  day,  the  25th  of  December,  1635,  his  fpirit  paffed 
to  its  final  refl. 

This  otherwife  joyous  feflival  was  thus  clouded  with  a 
deep  forrow.  No  heart  in  the  little  colony  was  untouched 
by  this  event.  All  had  been  drawn  to  Champlain,  fo  many 
years  their  chief  magiflrate  and  wife  counfellor,  by  a  fponta- 
neous  and  irrefiftible  refpedl,  veneration,  and  love.  It  was 
meet,  as  it  was  the  univerfal  defire,  to  crown  him,  in  his 
burial,  with  every  honor  which,  in  their  circumflances,  they 
could  beflow.  The  whole  population  joined  in  a  mournful 
procefTion.  His  fpiritual  advifer  and  friend.  Father  Charles 
Lalemant,  performed  in  his  behalf  the  lafl  folemn  fervice 
of  the  church.  Fathc"  Paul  Le  Jeune  pronounced  a  funeral 
difcourfe.  reciting  his  virtues,  his  fidelity  to  the  king  and  the 
Company  of  New  France,  his  extraordinary  love  and  devo- 
tion 


'635- 


Savwel  dc  CIunuJ^IaiiL 


tion  to  the  families  of  tlic  colony,  and  his  lafl  counfcls  for 
their  continiu'd  happincls  and  welfare."^ 

W'lien  IIkII'  ceremonies  were  over  his  body  was  jiinufly 
and  tenderly  laid  to  red,  and  Ibon  after  a  tonih  was  con- 
flru(ftcd  for  its  rcccj^tion  cxpreffly  in  his  honor  as  the  bene- 
fac'^tor  of  New  I^'rancc."'  The  place  of  his  burial  " '  was 
within  the  little  chapel  riibfequently  creeled,  and  which  was 
reverently  called  La  Chapdlc  de  M.  dc  Clunnhlaiu,  in  grate- 
ful memory  of  him  whole  body  repoied  beneath  its  Ihelter- 
ing  walls. 


"«  Vidr  Relations  des  J.'fuih's.  Que- 
bec ed.  1636,  p.  56.  Creiixius,  //ijioria 
CiiitmLiiJis,  pp.  183-4. 

"^  Monfieiir  le  (ioimernfiir.  qui  elH- 
moit  i"a  vertu,  defira  qu  il  full  entcrre 
prt5s  du  corps  de  ivw  Monlicur  de  Cliam- 
plain,  qui  ell  dans  vn  fepnlchre  p.ir- 
ticulier,  erigd  express  pour  lionorer  i.i 
memoire  de  ce  fignald  perfonnaije  c|in"  a 
tant  obligcMa  Nouuelle  Fr.ince. —  I'ii/e 
Relations  desjcfnitcs,  Quebec  ed.  1^)43, 

p.  3- 

^"''  Tlie  exacl  fpot  where  Champlain 
was  buried  is  at  this  time  unknown. 
Hiflorians  and  antiquaries  have  been 
much  interefled  in  its  difcovery.  In 
1866,  the  Abbe's  Laverdicre  and  Cafgrain 
were  encouraged  to  lielieve  that  their 
fearches  had  been  crowned  with  fuc- 
cefs.  They  publiflied  a  ftatement  of 
their  difcovery.  Their  views  were  con- 
troverted in  Veveral  critical  pamphlets 
that  followed.  In  the  mean  time,  addi- 
tional refearches  have  been  made.  The 
theory  then  broached  that  his  burial 
was  in  the  Lower  Town,  and  in  the  Re- 
colle<5l  chapel  built  in  161 5,  has  been 
abandoned.  The  Abbe  Cafirrain,  in  an 
able  difcuflion  of  this  fubjedl,  in  which 
he  cites  documents  hitherto  unpub- 
lifhed,  (hows  that  Champlain  was  buried 


CHAPTKR    XII. 

in  a  tomb  witldn  the  walls  of  a  chapfl 
ereded  by  his  fucrelliir  in  the  rpi)er 
Town,  and  that  tliis  <  hapel  was  fiiuatrd 
fonu'wlicre  within  llie  court  v.nrd  of 
the  pn-lent  poll-olficc.  I'cre  Le  Jeunc, 
who  ri'cords  ti;e  fie.ith  of  Champlain 
in  liis  Relatii)n  of  i6j6,  does  not  men- 
tion tlio  place  01  his  buri.d :  but  the 
Pore  V'imont,  in  his  Relation  of  1643, 
in  Ipeaking  of  the  burial  of  Tore 
Ciiirles  Raymb.uilt,  fiys,  the  "Ciov- 
enior  ciclired  that  he  liould  be  buried 
nc.ir  tlie  body  of  the  .  itc  Monfietir  de 
CluDiiplain,  which  is  in  .1  particular  tomb 
erected  exiireflly  to  honor  the  memory 
of  that  dillipiruiflieil  perfonagc,  who 
had  placed  New  France  under  fuch 
great  obligation. "  In  the  Parifh  Ret;- 
ifler  of  Notre  Dame  de  Quebec,  is  the 
following  entry  :  '•  The  22d  of  October 
(1642).  was  interred  in  the  Chapel  of 
M.  De  Champlain  the  I'6re  Charles 
Rimljault."  It  is  plain,  therefore,  that 
Champlain  wns  buried  in  what  was  then 
commonly  known  as  the  Chapel  of  M.  de 
Champlain.  By  reference  to  ancient 
documents  or  deerls  (one  bearing  date 
Feb.  10, 1649,  and  another22dApriI,i652, 
and  in  one  of  which  the  Chapel  of 
Champlain  is  mentioned  as  contiguous 
to  a  piece  of  land  therein  defcribed).  the 

Abbtf 


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1  ^  1  11  •■u 

i . « 11  »l 

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1 86 


Memoir  of 


'635- 


CHAPTER   XII. 


Champlain's  Religion.  —  His  War  Policy.  —  His  Domestic  and  Social 
Life.  —  Champlain  as  an  Explorer.  —  His  Literary  Labors. —The 
Results  of  his  Career. 

S  Champlain  had  lived,  lb  he  died,  a  firm  and  con- 
fiftent  member  of  the  Roman  church.  In  harmony 
with  his  general  chara6ter,  his  religious  views 
were  always  moderate,  never  betraying  him  into 
exceffes,  or  into  any  merely  partifan  zeal.  Born 
during  the  profligate,  cruel,  and  perfidious  reign  of  Charles 
IX.,  he  was,  perhaps,  too  young  to  be  greatly  affected  by  the 
evils  chara(51;eriftic  of  that  period,  the  maffacre  of  St.  Barthol- 
omew's and  the  numberlefs  vices  that  fvvept  along  in  its  train. 
His  youth  and  early  manhood,  covering  the  plaftic  and 
formative  period,  llretched  through  the  reign  of  Henry  III., 
in  which  the  llandards  of  virtue  and  religion  were  little  if 
in  any  degree  improved.  Early  in  the  reign  of  Henry  IV., 
when  he  had  fairly  entered  upon  his  manhood,  we  find  him 

clofely 

AbW  Cafgrain  proves  that  the  Chapel  that  when  the  chapel  was  deftroyed, 

of  M.  de   Champlain  was  within   the  which  was  at  a  very  early  period,  as  no 

l^uare  where  is  fituated  the  prefent  poll-  reference  to  its  exiftence  is  found  fub- 

office  at  Quebec,  and,  as  the  tomb  of  fequent  to  1649,  the  body  of  Champlain 

Champlain  was  within  the  chapel,  it  fol-  and  the  othc-s  buried  there  may  have 

lows  that  Champlain  was  buried  fome-  been  removed,  and  no  record  made  of 

where  within  the  poft-office  fquare  above  '      ~ 

mentioned. 


i  I 


the  removal.  The  Abbd  Cafgrain  ex- 
prefTes  the  hope  that  other  difcoveries 
Excavadons  in  this  fquare  have  been  may  hereafter  l)e  made  that  ihall  place 
made,  but  no  traces  of  the  walls  or  this  interefting  queftion  beyond  all 
foundations  of  the  chapel  have  been  doubt.  —  Vide  Docutnmts  Inidits  Rela- 
found.  In  the  'excavations  for  cellars  tifs  an  Tc-nbeau  de  Champlain,  par 
of  the  houfes  conflruded  along  the  I'Abbd  H.  R  Cafgrain,  LOpinion  Pub- 
fquare,  the  foundations  of  the  chapel  lique,  Montreal,  4  Nov.  1875. 
may  have  been  removed.     It  is  poflible 


Samuel  de  Champlazn, 


1635- 


clofely  affociatcd  with  the  moderate  party,  which  encouraged 
and  fuftained  the  broad,  generous,  and  catholic  principles  of 
that  diflinguifhed  fovereign. 

When  Champlain  became  lieutenant-governor  of  New 
France,  his  attention  was  naturally  turned  to  the  religious 
wants  of  his  diflant  domain.  Proceeding  cautioufly,  after 
patient  and  prolonged  inquiry,  he  feled:ed  miffionaries  who 
were  earneft,  zealous,  and  fully  confecrated  to  their  work. 
And  all  whom  he  fublequently  invited  into  the  field  were 
men  of  chara6ler  and  learning,  whofe  brave  endurance  of 
hardfhip,  and  manly  courage  amid  numbcrlefs  perils,  Ihed 
glory  and  luflre  upon  their  holy  calling. 

Champlain's  fympathies  were  always  with  his  miflionaries 
in  their  pious  labors.  Whether  the  enterprife  were  the 
eflablifliment  of  a  miffion  among  the  diftant  Hurons,  among 
the  Algonquins  on  the  upper  St.  Lawrence,  or  for  the 
enlargement  of  their  accommodations  at  Quebec,  the  pririt.- 
ing  of  a  catechifm  in  the  language  of  the  aborigines,  or  if 
the  foundations  of  a  college  were  to  be  laid  for  the  educa- 
tion of  the  favages,  his  heart  and  hand  were  ready  for  the 
work. 

On  the  eftablifhment  of  the  Company  of  New  France,  or 
the  Hundred  Affociates,  Proteftants  were  entirely  excluded. 
By  its  conftitution  no  Huguenots  were  allowed  to  fettle 
within  the  domain  of  the  company.  If  this  rule  was  not 
fuggefted  by  Champlain,  it  undoubtedly  exifted  by  his  decided 
and  hearty  concurrence.  The  mingling  of  Catholics  and 
Huguenots  in  the  early  hiftory  of  the  colony  had  brought 
with  it  numberlefs  annoyances.  By  lifting  the  wheat  before 
it  was  fown,  it  was  hoped  to  get  rid  of  an  otherwife  inevitable 

caufe 


r  I'i 


I'ij 


'M 


i'l 


i88 


Memoir  of 


1635- 


!|' 


;  f"  ^ 


f  ?; 


•  M 


caufe  of  irritation  and  trouble.  The  corredlnefs  of  the  prin- 
ciple of  Chriftian  toleration  was  not  admitted  by  the  Roman 
church  then  any  more  than  it  is  now.  Nor  did  the  Prot- 
eftants  of  that  period  believe  in  it,  or  pradtife  it,  whenever 
they  poffeffed  the  power  to  do  otherwife.  Even  the  Puri- 
tans of  Maffachufetts  Bay  held  that  their  charter  conferred 
upon  them  the  right  and  power  of  exclufion.  It  was  not 
eafy,  it  is  true,  to  carry  out  this  view  by  Iquare  legal  ena6l- 
ment  without  coming  intoconfli6l  with  the  laws  of  England  ; 
but  they  were  adroit  and  Ikilful,  endowed  with  a  marvellous 
talent  for  finding  fome  indirect  method  of  laying  a  heavy 
hand  upon  Friend  or  Churchman,  or  the  more  independent 
thinkers  among  their  own  numbers,  who  defired  to  make  their 
abode  within  the  precin6ts  of  the  bay.  In  the  earlier  years 
of  the  colony  at  Quebec,  when  Proteftant  and  Catholic  were 
there  on  equal  terms,  Champlain's  religious  affociations  led 
him  to  fwcrve  neither  to  the  right  hand  nor  to  the  left.  His 
adminiftration  was  charadlerized  by  juftice,  firmnefs,  and 
gentlenefs,  and  was  defervedly  fatisfaflory  to  all  parties. 

In  his  later  years,  the  little  colony  upon  whofe  welfare  and 
Chriftian  culture  he  had  beflowed  fo  much  cheerful  labor 
and  anxious  thought,  became  every  day  more  and  more  dear 
to  his  heart.  Within  the  ample  folds  of  his  charity  were 
likewife  encircled  the  numerous  tribes  of  favages,  fpread  over 
the  vaft  domains  of  New  France.  He  earneffly  defired  that 
all  of  them,  far  and  near,  friend  and  foe,  might  be  infl:ru6lcd 
in  the  do6lrines  of  the  Chriftian  faith,  and  brought  into  will- 
ing and  loving  obedience  to  the  crofs. 

In  its  perfonal  application  to  his  own  heart,  the  religion 
of  Champlain   was  di  iinguifhed  by  a  natural  and  gradual 

progrefs, 


l!\, 


1635- 


Samuel  de  Champlain, 


189 


progrefs.  His  warmth,  tcnderncfs,  and  zeal  grew  deeper 
and  (Ironger  with  advancing  years.  In  his  reHgious  Hfe 
there  was  a  clearly  marked  feed-time,  growth,  and  ripening 
for  the  harveft.  After  his  return  to  Quebec,  during  the  lad 
three  years  of  his  life,  his  time  was  efpecially  fyflematized  and 
appropriated  for  intelledlual  and  fpiritual  improvement. 
Some  portion  was  given  every  morning  by  himfelf  and  thofe 
who  conftituted  his  family  to  a  courfe  of  hiftorical  reading, 
and  in  the  evening  to  the  memoirs  of  the  faintly  dead  whofe 
lives  he  regarded  as  fuitable  for  the  imitation  of  the  living, 
and  each  night  for  himfelf  he  devoted  more  or  lefs  time  to 
private  meditation  and  prayer. 

Such  were  the  devout  habits  of  Champlain's  life  in  his 
later  years.  We  are  not,  therefore,  furprifed  that  the  hiflo- 
rian  of  Canada,  twenty-five  years  after  his  death,  fhould 
place  upon  record  the  following  concife  but  comprehenfive 
eulogy :  — 

"  His  furpaffmg  love  of  juftice,  piety,  fidelity  to  God,  his 
king,  and  the  Society  of  New  France,  had  always  been  con- 
fpicuous.  But  in  his  death  he  gave  fuch  illuflrious  proofs 
of  his  goodnefs  as  to  fill  every  one  with  admiration."  "^ 

The  reader  of  thefe  memoirs  has  doubtlefs  obferved  with 
furprife  and  perhaps  with  difappointment,  the  readinefs  with 
which  Champlain  took  part  in  the  wars  of  the  favages.  On 
his  firfl  vifit  to  the  valley  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  he  found  the 
Indians  dwelling  on  the  northern  fhores  of  the  river  and  the 
lakes  engaged  in  a  deadly  warfare  with  thofe  on  the  fouth- 
ern,  the  Iroquois  tribes  occupying  the  northern  limits  of  the 

prefent 

'"   Vide  Creuxius,  Hijioria  Canadenfis,  pp.  183,  184. 


:lt. 


?   '       !'}" 


,■  'A. 


m-. 


,1  '1 11 


i 'I 


far 


*  ; 


n 


1 


I  i 


i 


190 


Memoir  of 


1635- 


prefent  State  of  New  York,  generally  known  as  the  Five 
Nations-  The  hoflile  relations  between  thefe  favages  were 
not  of  recent  date.  They  reached  back  to  a  very  early  but 
indefinite  period.  They  may  have  exilled  for  feveral  centu- 
ries. When  Champlain  planted  his  colony  at  Quebec,  in 
1608,  he  at  once  entered  into  friendly  relations  with  all  the 
tribes  which  were  his  immediate  neighbors.  This  was  emi- 
nently a  fuitable  thing  to  do,  and  was,  moreover,  neceffary 
for  his  fafety  and  prote6lion. 

But  a  permanent  and  effective  alliance  with  thefe  tribes 
carried  with  it  of  neceffiiy  a  folemn  affurance  of  aid  againft 
their  enemies.  This  Champlain  promptly  promifed  without 
hefitation,  and  the  next  year  he  fulfilled  his  promife  by  lead- 
ing them  to  battle  on  the  fliores  of  Lake  Champlain.  At 
all  fubfequent  periods  he  regarded  himfelf  as  committed  to 
aid  his  allies  in  their  hoftile  expeditions  againft  the  Iroquois. 
In  his  printed  journal,  he  offers  no  apology  for  his  condudl 
in  this  refpe6t,  nor  does  he  intimate  that  his  views  could  be 
queftioned  either  in  morals  or  found  policy.  He  rarely 
affigns  any  reafon  whatever  for  engaging  in  thefe  wars.  In 
one  or  two  inftances  he  ftates  that  it  feemed  to  h'm  neceffary 
to  do  fo  in  order  to  facilitate  the  difcoveries  which  he  wifhed 
to  make,  and  that  he  hoped  it  might  in  the  end  be  the  means 
of  leading  the  favages  to  embrace  Chriftianity.  But  he  no- 
where enters  upon  a  full  difcuffion  of  this  point.  It  is  enough 
to  fay,  in  explanation  of  this  filence,  that  a  private  journal  like 
that  publifhed  by  Champlain,  was  not  the  place  in  which  to 
forefliadow  a  policy,  efpecially  as  it  might  in  the  future  be 
fubjecfl  to  change,  and  its  fuccefs  might  depend  upon  its 
being  known  only  to  thofe  who  had  the  power  to  fliape  and 

dire6t 


I 


1635.  Samuel  de  Champlatn, 


191 


direcfk  it.  But  neverthelefs  the  filence  of  Champlain  has 
doubtlefs  led  fome  hiftorians  to  infer  that  he  had  no  good 
reafons  to  give,  and  unfavorable  criticifms  have  been  bellowed 
upon  his  condud  by  thofe,  who  did  not  underftand  the  cir- 
cumftances  which  influenced  him,  or  the  motives  which  con- 
trolled his  aftion. 

The  war-policy  of  Champlain  was  undoubtedly  very  plainly 
fet  forth  in  his  correfpondence  and  interviews  with  the  vice- 
roys and  feveral  companies  under  whofe  authority  he  aded. 
But  thefe  difcuffions,  whether  oral  or  written,  do  not  appear 
in  general  to  have  been  preferved.  Fortunately  a  fingle  doc- 
ument of  this  chara6ler  is  flill  extant,  in  which  his  views 
are  clearly  unfolded.  In  Champlain's  remarkable  letter  to 
Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  which  we  have  introduced  a  few  pages 
back,  his  policy  is  fully  flated.  It  is  undoubtedly  the  fame 
that  he  had  adted  upon  from  the  beginning,  and  explains  the 
franknefs  and  readinefs  with  which,  firfl  and  laft,  as  a  faithful 
ally,  he  had  profeffed  himfelf  willing  to  aid  the  friendly  tribes 
iiT  their  wars  againfl  the  Iroquois.  The  objedl  which  he 
wifhed  to  accompli fli  by  this  tribal  war  was,  as  fully  ftated 
in  the  letter  to  which  we  have  referred,  tirfl,  to  conquer  the 
Iroquois  or  Five  Nations  ;  to  introduce  peaceful  relations  be- 
tween them  and  the  other  furrounding  tribes  ;  and,  fecondly, 
to  eflablifli  a  grand  alliance  of  all  the  favage  tribes,  far  and 
near,  with  the  French.  This  could  only  be  done  in  the  order 
here  flated.  No  peace  could  be  fecured  frr  m  the  Iroquois, 
except  by  their  conquefl,  the  utter  breaking  down  of  their 
pov/er.  They  were  not  fufceptible  to  the  influence  of  reafon. 
They  were  implacable,  and  had  been  brutalized  by  long- 
inherited  habits  of  cruelty.    In  the  total  annihilation  of  their 

power 


I   A 


tl 


iVi 


i 


sam 


192 


Me^noir  of 


'^'35- 


power  was  the  only  hope  of  peace.  This  being  accompliflied, 
the  furviving  remnant  would,  according  to  the  ufual  cuflom 
among  the  Indians,  readily  amalgamate  with  the  vi6lorious 
tribes,  and  then  a  general  alliance  with  the  French  could 
be  eafdy  fecurcd.  This  was  what  Champlain  wiflied  to 
accomplifli.  The  pacification  of  all  the  tribes  occupying 
both  fides  of  *^he  St.  Lawrence  and  the  chain  of  north- 
ern lakes  would  place  the  whole  domain  of  the  American 
continent,  or  as  much  of  it  as  it  would  be  defirable  to 
hold,  under  the  eafy  and  abfolute  control  of  the  French 
nation. 

Such  a  pacification  as  this  would  fecure  two  obje6ls ; 
objedls  eminently  important,  appealing  ftrongly  to  all  who 
defired  the  aggrandizement  of  France  and  the  progrefs  and 
fupremacy  of  the  Catholic  faith.  It  would  fecure  for  ever 
to  the  French  the  fur-trade  of  the  Indians,  a  commerce  then 
important  and  capable  of  vaft  expanfion.  The  chief  ftrength 
and  refources  of  the  favages  allied  with  the  French,  the 
Montagnais,  Algonquins,  and  Hurons,  were  at  that  period 
expended  in  their  wars.  On  the  ceffation  of  hoftilities,  their 
whole  force  would  naturally  and  inevitably  be  given  to  the 
chafe.  A  grand  field  lay  open  to  them  for  this  exciting 
occupation.  The  fur-bearing  country  embraced  not  only 
the  region  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  lakes,  but  the  vaft: 
and  unlimited  expanfe  of  territory  ftretching  out  indefinitely 
in  every  diredlion.  The  whole  northern  half  of  the  continent 
of  North  America,  filled  with  the  moft  valuable  fur-producing 
mammalia,  would  be  open  to  the  enterprife  of  the  French, 
and  could  not  fail  to  pour  into  their  treafury  an  mcredible 
amount  of  wealth.     This  Champlain  was  far-fighted  enough 

to 


i63S- 


Samuel  de  Champlain, 


193 


to  fee,  and  his  patriotic  zeal  led  him  to  dcfire  that  France 
fhould  avail  herlelf  of  this  opportunity."" 

But  the  conqueft  of  the  Iroquois  would  not  only  open  to 
France  the  prorpc6l  of  cxhauftlefs  wealth,  but  it  would  ren- 
der acceffible  a  broad,  extcnfivc,  and  inviting  field  of  niiffion- 
ciry  labor.  It  would  remove  all  external  and  iihyfical  obflacles 
to  the  fpeedy  tranfmiffion  and  offer  of  the  Chriftian  faith  to 
the  numberlefs  tribes  that  would  thus  be  brought  within 
their  reach. 

The  defire  to  bring  about  thefe  two  great  ulterior  pur- 
pofes,  the  augmentation  of  the  commerce  of  France  in  the 
full  development  of  the  fur-trade,  and  the  gathering  into  the 
Catholic  church  the  favage  tribes  of  the  wildernefs,  explains 
the  readinefs  with  which,  from  the  beginning,  Champlain 
encouraged  his  Indian  allies  and  took  part  with  them  in  their 
wars  againfl  the  Five  Nations.  In  the  very  lafl  year  of  his 
life,  he  denianded  of  Richelieu  the  requifite  military  force  to 
carry  on  this  war,  reminding  him  that  the  coft  would  be 
trifling  to  his  Majefly,  while  the  enterprife  would  be  the 
mofl  noble  that  could  be  imagined. 

In  regard  to  the  domellic  and  focial  life  of  Champlain, 
fcarcely  any  documents  remain  that  can  throw  light  upon 

the 

^"  The  juftnefs  of  Champlain's  con- 
ception of  the  value  of  the  fur-trade  has 
been  verified  by  its  fubfequent  hiftory. 
The  Hudfon's  Bay  Company  was  organ- 
ized for  the  purpofe  of  carrying  on  this 
trade,  under  a  charter  granted  by 
Charles  II.,  in  1670.  A  part  of  the 
trade  has  at  times  been  conduced  by 
other  alTociations.  But  this  company 
is  ftill  in  aftive  and  vigorous  operation. 
Its  capital  is  $ro,ooo,ooo.  At  its  reor- 
ganization in  1863,  it  was  eftimated  that 


it  would  yield  a  net  annual  income, 
to  be  divided  among  the  corporators, 
of  $400,000.  It  employs  twelve  hun- 
dred fervants  befide  its  chief  factors. 
It  is  eafy  to  fee  what  a  vaft  amount  of 
wealth  in  the  (liape  of  furs  and  peltry 
has  bee.'  pouring  into  the  European 
markets,  "or  more  than  two  hundred 
years,  from  this  fur-bearing  region,  and 
the  fources  of  this  wealth  are  p.obably 
little,  if  in  any  degree,  diminilhed. 


25 


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194 


Memoir  of 


^^z^- 


M  i 


the  fubje(5l.  Of  his  parents  we  have  little  information 
beyond  that  of  their  refpe(fl:able  calling  and  ftanding.  He 
was  probably  an  only  child,  as  no  others  are  on  any  occa- 
fion  mentioned  or  referred  to.  He  married,  as  we  have  feen, 
the  daughter  of  the  Secretary  of  the  King's  Chamber,  and 
his  wife,  Helene  Boulle,  accompanied  him  to  Canada  in  1620, 
where  flie  remained  four  years.  They  do  not  appear  to  have 
had  children,  as  the  names  of  none  are  found  in  the  records 
at  Quebec,  and,  at  his  death,  the  only  claimant  as  an  heir, 
was  a  coufm,  Marie  Cameret,  who,  in  1639,  refided  at  Ro- 
chelle,  and  whofe  hufband  was  Jacques  Herfant,  controller 
of  duties  and  imports.  After  Champlain's  deceafe,  his  wife, 
Helene  Boulle,  became  a  novice  in  an  Urfuline  convent  in 
the  faubourg  of  St.  Jacques  in  Paris.  Subfequently,  in 
1648,  (lie  founded  a  religious  houfe  of  the  fame  order  in  the 
city  of  Meaux,  contributing  for  the  purpofe  the  fum  of 
twenty  thoufand  livres  and  fome  part  of  the  furnifliing.  She 
entered  the  houfe  that  flie  had  founded,  as  a  nun,  under  the 
name  of  Sifter  Helene  de  St.  Augujlin^  where,  as  the 
foundrefs,  certain  privileges  were  granted  to  her,  fuch  as  a 
fuperior  quality  of  food  for  herfelf,  exemption  from  attend- 
ance upon  fome  of  the  longer  fervices,  the  reception  into  the 
convent,  on  her  recommendation,  of  a  young  maiden  to  be 
a  nun  of  the  choir,  with  fuch  pecuniary  affiftance  as  (he 
might  need,  and  the  letters  of  her  brother,  the  Father  Euf- 
tache  Boulle,  were  to  be  exempted  from  the  ufual  infpe6lion. 
She  died  at  Meaux,  on  the  20th  day  of  December,  1654,  in 
the  convent  which  flie  had  founded."' 

As 

*^'  Vide  Doctifnents  inidits  sur  Sa-    ravay,     archivifte  paldographe,     Paris, 
muel  de  C/tamplain,  par  fitienne  Cha-     1875. 


i635- 


Samuel  de  Champlain, 


195 


As  an  explorer,  Champlain  was  unfiirpafrcd  by  any  who 
vifited  the  northern  coafts  of  America  anterior  to  its  perma- 
nent fettlement.  He  was  by  nature  endowed  with  a  love  of 
ufeful  adventure,  and  for  the  difcovery  of  new  countries  he 
had  an  infatiable  thirfl.  It  began  with  him  as  a  child,  and 
was  frefli  and  irrepreffible  in  his  latefl  years.  Among  the 
arts,  he  affigned  10  navigation  the  'ligheft  importance.  His 
broad  appreciation  of  it  and  his  ftrong  attachment  to  it,  are 
finely  ftated  in  his  own  compad  and  comprehenfive  defcrip- 
tion. 

•'  Of  all  the  mofl  ufeful  and  excellent  arts,  that  of  navigation 
has  always  feemed  to  me  to  occupy  the  firfl  place.  For  the 
more  hazardous  it  is,  and  the  more  numerous  the  perils  and 
loffes  by  which  it  is  attended,  fo  much  the  more  is  it  efleemed 
and  exalted  above  all  others,  being  wholly  unfuited  to  the  timid 
and  irrefolute.  By  this  art  we  obtain  a  knowledge  of  differ- 
ent countries,  regions,  and  realms.  By  it  we  attra6l  and  bring 
to  our  own  land  all  kinds  of  riches ;  by  it  the  idolatry  of 
paganifm  is  overthrown  and  Chriftianity  proclaimed  through- 
out all  the  regions  of  the  earth.  This  is  the  art  which  won 
my  love  in  my  early  years,  and  induced  me  to  expofe  myfelf 
almoft  all  my  life  to  the  impetuous  waves  of  the  ocean,  and 
led  me  to  explore  the  coafts  of  a  part  of  America,  efpecially 
thofe  of  New  France,  where  I  have  always  defired  to  fee  the 
Lily  flourifli,  together  with  the  only  religion,  catholic,  apo- 
ftolic,  and  Roman." 

In  addition  to  his  natural  love  for  difcovery,  Champlain 
had  a  combination  of  other  qualities  which  rendered  his 
explorations  pre-eminently  valuable.  His  intereft  did  not 
vanifh  with  feeing  what  was  new.     It  was  by  no  means  a 

mere 


196 


Memoir  of 


^^Zh- 


» 


mere  fancy  for  fimple  fight-feeing.  Reftleffnefs  and  volatility 
did  not  belong  to  his  temperament.  His  invelligations  were 
never  made  as  an  end,  but  always  as  a  means.  His  under- 
takings in  this  diredion  were  for  the  moft  part  Ihaped  and 
colored  by  his  Chriftian  principle  and  his  patriotic  love  of 
France.  Sometimes  one  and  fometimes  the  other  was  more 
prominent. 

His  voyage  to  the  Weft  Indies  was  undertaken  under  a 
twofold  impulfe.  It  gratified  his  love  of  exploration  and 
brought  back  rare  and  valuable  information  to  France. 
Spain  at  that  time  did  not  open  her  ifland-ports  to  the  com- 
merce of  the  world.  She  was  drawing  from  them  vaft  reve- 
nues in  pearls  and  the  precious  metals.  It  was  her  policy  to 
keep  this  whole  domain,  this  rich  archipelago,  hermetically 
fealed,  and  any  foreign  veffel  approached  at  the  rifk  of  cap- 
ture and  confifcation.  Champlain  could  not,  therefore, 
explore  this  region  under  a  commiffion  from  France.  He 
accordingly  fought  and  obtained  pcrmiifion  to  vifit  thefe 
Spanifh  polTeffions  under  the  cvuthority  of  Spain  herfelf.  He 
entered  and  perfonally  examined  all  the  important  ports  that 
furround  and  encircle  the  Caribbean  Sea,  from  the  pearl- 
bearing  Margarita  on  the  fouth,  Defeada  on  the  eaft,  to  Cuba 
on  the  weft,  together  with  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  the  Ifth- 
mus  of  Panama  on  the  mainland.  As  the  fruit  of  thefe  jour- 
neyings,  he  brought  back  a  report  minute  in  defcription,  rich 
in  details,  and  luminous  with  illuftrations.  This  little  bro- 
chure, from  the  circumftances  attendant  upon  its  origin,  is 
unfurpaffed  in  hiftorical  importance  by  any  fimilar  or  com- 
peting document  of  that  period.  It  muft  always  remain  of 
the  higheft  value  as  a  truftworthy,  original  authority,  without 

which 


Jii 


»635- 


Samuel  de  Chaviplain, 


197 


which  it  is  probable  that  the  hiftory  of  thofe  iflands,  for  that 
period,  could  not  be  accurately  and  truthfully  written. 

Champlain  was  a  pioneer  in  the  exploration  of  the  Atlan- 
tic coaft  of  New  England  and  the  eaHern  provinces  of  Can- 
ada. From  the  Strait  of  Canfeau,  at  the  northeaftern 
extremity  of  Nova  Scotia,  to  the  Vineyard  Sound,  on  the 
fouthern  limits  of  Maffachufetts,  he  made  a  thorough  furvey 
of  the  coaft  in  1605  Lnd  1606,  perfonally  examining  its  moft 
important  harbors,  bays,  and  rvers,  mounting  its  headlands, 
penetrating  its  forefts,  carefully  obferving  and  elaborately 
defcribing  its  foil,  its  produds,  and  its  native  inhabitants. 
Befides  lucid  and  definite  defcriptions  of  the  coaft,  he  exe- 
cuted topographical  drawings  of  numerous  points  of  intereft 
along  our  ftiores,  as  Plymouth  harbor,  Naufet  Bay,  Stage 
Harbor  at  Chatham,  Glouceftcr  Bay,  the  Bay  of  Saco,  with 
the  long  ftretch  of  Old  Orchard  Beach  and  its  interfperfed 
iflands,  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  and  as  many  more  on 
the  coaft  of  New  Brunfwick  and  Nova  Scotia.  To  thefe  he 
added  defcriptions,  more  or  Icfs  definite,  of  the  harbors  of 
Barnftable,  Wellfleet,  Bofton,  of  the  headland  of  Cape  Anne, 
Merrimac  Bay,  the  Ifles  of  Shoals,  Cape  Porpoife,  Rich- 
mond's Ifland,  Mount  Defert,  Ifte  Haute,  Seguin,  and  the 
numberlefs  other  iflands  that  adorn  the  exquifite  fea-coaft  of 
Maine,  as  jewels  that  add  a  new  luftre  to  the  beauty  of  a 
peerlefs  goddefs. 

Other  navigators  had  coafted  aiong  our  fhores.  Some  of 
them  had  touched  at  fmgle  points,  of  which  they  made  mea- 
gre and  unfatisfad;ory  furveys.  Gofnold  had,  in  1602,  dif- 
covered  Savage  Rock,  but  it  was  fo  indefinitely  located  and 
defcribed  that  it  cannot  even  at  this  day  be  identified.     Re- 

folving 


I  ' 


^i  \ 


V. 


iH! 


.^f  l« 


w 


198 


Memoir  of 


^^1%' 


\'\ 


i 


folving  to  make  a  fettlcmcnt  on  one  of  the  bnrren  iflands 
forming  the  group  named  in  honor  of  Queen  Elizabeth  and 
ftill  bearing  her  name,  after  fome  weeks  fpent  in  erec^ling  a 
ftorehoufe,  and  in  collec^ling  a  cargo  of  "  furrs,  fkyns,  faxa- 
fras,  and  other  commodities,"  the  project  of  a  lettlenient  was 
abandoned  and  he  returned  to  England,  leaving,  however, 
two  »''?rmanent  memorials  of  his  voyage,  in  the  names  which 
he  gave  refpedlively  to  Martha's  Vineyard  and  to  the  head- 
land of  Cape  Cod. 

Captain  Martin  Pringcame  to  our  fhores  in  1603,  in  fearch 
of  a  cargo  of  faffafras.  There  are  indications  that  he  entered 
the  Penobfcot.  He  afterward  paid  his  refpedts  to  Savage 
Rock,  the  undefined  bonanza  of  his  predeceffor.  He  foon 
found  his  defired  cargo  on  the  Vineyard  Iflands,  and  haflily 
returned  to  England. 

Captain  George  Weymouth,  in  1605,  was  on  the  coaft  of 
Maine  concurrently,  or  nearly  fo,  with  Champlain,  where  he 
paffed  a  month,  explored  a  river,  fet  up  a  crofs,  and  took  pof- 
feffion  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  king.  But  where 
thefe  tranfaclions  took  place  is  ftill  in  difpute,  fo  indefinitely 
does  his  journalift  defcribe  them. 

Captain  John  Smith,  eight  years  later  than  Champlain, 
furveyed  the  coaft  of  New  England  while  his  men  were  col- 
letting  a  cargo  of  furs  and  fifh.  He  wrote  a  defcription  of 
it  from  memory,  part  or  all  of  it  while  a  prifoner  on  board  a 
French  fliip  of  war  off  Fayall,  and  executed  a  map,  both 
valuable,  but  neverthelefs  exceedingly  indefinite  and  general 
in  their  charadler. 

Thefe  flying  vifits  to  our  (hores  were  not  unimportant, 
and  muft  not  be  undervalued.     They  were  neceffary  fteps  in 

the 


^(^3S' 


Samuel  de  Chatnplain. 


199 


the  progrcfs  of  the  jjjrand  liillorical  events  that  followed. 
But  they  were  meagre  and  hally  and  ruperficial,  when  com- 
pared  to  the  careful,  deliberate,  extenfive,  and  thorough,  not 
to  fay  exhauftive,  explorations  made  by  Chainplain. 

In  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  Cartier  had  preceded  Cham- 
plain  by  a  period  of  more  than  fixty  years.  During  this 
long,  dreary  half-century  the  flillnefs  of  the  primeval  foreft 
had  not  been  dillurbed  by  the  woodman's  axe.  When 
Champlain's  eyes  fell  u|)on  it,  it  was  ftill  the  fame  wild,  un- 
frequented,  unredeemed  region  that  it  had  been  to  its  firfl; 
difcoverer.  The  rivers,  bays,  and  iflands  deferibed  by  Car- 
tier  were  identified  by  Champlain,  and  the  names  they  had 
already  received  were  permanently  fixed  by  his  added  au- 
thority. The  whole  gulf  and  river  were  re-examined  and 
deferibed  anew  in  his  journal.  The  exploration  of  the  Riche- 
lieu and  of  Lake  Champlain  was  pufhed  into  the  interior 
three  hundred  miles  from  his  bafe  at  Quebec.  It  reached 
into  a  wildernefs  and  along  gentle  waters  never  before  feen 
by  any  civilized  race.  It  was  at  once  fafcinating  and  hazard- 
ous, environed  as  it  was  by  vigilant  and  ferocious  favages, 
who  guarded  its  gates  with  the  fleeplefs  vvatchfulnefs  of  the 
fabled  Cerberus. 

The  courage,  endurance,  and  heroifm  of  Champlain  were 
tefted  in  the  ftill  greater  exploration  of  161 5.  It  extended 
from  Montreal,  the  whole  length  of  the  Ottawa,  to  Lake 
NipifTmg,  the  Georgian  Bay,  Simcoe,  the  fyftem  of  fmall 
lakes  on  the  fouth,  acrofs  the  Ontario,  and  finally  ending  in 
the  interior  of  the  State  of  New  York,  a  journey  through 
tangled  forefts  and  broken  w-ater-courfes  of  more  than  a 
thoufand  miles,  occupying  nearly  a  year,  executed  in  the 

face 


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^(^ii- 


I    I 


face  of  phyfical  fuffering  and  hardfhip  before  which  a  nature 
lefs  intrepid  and  determined,  lefs  loyal  to  his  great  purpofe, 
lefs  generous  and  unfelfifli,  would  have  yielded  at  the  outfet. 
Thefe  journeys  into  the  interior,  along  the  courfes  of  navi- 
gable rivers  and  lakes,  and  through  the  primitive  forefls,  laid 
open  to  the  knowledge  of  the  French  a  domain  vaft  and  in- 
definite in  extent,  on  which  an  empire  broader  and  far  richer 
in  refources  than  the  old  Gallic  France  might  have  been 
fuccefsfully  reared. 

The  perfonal  explorations  of  Champlain  in  the  Weft  In- 
dies, on  the  Atlantic  coaft,  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  in 
the  State  of  New  York  and  of  Vermont,  and  among  the 
lakes  in  Canada  and  thofe  that  divide  the  Dominion  from 
the  United  States,  including  the  full,  explicit,  and  detailed 
journals  which  he  wrote  concerning  them,  place  Champlain 
undeniably  not  merely  in  the  front  rank,  but  at  t'le  head  of 
the  long  lift  of  explorers  and  navigators,  who  early  vifited 
this  part  of  the  continent  of  North  America. 

Champlain's  literary  labors  are  interefting  and  important. 
They  were  not  profeflional,  but  incidental,  and  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  the  career  to  which  he  devoted  his  life.  He 
had  the  fagacity  to  fee  that  the  fields  which  he  entered  as 
an  explorer  were  new  and  important,  that  the  afpe6t  of  every 
thing  which  he  then  faw  would,  under  the  influence  and 
progrefs  of  civilization,  foon  be  changed,  and  that  it  was 
hiftorically  important  that  a  portrait  fketched  by  an  eye- 
witnefs  fliould  be  handed  down  to  other  generations.  It 
was  likewife  neceffary  for  the  immediate  and  fuccefsful 
planting  of  colonies,  that  thofe  who  engaged  in  the  under- 
taking fliould  have  before  them  full  information  of  all  the 

conditions 


li» 


1635-  Samuel  de  Cha^nplain. 


20I 


conditions  on  which  they  were  to  build  their  hopes  of  final 
fuccefs. 

Infpired  by  fuch  motives  as  thefe,  Champlain  wrote  out 
an  accurate  journal  of  the  events  that  tranfpired  about  him, 
of  what  he  perfonally  faw,  and  of  the  obfervations  of  others, 
authenticated  by  the  befl  tefts  which,  under  the  circumflances, 
he  was  able  to  apply.  His  natural  endowments  for  this  work 
were  of  the  highefl  order.  As  an  obferver  he  was  fagacious, 
difcriminating,  and  careful.  His  judgment  was  cool,  com- 
prehenfive,  and  judicious.  His  ftyle  is  in  general  clear,  logi- 
cal, and  compa(5l.  His  acquired  ability  was  not,  however, 
extraordinary.  He  was  a  fcholar  neither  by  education  nor 
by  profeffion.  His  life  was  too  full  of  a(5live  duties,  or  too 
remote  from  the  centres  of  knowledge  for  acquifitions  in  the 
departments  of  elegant  and  refined  learning.  The  period 
in  which  he  lived  was  little  diftinguifhed  for  literary  culture. 
A  more  brilliant  day  was  approaching,  but  it  had  not  yet 
appeared.  The  French  language  was  ftill  crude  and  unpol- 
ifhed.  It  had  not  been  difciplined  and  moulded  into  the 
excellence  to  which  it  foon  after  arofe  in  the  reign  of  Louis 
XIV.  We  cannot  in  reafon  look  for  a  grace,  refinement, 
and  flexibility  which  the  French  language  had  not  at  that 
time  generally  attained.  But  it  is  eafy  to  fee  under  the  rude, 
antique,  and  now  obfolete  forms  which  characterize  Cham- 
plain's  narratives,  the  elements  of  a  ftyle  which,  under  early 
difcipline,  nicer  culture,  and  a  richer  vocabulary,  might  have 
made  it  a  model  for  all  times.  There  are,  here  and  there,  fome 
involved,  unfinifhed,  and  obfcure  paffages,  which  feem,  in- 
deed, to  be  the  offspring  of  hafte,  or  perhaps  of  carelefs  and 
inadequate  proof-reading.     But  in  general  his  ftyle  is  with- 

26  out 


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f    * 


WW 


Memoir  of 


1635- 


out  ornament,  fimple,  dignified,  concife,  and  clear.  While 
he  was  not  a  diffufive  writer,  his  works  are  by  no  means  lim- 
ited in  extent,  as  they  occupy  in  the  late  erudite  Laverdiere's 
edition,  fix  quarto  volumes,  containing  fourteen  hundred 
pages.  In  them  are  three  large  maps,  delineating  the  whole 
rxOi  r!ieafl:ern  part  of  the  continent,  executed  with  great  care 
and  labor  by  his  own  hand,  together  with  numerous  local 
drawings,  pi6luring  not  only  bays  and  harbors,  Indian  canoes, 
wigwams,  and  fortreffes,  but  feveral  battle  fcenes,  conveying 
a  clear  idea,  not  poflible  by  a  mere  verbal  defcription,  of  the 
favage  implements  and  mode  of  warfare.'^"  His  works  in- 
clude, likewife,  a  treatife  on  navigation,  fiall  of  excellent  fug- 
geftions  to  the  pradlical  feaman  of  that  day,  drawn  from 
his  own  experience,  flretching  over  a  period  of  more  than 
forty  years. 

The  Voyages  of  Cham  plain,  as  an  authority,  muft  always 
fland  in  the  front  rank.  In  truflworthinefs,  in  richnefs  and 
fullnefs  of  detail,  they  have  no  competitor  in  the  field  of 
which  they  treat.  His  obfervations  upon  the  charadler, 
manners,  cufloms,  habits,  and  utenfils  of  the  aborigines,  were 
made  before  they  were  modified  or  influenced  in  their  mode 
of  life  by  European  civilization.  The  intercourfe  of  the 
ftrolling  fur-trader  and  fifliermen  with  them  was  fo  infre- 
quent and  brief  at  that  early  period,  that  it  made  upon  them 
little  or  no  impreffion.  Champlain  confequently  pictures 
the  Indian  in  his  original,  primeval  fimplicity.      This  will 

always 

^20  The  later  (ketches  made  by  Cham-  accurate,  but  fome  of  them  are  fkilfully 

plain  are  greatly  fuperior  to  thofe  which  done,  and  not  only  do  no  difcredit  to  an 

iic  evecuted  to  illullrate  his  voyage  in  amateur,  but  difcover  marks  of  artiftic 

the  W':ill  Indies.     They  are  not  only  taile  and  (kill. 


i635- 


Samuel  de  Chainplain,  203 


always  give  to  his  narratives,  in  the  eye  of  the  hiflorian, 
the  ethnologift,  and  the  antiquary,  a  peculiar  and  pre-emi- 
nent importance.  The  refult  of  perfonal  obfervation,  emi- 
nently truthful  and  accurate,  their  teftimony  mufl  in  all 
future  time  be  incomparably  the  beft  that  can  be  obtained 
relating  to  the  aborigines  on  this  part  of  the  American  con- 
tinent. 

In  completing  this  memoir,  the  reader  can  hardly  fail  to 
be  impreffed,  not  to  fay  difappointed,  by  the  fa6l  that  refults 
apparently  infignificant  fhould  thus  far  have  followed  a  life 
of  able,  honefl,  unfelfifh,  heroic  labor.  The  colony  was  flill 
fmall  in  numbers,  the  acres  fubdued  and  brought  into  culti- 
vation were  few,  and  the  aggregate  yearly  produ6ls  were 
meagre.  But  it  is  to  be  obferved  that  the  produdivencfs  of 
capital  and  labor  and  talent,  two  hundred  and  feventy  years 
ago,  cannot  well  be  compared  with  the  ftandards  of  to-day. 
Moreover,  the  refults  of  Champlain's  career  are  infignificant 
rather  in  appearance  than  in  reality.  The  work  which  he 
did  was  in  laying  foundations,  while  the  fuperllrudure  was 
to  be  reared  in  other  years  and  by  other  hands.  The  palace 
or  temple,  by  its  lofty  and  majeflic  proportions,  attrads  the 
eye  and  gratifies  the  talle ;  but  its  unfeen  foundations,  with 
their  nicely  adjufled  arches,  without  which  the  fuperftru6lurc 
would  crumble  to  atoms,  are  not  lefs  the  refult  of  the  pro- 
found knowledge  and  pra6lical  wifdom  of  the  archite(5l.  The 
explorations  made  by  Champlain  early  and  late,  the  organ- 
ization and  planting  of  his  colonies,  the  refiflance  of  avari- 
cious corporations,  the  holding  of  numerous  favage  tribes  in 
friendly  alliance,  the  daily  adminiflration  of  the  affairs  of  the 
colony,  of  the  favages,  and  of  the  corporation  in  France,  to 

the 


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I'll 


;■    ■ ," 


204       Memoir  of  De  Champlain,        1635. 

the  eminent  fatisfa6Hon  of  all  generous  and  noble-minded 
patrons,  and  this  for  a  period  of  more  than  thirty  years,  arc 
proofs  of  an  extraordinary  combination  of  mental  and  moral 
qualities.  Without  impulfivenefs,  his  warm  and  tender  fym- 
pathies  imparted  to  him  an  unufual  power  and  influence  over 
other  men.  He  was  wife,  modeft,  and  judicious  in  council, 
prompt,  vigorous,  and  pra6tical  in  adminiftration,  fimple  and 
frugal  in  his  mode  of  life,  p'^rfiftent  and  unyielding  in  the 
execution  of  his  plans,  brave  and  valiant  in  danger,  un- 
fclfifli,  honeft,  and  confcientious  in  the  difcharge  of  duty. 
Thefe  qualities,  rare  in  combination,  were  always  confpic- 
uous  in  Champlain,  and  juflly  entitle  him  to  the  refpe6t  and 
admiration  of  mankind. 


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ANNOTATIONES    POSTSCRIPTS. 


USTACHE  BOULLE.  A  brother-in-law  of 
Champlain,  who  made  his  firft  vifit  to  Canada 
in  1618.  He  was  an  active  affiftant  of  Cham- 
plain,  and  in  1625  was  named  his  lieutenant. 
He  continued  there  until  the  takinc:  of  Quebec 

by  the  Englifli  in  1629.     He  fubfequently  took  holy  orders. 

—  Vide  Doc.  inedits  fur  Samuel  de  Champlain,  par  Etiennc 

Charavay.     Paris,  1875,  p.  8. 

Pont  Grave.  The  whole  career  of  this  diflinguiflied 
merchant  was  clofely  affociated  with  Canadian  trade.  He 
was  in  the  Gulf  of  St,  Lawrence,  in  the  interefl  of  Chauvin, 
in  1599.  He  commanded  the  expedition  fent  out  by  De 
Chafte  in  1603,  when  Champlain  made  his  iirfl  exploration 
of  the  River  St.  Lawrence.  He  was  intruded  with  the  chief 
management  of  the  trade  carried  on  with  the  Indians  by  the 
various  companies  and  viceroys  under  Champlain's  lieuten- 
ancy until  the  removal  of  the  colony  by  the  Englifli,  when 
his  adtive  life  was  clofed  by  the  infirmities  of  age.  He  was 
always  a  warm  and  truded  friend  of  Champlain,  who  fought 
his  counfel  on  all  occafions  of  importance. 

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206         Annotationes  Postscriptce, 

The  Birth  of  Ciiamplain.  All  efforts  to  fix  the  exa6l 
date  of  his  birth  have  been  unfuccefsful.  M.  De  Richemond, 
autho.'  of  a  BiograpJiie  de  la  Charente  Inferieitrc,  inftituted 
moft  careful  fearches,  particularly  with  the  hop^^  of  findi^ig  a 
record  of  his  baptifm.  The  records  of  the  parifli  of  Brou- 
age  extend  back  only  to  Augufl  11,  161 5.  The  duplicates, 
depofited  at  the  office  of  the  civil  tribunal  of  Marennes 
anterior  to  this  date,  were  deftroyed  by  fire.  —  MS.  letter  of 
M.  De  Richemo7id,  Archivijl  of  the  Dcp.  of  Charente  hife- 
rieiire.  La  Rochelle,  July  17,  1875. 

Marc  Lescarhot.  We  have  cited  the  authority  of  this 
writer  in  this  work  on  many  occafions.  He  was  born  at 
Vervins,  perhaps  about  1585.  He  became  an  advocate,  and 
a  refident  of  Paris,  and,  according  to  Larouffe,  died  in  1630. 
He  came  to  America  in  1606,  and  paffed  the  winter  of  that 
year  at  the  French  fettlement  near  the  prefent  fite  of  Lower 
Granville,  on  the  weftern  bank  of  Annapolis  Bafm  in  Nova 
Scotia.  In  the  fpring  of  1607  he  croffed  the  Bay  of  Fundy, 
entered  the  harbor  of  St.  John,  N.  B.,  and  extended  his  voy- 
age as  far  as  De  Monts's  Illand  in  the  River  St.  Croix.  He 
returned  to  France  that  fame  year,  on  the  breaking  up  of 
De  Monts's  colony.  He  was  the  author  of  the  following 
works :  Hifloire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  1 609 ;  Les  Ahfes  de 
la  Notivelle  France ;  Tableau  de  la  Siiifje,  auqtiel  fo7it  decrites 
les  Singularites  des  Alpes,  Paris,  1618  ;  La  Chajfe  aux  A^iglais 
dans  rifle  de  Rhe  et  au  Siege  de  la  Rochelle^  et  la  Reduction 
de  cette  Ville  en  1628.     Paris,  1629. 


Plymouth  Harbor.     This  note  will  modify  our  remarks 
on  p.  78,  Vol.  IL     Champlain  entered  this  harbor  on  the 

1 8th 


.  1 


Annotationes  Postscriptcc.        207 

iSth  of  July,  1605,  and,  lingering  but  a  fingle  clay,  failed 
out  of  it  on  the  19th.  He  named  it  Port  St.  Louis,  or  Port 
du  Cap  St.  Louis. —  ViWc  antca,  pp.  53,  54;  Vol.  II.,  pp. 
76-78.  As  the  fruit  of  his  brief  rtay  in  the  harbor  of  Plym- 
outh, he  made  an  outline  fketch  of  the  bay  which  preferves 
mofl;  of  its  important  features.  He  delineates  what  is  now 
called  on  our  Coafl:  Survey  maps  Lo)ig  Beach  and  Dnxbury 
Beach.  At  the  fouthern  extremity  of  the  latter  is  the  head- 
land known  as  the  Gtirnet.  Within  the  bay  he  figures  two 
iflands,  of  which  he  fpeaks  alfo  in  the  text.  Thefe  two 
iflands  are  mentioned  in  Mourt's  Relation,  printed  in  1622, 
—  i^'ide  Dexter  s  ed.  p.  60.  They  are  alio  figured  on  an  old 
map  of  the  date  of  161 6,  found  by  J.  R.  Brodhead  in  the 
Royal  Archives  at  the  Hague  ;  likewife  on  a  map  by  Lucini, 
without  date,  but,  as  it  has  Boflon  on  it,  it  mud  have  been 
executed  after  1630.  Thefe  maps  may  be  found  in  Doc. 
His.  of  the  State  of  New  York,  Vol.  I. ;  Docziments  relating 
to  the  Colonial  His.  of  the  State  of  Neiu  York,  Vol.  I.,  p.  13. 
The  reader  will  find  thefe  iflands  likewife  indicated  on  the 
map  of  William  Wood,  entitled  The  South  part  of  New- 
England,  as  it  is  Pla7ited  this  y care,  1634. —  Vide  Nezu  Eng- 
land ProfpeH,  Prince  Society  ed.  They  appear  alfo  on 
Blafkowitz's  "Plan  of  Plimouth,"  1774. —  Vide  Changes  i7i 
the  Harbor  of  Plymotith,  by  Prof.  Henry  Mitchell,  Chief 
of  Phyfical  Hydrography,  U.  S.  Coafl  Survey,  Report  of 
1876,  Appendix  No.  9.  In  the  collections  of  the  IMafs. 
Hiflorical  Society  for  1793,  Vol.  II.,  in  an  article  entitled 
A  Topographical  Defcription  uf  Duxborough,  but  without 
the  author's  name,  the  writer  fpeaks  of  two  pleafant  iflands 
within  the  harbor,  and  adds  that  Saquifli  was  joined  to  the 

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Gurnet  by  a  narrow  piece  of  land,  but  for  feveral  years  the 
water  had  made  its  way  acrofs  and  ivfulatcd  it. 

From  the  early  maps  to  which  we  have  referred,  and  the 
foregoing  citations,  it  appears  that  there  were  two  iflands  in 
the  harbor  of  Plymouth  from  the  time  of  Champlain  till 
about  the  beginning  of  the  prefent  century.  A  careful  col- 
lation of  Champlaiii's  map  of  the  harbor  with  the  recent 
Coaft  Survey  Charts  will  render  it  evident  that  one  of  thefc 
iflands  thus  figured  by  Champlain,  and  by  others  later,  is 
SaquiHi  Head ;  that  fince  his  time  a  fand-bank  has  been 
thrown  up  and  now  become  permanent,  connecting  it  with 
the  Gurnet  by  what  is  now  called  Saquifli  Neck.  Prof. 
Mitchell,  in  the  work  already  cited,  reports  that  there  are 
now  four  fathoms  lefs  of  water  in  the  deeper  portion  of  the 
roadftead  than  when  Champlain  explored  the  harbor  in  1605. 
There  muft,  therefore,  have  been  an  enormous  dcpofit  of 
fand  to  produce  this  refult,  and  this  accounts  for  the  neck  of 
fand  which  has  been  thrown  up  and  become  fixed  or  perma- 
nent, now  conne6ting  Saquifli  Head  with  the  Gurnet. 

Mount  Desert.  This  ifland  was  difcovcred  on  the  fifth 
day  of  September,  1604.  Champlain  having  been  comif- 
fioned  by  Sieur  De  Monts,  the  Patentee  of  La  Cadie,  to 
make  difcoveries  on  the  coafl;  foudiwefl  of  the  Saint  Croix, 
left  the  mouth  of  that  river  in  a  fmall  barque  of  feventeen  or 
eighteen  tons,  with  twelve  failors  and  two  favages  as  guides, 
and  anchored  the  fame  evening,  apparently  near  Bar  Harbor. 
While  here,  they  explored  Frenchman's  Bay  as  far  on  the 
north  as  the  Narrows,  where  Champlain  fays  the  diflance 
acrofs  to  the  mainland  is  not  more  than  a  hundred  paces. 

The 


.„,,/„. 


Annotationes  Postscriptcu.  209 

The  next  day,  on  the  fixth  of  the  month,  tlicy  failed  two 
leagues,  and  came  to  Otter  Creek  Cove,  which  extends  up 
into  the  ifland  a  mile  or  more,  neftling  between  the  fpurs  of 
Newport  Mountain  on  the  eafl:  and  Green  Mountain  on  the 
weft.  Champlain  fays  this  cove  is  "  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tains," which  clearly  identifies  it,  as  it  is  the  only  one  in  the 
neighborhood  anfwering  to  this  defcription.  In  this  cove 
they  difcovered  feveral  favages,  who  had  come  there  to  hunt 
beavers  and  to  fifh.  On  a  vifit  to  Otter  Cove  Cliffs  in 
June,  1880,  we  were  told  by  an  old  fiflierman  ninety  years 
of  age,  living  on  the  borders  of  this  cove,  and  the  ftatement 
was  confirmed  by  feveral  others,  that  on  the  creek  at  the 
head  of  the  cove,  there  was,  within  his  memory,  a  well- 
known  beaver  dam. 

The  Indians  whofe  acquaintance  Champlain  made  at  this 
place  condu6ted  him  among  the  iflands,  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Penobfcot,  and  finally  up  the  river,  to  the  fite  of  the  prefent 
city  of  Bangor.  It  was  on  this  vifit,  on  the  fifth  of  Septem- 
ber, 1604,  that  Champlain  gave  the  ifland  the  name  of  Monts- 
deferis.  The  French  generally  gave  to  places  names  that 
were  fignificant.  In  this  inftance  they  did  not  depart 
from  their  ufual  cuftom.  The  fummits  of  most  of  the  moun- 
tains on  this  ifland,  then  as  now,  were  only  rocks,  being 
defl:itute  of  trees,  and  this  led  Champlain  to  give  its  fignifi- 
cant name,  which,  in  plain  Englifli,  means  the  ifland  of  the 
defert,  wafte,  or  uncultivatable  mountains.  If  we  follow  the 
analogy  of  the  language,  either  French  or  Englifli,  it  fliould 
be  pronounced  with  the  accent  on  the  penult,  Mount  Defert, 
and  not  on  the  laft  fyllable,  as  we  fometimes  hear  it.  This 
principle  cannot  be  violated  without  giving  to  the  word  a 

27  meaning 


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meaning  which,  in  this  conncdlion,  would  be  obvioufly  inap- 
propriate and  ablurd. 

Carte  de  la  Novvelle  France,  1632.  As  the  map  of 
1632  has  often  been  referred  to  in  this  work,  we  have  intro- 
duced into  this  volume  a  heliotype  copy.  The  original  was 
publifticd  in  the  year  of  its  date,  but  it  had  been  completed 
before  Champlain  left  Quebec  in  1629.  The  reader  will  bear 
in  mind  that  it  was  made  from  Clamplain's  perfonal  explo- 
rations, and  from  fuch  other  information  as  could  be  ob- 
tained from  the  meagre  fources  which  exificd  at  that  early 
period,  and  not  from  any  accurate  or  fcientific  furveys. 
The  information  which  he  obtained  from  others  was  derived 
from  more  or  lefs  doubtful  fources,  coming  as  it  did  from 
fifliermen,  fur-traders,  and  the  native  inhabitants.  The  two 
former  undoubtedly  conflruded,  from  time  to  time,  rude 
maps  of  the  coafl  for  their  own  ufe.  From  thefe  Champlain 
probably  obtained  valuable  hints,  and  he  was  thus  able  to 
fupplement  his  own  knowledge  of  the  regions  with  which  he 
was  leafl  familiar  on  the  Atlantic  coafl  and  in  the  Gulf  of 
St.  Lawrence.  Beyond  the  limits  of  his  perfonal  explorations 
on  the  weft,  his  information  was  wholly  derived  from  the 
favages.  No  European  had  penetrated  into  thofe  regions,  if 
we  except  his  fervant,  Etienne  Brule,  whofe  defcriptions 
could  have  been  of  very  little  fervice.  The  deficiencies  of 
Champlain's  map  are  here  accordingly  moft  apparent.  Riv- 
ers and  lakes  farther  wefl  than  the  Georgian  Bay,  and  fouth 
of  it,  are  fometimes  laid  down  where  none  exifl,  and,  again, 
where  they  do  exift,  none  are  portrayed.  The  outline  of 
Lake  Huron,  for  illuftration,  was  entirely  mifconceived.    A 

river-like 


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Annotationes  Postscriptcv,  2 1 1 

river-like  line  only  of  water  reprefcnts  Lake  Erie,  while  Lake 
Michigan  does  not  appear  at  all. 

The  delineation  of  Hudfon's  Bay  was  evidently  taken  from 
the  Tabula  Nautica  of  Henry  Hudfon,  as  we  have  Ihown 
in  Note  297,  Vol.  IL,  to  which  the  reader  is  referred. 

It  will  be  obferved  that  there  is  no  recognition  on  the 
map  of  any  Englifh  fettlement  within  the  limits  of  New 
England.  In  1629,  when  the  Carie  de  la  Novvclle  France 
was  completed,  an  Englifli  colony  had  been  planted  at  Plym- 
outh, Mafs.,  nine  years,  and  another  at  Pifcataqua,  or  Portf- 
mouth,  N.  H.,  fix  years.  The  Rev.  William  Blaxton  had 
been  for  feveral  years  in  occupation  of  the  peninfula  of 
Shawmut,  or  Bofton.  Salem  had  alfo  been  fettled  one  or 
two  years.  These  lafl  two  may  not,  it  is  true,  have  come 
to  Champlain's  knowledge.  But  none  of  thefe  fcttlements 
are  laid  down  on  the  map.  The  reafon  of  thefe  omiffions 
is  obvious.  The  whole  territory  from  at  leafl  the  40th  de- 
gree of  north  latitude,  flretching  indefinitely  to  the  north, 
was  claimed  by  the  French.  As  poffeffion  was,  at  that  day, 
the  mofl  potent  argument  for  the  juflice  of  a  territorial 
claim,  the  recognition,  on  a  French  map,  of  thefe  Englifli 
fettlements,  would  have  been  an  indifcretion  which  the  wife 
and  prudent  Champlain  would  not  be  likely  to  commit. 

There  is,  however,  a  diflin6l  recognition  of  an  Englifli 
fettlement  farther  fouth.  Cape  Charles  and  Cape  Henry 
appear  at  the  entrance  of  Chefapeake  Bay.  Virginia  is  in- 
fcribed  in  its  proper  place,  while  Jameftown  and  Point  Com- 
fort are  referred  to  by  numbers. 

On  the  borders  of  the  map  numerous  fifli  belonging  to 
thefe  waters  are  figured,  together  with  feveral  veffels  of  dif- 
ferent 


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212         Annotationes  Postscriptce, 

fercnt  fizcs  and  in  different  attitudes,  thus  prcfcrving  their 
form  and  flru(!^ure  at  that  period.  The  degrees  of  latitude 
and  longitude  are  numerically  indicated,  which  arc  convenient 
for  the  references  found  in  Champlain's  journals,  but  are 
neceffarily  too  inaccurate  to  be  othcrwife  ufeful.  But  not- 
withftanding  its  defe6ls,  when  we  take  into  account  the  lim- 
ited means  at  his  command,  the  difficulties  which  he  had  to 
encounter,  the  vafl  region  which  it  covers,  this  map  mufl  be 
regarded  as  an  extraordinary  achievement.  It  is  by  far  the 
mofl  accurate  in  outline,  and  the  moft  finiflicd  in  detail,  of 
any  that  had  been  attempted  of  this  region  anterior  to  this 
date. 


The  Portraits  of  Champlain.  —  Three  engraved  por- 
traits of  Champlain  have  come  to  our  knowledge.  All  of 
them  appear  to  have  been  after  an  original  engraved  portrait 
by  Balthazar  Moncornet.  This  artift  was  born  in  Rouen 
about  1615,  and  died  not  earlier  than  1670.  He  pra6lifed 
his  art  in  Paris,  where  he  kept  a  fliop  for  the  fale  of  prints. 
Though  not  eminently  diflinguiflied  as  a  fkilful  artift,  he 
neverthelefs  left  many  works,  particularly  a  great  number  of 
portraits.  As  he  had  not  arrived  at  the  age  of  manhood 
when  Champlain  died,  his  engraving  of  him  was  probably 
executed  about  fifteen  or  twenty  )ears  after  that  event.  At 
that  time  Madame  Champlain,  his  widow,  was  ftill  living,  as 
likewife  many  of  Champlain's  intimate  friends.  From  fome 
of  them  it  is  probable  Moncornet  obtained  a  fketch  or  por- 
trait, from  which  his  engraving  was  made. 

Of  the  portraits  of  Champlain  which  we  have  feen,  we 
may  mention  firft  that  in  Laverdiere's  edition  of  his  works. 

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Annotationes  P ostscriptce,  213 

This  is  a  half-length,  with  long,  curling  hair,  mouftache  and 
imperial.  The  fleeves  of  the  clofe-fitting  coat  are  flaflied, 
and  around  the  neck  is  the  broad  linen  collar  of  the  period, 
faftened  in  front  with  cord  and  taffels.  On  the  left,  in  the 
background,  is  the  promontory  of  Quebec,  with  the  reprc- 
fentation  of  feveral  turreted  buildings  both  in  the  upper  and 
lower  town.  On  the  border  of  the  oval,  which  inclofes  the 
fubje(5l,  is  the  legend,  Moncornet  Ex  c.  p.  The  engraving 
is  coarfely  executed,  apparently  on  copper.  It  is  alleged  to 
have  been  taken  from  an  original  Moncornet  in  France. 
Our  inquiries  as  to  where  the  original  then  was,  or  in  whofe 
poffeffion  it  then  was  or  is  now,  have  been  unfuccefsful.  No 
original,  when  inquiries  were  made  by  Dr.  Otis,  a  fliort  time 
fmce,  was  found  to  exifl;  in  the  department  of  prints  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale  in  Paris. 

Another  portrait  of  Champlain  is  found  in  Shea's  tranfla- 
tion  of  Charlevoix's  Hiftory  of  New  France.  This  was  taken 
from  the  portrait  of  Champlain,  which,  with  that  of  Cartier, 
Montcalm,  Wolfe,  and  others,  adorns  the  walls  of  the  recep- 
tion room  of  the  Speaker  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  in  the 
Parliament  Houfe  at  Ottawa,  in  Canada,  which  was  painted 
by  Thomas  Hamel,  from  a  copy  of  Moncornet's  engraving 
obtained  in  France  by  the  late  M.  Faribault.  From  the 
coflume  and  general  features,  it  appears  to  be  after  the  fame 
as  that  contained  in  Laverdiere's  edition  of  Champlain's 
works,  to  which  we  have  already  referred.  The  artifl  has 
given  it  a  youthful  appearance,  which  fuggefls  that  the  origi- 
nal fketch  was  made  many  years  before  Champlain's  death. 
We  are  indebted  to  the  politenefs  of  Dr.  Shea  for  the  copies 
which  accompany  this  work. 

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A  third  portrait  of  Champlain  may  be  found  in  L'Hiftoire 
de  France,  par  M.  Guizot,  Paris,  1876,  Vol.  v.  p.  149.  The 
infcription  reads :  "  Champlain  [Samuel  de],  d'apres  un 
portrait  grave  par  Moncornet."  It  is  engraved  on  wood 
by  E.  Ronjat,  and  reprefents  the  fubje6l  in  the  advanced 
years  of  his  life.  In  pofition,  coftume,  and  acceffories  it  is 
widely  different  from  the  others,  and  Moncornet  mull  have 
left  more  than  one  engraving  of  Champlain,  or  we  mufl 
conclude  that  the  modern  artifls  have  taken  extraordinary 
liberties  with  their  fubje6t.  The  features  are  flrong,  fpirited, 
and  charaderiflic.  A  heliotype  copy  accompanies  this 
volume. 


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PREFACE    TO    THE    TRANSLATION. 


l^ 


HE  journals  of  Cham  plain,  commonly  called  his 
Voyages,  were  written  and  publiflied  by  him  at 
intervals  from  1603  to  1632.  The  firft  volume 
was  printed  in  1603,  ^.nd  entitled,  — 

1.  Des  Savvages,  ov.  Voyage  de  Samvel  Champlain^  de 
Brovage,  fai6l  en  la  France  Nouuelle^  Van  mil  Jix  cens  trots. 
A  Paris ^  chez  Clavde  de  Monjlr  oeil^  tenant  fa  ooutique  en  la 
Cour  du  Palais,  au  nom  de  Jefus.  1604.  Atiec  priuilege  du 
Roy.  i2mo.  4  preliminary  leaves.  Text  36  leaves.  The 
title-page  contains  alfo  a  fub-title,  enumerating  in  detail  the 
fubjedls  treated  of  in  the  work.  Another  copy  with  flight 
verbal  changes  has  no  date  on  the  title-page,  but  in  both 
the  "  privilege  "  is  dated  November  15,  1603.  The  copies 
which  we  have  ufed  are  in  the  Library  ot'  Harvard  College, 
and  in  that  of  Mrs.  John  Carter  Brown,  of  Providence,  R.  I. 

An  Englifh  tranflation  of  this  iffue  is  contained  in  Pvr- 
chas  his  Pilgrimes.     London,  1625,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  1 605-1 61 9. 

The  next  publication  appeared  in  161 3,  with  the  following 
title :  — 

2.  Les  Voyages  dv  Sievr  de  Champlain  Xaintongeois, 
Capitaine  ordinaire  pour  le  Roy,  en  la  marine.  Divifez  en 
devx  livres.    ou,  jovmal  tref-fidele  des  obfervations  faites  es 

defcouuertures 


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2i6        Preface  to  the  Translation. 


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defcouuertures  de  la  Nomielle  France :  taut  C7i  la  defcriptio 
des  IcrreSy  cojlcs,  tiuieres^  porls,  haures,  leurs  hauteurs^  & 
plufieurs  delmaifons  de  la  guide-aymant ;  qtien  la  creace  dcs 
peuplcs,  Icur  fuperjlition,  /a(on  de  viure  &  de  guerroycr : 
enrichi  de  quanlite  de  figures.  A  Paris,  c/icz  Jean  Berjon, 
rue  S.  Jean  de  Bcamtais,  au  Cheual  volant,  &  en  fa  boutique 
au  Palais,  a  la  gallerie  dcs prifonniers.  M.DC.  XIII.  Avec 
privilege  dv  Roy.  4to.  lo  preliminary  leaves.  Text,  325 
pages;  table  5  pp.  One  large  folding  map.  One  fmall 
map.  22  plates.  The  title-page  contains,  in  addition,  a 
fub-tide  in  regard  to  the  two  maps. 

The  above-mentioned  volume  contains,  alfo,  the  Fourth 
Voyage,  bound  in  at  the  end,  with  the  following  title :  — 

Qvatriefme  Voyage  dv  S*"  de  Champlain  Capitaine  ordin- 
aire povr  le  Roy  en  la  marine,  &  Lieutenant  dc  Monfeigneur 
le  Prince  de  Conde  en  la  Nouuelle  France,  fait  en  fannee 
161 3.  52  pages.  Whether  this  was  alfo  iffued  as  a  fepa- 
rate  work,  we  are  not  informed. 

The  copy  of  this  publication  of  161 3  which  we  have  ufed 
is  in  the  Library  of  Harvard  College. 

The  next  publication  of  Champlain  was  in  1619.  There 
was  a  re-iffue  of  the  fame  in  1620  and  likewife  in  1627. 
The  title  of  the  laft-mentioned  iffue  is  as  follows:  — 

3.  Voyages  et  Defcovvertvres  faites  en  la  Novvelle  France, 
depuis  Vannee  161 5.  itifqties  a  la  fin  de  Vannee  1618.  Par  le 
Sieur  de  Champlain,  Cappitaine  ordinaire  pour  le  Roy  en  la 
Mer  du  Ponant.  Seconde  Edition.  A  Paris,  chez  Clavde  Col- 
let, au  Palais,  en  la  gallerie  des  Prifonniers.  M.  D.  C.  XX  VII. 
Avec  privilege  dv  Roy.  i2mo.  8  preliminary  leaves.  Text 
158  leaves,  6  plates.     The  title-page  contains,  in  addition, 


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Preface  to  the  Tninslation,        2 1 7 

a  fub-titlc,  crivin!^  an  outline  of  the  contents.  The  edition 
of  1627,  belonging  to  the  Library  of  Harvard  College,  con- 
tains likewife  an  illuminated  title-page,  which  we  here  give 
in  heliotype.  As  this  illuminated  title-jiage  bears  the  date 
of  1619,  it  was  probably  that  of  the  original  edition  of  that 
date. 

The  next  and  lad  publication  of  Champlain  was  iffucd  in 
1632,  with  the  following  title  :  — 

4.  Les  Voy(7ges  de  la  Novvcllc  France  occidcntalc,  difle 
Canada,  fait s  par  le  S"  de  Champlain  Xainctongeois,  Capi- 
lai?ie  pour  le  Roy  en  la  Marine  du  Ponant,  &  tonics  les 
Defconnertes  qiiila  faitcs  en  cc pals  dcpnis  Van  1603.  infqiics 
en  Van  1629.  Oh  fe  voit  commc  ce  pays  a  cjlc  prcmicrcment 
dcfcounert  par  les  Francois,  fous  la^ithorite  de  nos  Roys  trcf- 
Chrcjlicns,  iiifqucs  an  regne  dc  fa  Majcflc  a  prcfcnt  rcgnanic 
Lovis  XIII.  Roy  de  France  &  dc  Navarre.  A  Paris.  Chez 
Clavde  Collet  an  Palais,  en  la  Gallcrie  dcs  Prifonnicrs,  a 
rEfloille  d'Or.  M.  DC.  XXXII.  Ancc  Priuilcgc  du  Roy. 
There  is  alfo  a  long  fub-title,  with  a  flatement  that  the  vol- 
ume contains  what  occurred  in  New  France  in  1631.  The 
volume  is  dedicated  to  Cardinal  Richelieu.  4to.  16  prelim- 
inary pages.  Text  308  pages.  6  plates,  which  are  the  lame 
as  thofe  in  the  edition  of  161 9.  "  Seconde  Partie,"  310 
pages.  One  large  general  map ;  table  explanatory  of  map, 
8  pages.  "  Traitte  de  la  Marine,"  54  pages.  2  plates. 
"  Dodtrine  Chreft'enne "  and  "  L'Oraifon  Dominicale,"  20 
pages.  Another  copy  gives  the  name  of  Seveftre  as  pub- 
liflier,  and  another  that  of  Pierre  Le-Mvr. 

The  publication  of  1632  is  ftated  by  Laverdiere  to  have 
been  reiffued  in  1640,  with  a  new  title  and  date,  but  without 

28  further 


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2 1 8        Preface  to  the  Translation. 

further  ■^hanges.  This,  however,  is  not  found  in  the  National 
Library  at  Paris,  which  contains  all  the  other  editions  and 
iffues.  The  copies  of  the  edition  of  1632  which  we  liavc 
confulted  are  in  the  Harvard  College  Library  and  in  the 
Bofton  Athenaeum. 

It  is  of  importance  to  refer,  as  we  have  done,  to  the  partic- 
ular copy  ufed,  for  it  appears  to  have  been  the  cuftom  in 
the  cafe  of  books  printed  as  early  as  the  above,  to  keep  the 
type  (landing,  and  print  iffues  at  intervals,  fometimes  with- 
out any  change  in  the  title-page  or  date,  and  yet  with  alter- 
ations to  fome  extent  in  the  text.  For  inllance,  the  copy  of 
the  publication  of  161 3  in  the  Harvard  College  Library 
differs  from  that  in  Mrs.  Brown's  Library,  at  Providence,  in 
minor  points,  and  particularly  in  reference  to  fome  changes 
in  the  fmall  map.  The  fame  is  true  of  the  publication  of 
1603.  The  variations  are  probably  in  part  owing  to  the 
lack  of  uniformity  in  fpelling  at  that  period. 

None  of  Champlain's  works  had  been  reprinted  until  1830, 
when  there  appeared,  in  two  volumes,  a  reprint  of  the  publi- 
cation of  1632,  "at  the  expenfe  of  the  government,  in  order 
to  give  work  to  printers."  Since  then  there  has  been  pub- 
liflied.  the  elaborate  work,  with  extenfive  annotations,  of  the 
Abbe  Laverdierc,  as  follows :  — 

CEUVRES  DE  ClIAMPLAIN,    PUBLIEES    SOUS    LE    PATRONAGE   DE 

l'universite  Laval.  Par  l'Abbe  C.  H.  Laverdiere,  M.  A. 
Seconde  Edition.  6  tomes.  4T0.  Quebec:  imprime  au 
Seminaire  par  Geo.  E.  Desbarats.     1870. 

This  contains  all  the  works  of  Champlain  above  mentioned, 
and  the  text  is  a  faithful  reprint  from  the  early  Paris  edi- 
tions.   It  includes,  in  addition  to  this,  Champlain's  narrative 

of 


Preface  to  the  Translation,        219 

of  his  voyage  to  the  Weft  Indies,  in  1598,  of  which  the  fol- 
lowing is  the  title  :  — 

Brief  Difcovrs  dcs  c/io/vs  plvs  remarqvahlcs  <jve  Sammvel 
Champlain  de  Brovaoc  a  reconnciics  aux  Indcs  Occidetitallcs 
au  voiagc  qiiil  en  a  faicl  en  icellcs  en  fanuee  mil  if  tuj.".  xix. 
&  en  fannee  mil  vf.j.  comme  enfuit. 

This  had  never  before  been  publilhed  in  French,  al- 
though a  tranflation  of  it  had  been  ilTued  by  the  Hakluyt 
Society  in  1859.  The  MS.  is  the  only  one  of  Champlain's 
known  to  exift,  excepting  a  letter  to  Richelieu,  publillied  by 
Laverdiere  among  the  "  Pieces  Juftificatives."  When  ufed 
by  Laverdiere  it  was  in  the  polTeffion  of  M.  Feret,  of  Dieppe, 
but  has  fince  been  advertifed  for  fale  by  the  Paris  bookfell- 
ers,  Maifonneuve  &  Co.,  at  thr  price  of  i5,ocx)  francs,  and  is 
now  in  the  poffeffion  of  M.  Pinart. 

The  volume  printed  in  1632  has  been  frequently  com- 
pared with  that  of  161 3,  as  if  the  former  were  merely  a 
fecond  edition  of  the  latter.  But  this  conveys  an  erroneous 
idea  of  the  relation  between  the  two.  In  the  firft  place,  the 
volume  of  1632  contains  what  is  not  given  in  any  of  the 
previous  publications  of  Champlain.  That  is,  it  extends  his 
narrative  over  the  period  from  1620  to  1632.  It  likewife 
goes  over  the  fame  ground  that  is  covered  not  only  by  the 
volume  of  161 3,  but  alfo  by  the  other  ftill  later  publications 
of  Champlain,  up  to  1620.  It  includes,  moreover,  a  treatife 
on  navigation.  In  the  fecond  place,  it  is  an  abridgment, 
and  not  a  fecond  edition  in  any  proper  fenfe.  It  omits 
for  the  most  part  perfonal  details  and  defcriptions  of  the 
manners  and  cuftoms  of  the  Indians,  fo  that  very  much  that 
is  effential  to  the  full  comprehenfion  of  Champlain's  work 

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2  20        Preface  to  the  Translation, 


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as  an  obfcrver  and  explorer  is  gone.  Moreover,  there  feems 
to  be  fome  internal  evidence  indicating  that  this  abridgment 
was  not  made  by  Champlain  himlelf,  and  Laverdiere  fug- 
gefts  that  the  work  has  been  tampered  with  by  another 
hand.  Thus,  all  favorable  allulions  to  the  Recollets,  to 
whom  Champlain  was  friendly,  are  modified  or  expunged, 
while  the  Jefuits  are  made  to  appear  in  a  prominent  and  fav- 
orable light.  This  quellion  has  been  fpecially  confidered 
by  Laverdiere  in  his  introduction  to  the  ilTue  of  1632,  to 
which  the  reader  is  referred. 

The  language  uled  by  Champlain  is  effentially  the  claffic 
French  of  the  time  of  Henry  IV.  The  dialedl  or  patois  of 
Saintonge,  his  native  nrovince,  was  probably  underftood  and 
fpoken  by  him  ;  but  we  have  not  difcovered  any  influence  of 
it  in  his  writings,  either  in  refpect  to  idiom  or  vocabulary. 
An  occafional  appearance  at  court,  and  his  conflant  official 
intercourfe  with  public  men  of  prominence  at  Paris  and 
eifewhere,  rendered  neceffary  flrict  attention  to  the  language 
he  ufed. 

But  thouq;h  ufins:  in  sreneral  the  lancjua^e  of  court  and 
literature,  he  offends  not  unfrequently  againfl  tiie  rules  of 
grammar  and  logical  arrangement.  Probably  his  bufy  career 
did  not  allow  him  to  read,  much  lefs  fludy,  at  leaft  in  refer- 
ence to  their  ftyle,  fuch  mafterpieces  of  literature  as  the 
"  Effais  "  of  Montaigne,  the  tranflations  of  Amyot,  or  the 
"  Hifloire  Univerfelle"  of  D'Aubigne.  The  voyages  of  Cartier 
he  undoubtedly  read ;  but,  although  fuperior  in  point  of  lit- 
erary merit  to  Champlain's  writings,  they  were  by  no  means 
without  their  blemifhes,  nor  were  they  worthy  of  being  com- 
pared with  the  claffical  authors  to  which  we  have  alluded.    But 

Champlain's 


Preface  to  the  Translation,        221 

Champlain's  difcourfe  is  fo  flraightforward,  and  the  thought 
fo  fimplc  and  clear,  that  the  meaning  is  feldom  oblcure,  and 
his  occafional  violations  of  grammar  and  loofenefs  of  flyle 
are  quite  pardonable  in  one  whofe  occupations  left  him  little 
time  for  corre6lion  and  revifion.  Indeed,  one  rather  won- 
ders that  the  unpretending  explorer  writes  fo  well.  It  is  the 
thought,  not  the  words,  which  occupies  his  attention.  Some- 
times, after  beginning  a  period  which  runs  on  longer  than 
ufual,  his  intereft  in  what  he  has  to  narrate  feems  fo  com- 
pletely to  occupy  him  that  he  forgets  the  way  in  which  he 
commenced,  and  concludes  in  a  manner  not  in  logical  ac- 
cordance with  the  beginning.  We  fubjoin  a  paffage  or  two 
illuflrative  of  his  inadvertencies  in  refpe(5l  to  language.  They 
are  from  his  narrative  of  the  voyage  of  1603,  and  the  text  of 
the  Paris  edition  is  followed  : 

1.  "  Au  dit  bout  du  lac,  il  y  a  des  peuples  qui  font  caban- 
nez,  puis  on  entre  dans  trois  autres  riuicres,  quelques  trois 
ou  quatre  iournees  das  chacune,  ou  au  bout  defdites  riuicres, 
il  y  a  deux  ou  trois  manieres  de  lacs,  d  ou  prend  la  fource 
du  Saguenay."     Chap.  iv. 

2.  "  Cedit  iour  rengcant  toufiours  ladite  cofte  du  Nort, 
iufques  a  vn  lieu  oil  nous  relachafmes  pour  les  vents  qui 
nous  efloiet  contraires,  ou  il  y  auoit  force  rochers  &  lieux 
fort  dangereux,  nousfeufmes  trois  iours  en  attendant  le  beau 
temps."     Chap.  v. 

3.  "  Ce  feroit  vn  grand  bien  qui  pourroit  trouuer  a  la  cofte 
de  la  Floride  quelque  paffage  qui  allaft  donner  proche  du 
fufdit  grand  lac."     Chap.  x. 

4.  "  lefquelles  [riuicres]  vont  dans  les  terres,  ou  le  pays  y 
eft  tref-bon  &  fertille,  &  de  fort  bons  ports."     Chap.  x. 


ii' 


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222        Preface  to  the  Translation, 

5.  "  II  y  a  aufli  vne  autre  petite  riuiere  qui  va  tomber  comme 
^  moitie  chemin  de  celle  par  ou  reuint  ledi(5t  fieur  Preuert, 
ou  font  comme  deux  manieres  de  lacs  en  cefle-di6te  riuiere." 
Chap.  xii. 

The  following  paffages  are  taken  at  random  from  the  voy- 
ages of  1604-10,  as  illuftrative  of  Champlain's  ftyle  in  gen- 
eral: 

1.  Explorations  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  Voyage  of  1604-8. 
"  De  la  riuiere  fain6l  lean  nous  fufmes  a  quatre  ifles,  en 

I'vne  defquelles  nous  mifmes  pied  a  terre,  &  y  trouuafmes 
grande  quantite  d'oifeaux  appellez  Margos,  dont  nous  prifmes 
force  petits,  qui  font  auffi  bons  que  pigeonneaux.  Le  fieur 
de  Poitrincourt  f'y  penfa  elgarer:  Mais  en  fin  il  reuint  a 
noftre  barque  comme  nous  I'allions  cerchant  autour  de  ifle, 
qui  efl  efloignee  de  la  terre  ferme  trois  lieues."     Chap.  iii. 

2.  Explorations  in  the  Vineyard  Sound.  Voyage  of  1604-8. 
"  Coiiime  nous  eufmes  fait  quelques  fix  ou  fept  lieues  nous 

eufmes  cognoiffance  d'vne  ifie  que  nous  nommafmes  la  foup- 
9onneufe,  pour  auoir  eu  plufieurs  fois  croyance  de  loing  que 
ce  fut  autre  chofe  qu'vne  ifle,  puis  le  vent  nous  vint  con- 
traire,  qui  nous  fit  relafcher  au  lieu  d'ou  nous  eftions  partis, 
auquel  nous  fufmes  deux  on  trois  jours  fans  que  durant  ce 
temps  il  vint  aucii  fauuage  fe  prefenter  a  nous."     Chap.  xv. 

3.  Fight  with  the  Indians  on  the  Richelieu.  Voyage  of 
1 6 10. 

"  Les  Yroquois  f'eftonnoient  du  bruit  de  nos  arquebufes, 
&  principalemet  de  ce  que  les  balles  perfoient  mieux  que 
leurs  flefches ;  &  eurent  tellement  Vefpouuate  de  I'effet 
qu'elles  faifoient,  voyat  plufieurs  de  leurs  copaignons 
tombez  morts,  &  bleffez,  que  de  crainte  qu'ils  auoient,  croy- 

ans 


Preface  to  the  Translation,        223 

ans  ces  coups  eflre  fans  remede  ils  fe  icttoient  par  terre, 
quand  ils  entendoient  le  bruit:  auffi  ne  tirions  gueres  a 
faute,  &  deux  ou  trois  balles  a  chacuii  coup,  &  auios  la 
plufpart  du  temps  nos  arquebufes  appuyees  fur  le  bord  de 
leur  barricade."     Chap.  ii. 

The  following  words,  found  in  the  writings  of  Champlain, 
are  to  be  noted  as  ufed  by  him  in  a  fenfe  different  from  the 
ordinary  one,  or  as  not  found  in  the  didionaries.  They 
occur  in  the  voyages  of  1603  and  1604-11.  The  numbers 
refer  to  the  continuous  pagination  in  the  Quebec  edition  : 

appoil,  159.     A  fpecies  of  duck.  (?) 

catalougue,  266.  A  cloth  ufed  for  wrapping  up  a  dead 
body.     Cf.  Spanifh  catalogo. 

deferter,  2\\,et  pajffim.  In  the  fenfe  of  to  clear  up  a  new 
country  by  removing  the  trees,  &c. 

efplan,  166.     A  fmall  fifli,  like  the  equille  of  Normandy. 

ejlaire,  250.     A  kind  of  mat.     Cf.  Spanifh  ejlera. 

fleurir,  247.     To  break  or  foam,  fpoken  of  the  waves  of 
the  fea. 

legueux,  190.     Watery.  (?)     Or  for  ligneux,  fibrous.  (?) 

marmette,  159.     A  kind  of  fea-bird. 

Matachias,  75,  et pajjim.  Indian  word  for  firings  of  beads, 
ufed  to  ornament  the  perfon. 

papefi,  381.     Name  of  one  of  the  fails  of  a  veffel. 

petunoir,  79.     Pipe  for  fmoking. 

Pilotua,  ^2,  ei  paj/im.      Word   ufed  by  the   Indians  for 
foothfayer  or  medicine-man. 
fouler,  252.     In  fenfe  of,  to  be  wont,  accuflomed. 

truittere,  264.     Trout-brook. 

The  firfl  and  main  aim  of  the  tranflator  has  been  to  give 

the 


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2  24        Preface  to  the  Translation. 


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the  ex2.6i  fenfe  of  the  original,  and  he  has  endeavored  alfo  to 
reproduce  as  far  as  poffible  the  fpirit  and  tone  of  Champlain's 
narrative.  The  important  requifite  in  a  tranflation,  that  it 
fhould  be  pure  and  idiomatic  Englifli,  without  any  transfer 
of  the  mode  of  expreffion  peculiar  to  the  foreign  language, 
has  not,  it  is  hoped,  been  violated,  at  leafl  to  any  great  ex- 
tent. If,  perchance,  a  French  term  or  ufage  has  been  tranf- 
ferred  to  the  tranflation,  it  is  becaufe  it  has  fcemed  that  the 
fenfe  or  fpirit  would  be  better  conveyed  in  this  way.  At 
beft,  a  tranflation  comes  fliort  of  the  original,  and  it  is  per- 
haps pardonable  at  times  to  admit  a  foreign  term,  if  by  this 
means  the  fenfe  or  ftyle  feems  to  be  better  preferved.  It  is 
hoped  hat  the  prefent  work  has  been  done  fo  as  to  fatisfy 
the  demands  of  the  hiflorian,  who  may  find  it  convenient  to 
ufe  it  in  his  invefligations. 


t! 


c.  p.  o. 


Boston,  June  17,  1880. 


I'  :i 


ij  i 


it 


THE    SAVAGES 

OR   VOYAGE   OF 

SAMUEL    DE    CHAMPLAIN 

OF   BROUAGE, 
Made  in  New  France  in  the  year  1603. 


if    * 


DESCKIRING, 

The  customs,  mode  of  life,  marriages,  wars,  and  dwellings  of  the 
Savages  of  Canada.  Discoveries  for  more  than  four  hundred  and 
fifty  leagues  in  the  country.  The  tribes,  animals,  rivers,  lakes, 
islands,  lands,  trees,  and  fruits  found  there.  Discoveries  on  the 
coast  of  La  Cadie,  and  numerous  mines  existing  there  according 
to  the  report  of  the  Savages. 


,'f 


PARIS. 

Claude  de  Monstr'ceil,  having  his  store  in  the  Court  of  the  Palace, 
under  the  name  of  Jesus. 

IV/r/I  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  KING. 


I' 


■h 


1 1 


DEDICATION. 

To  the  very  noble,  high  and  powerful  Lord 
Charles  De  Montmorency,  Chevalier  of  the 
Orders  of  the  King,  Lord  of  Ampuille  and  of 
Meru,  Count  of  Secondigny,  Viscount  of  Melun, 
Baron  of  Chateauneuf  and  of  Gonnort,  Admiral 
of  France  and  of  Brittany. 

My  Lord^ 

Although  many  have  written  about  the  co^mtry  of 
Canada,  I  have  nevertheless  been  unwilling  to  rest  satisfied 
with  their  report,  and  have  visited  these  regions  expressly  in 
order  to  be  able  to  render  a  faithful  testimony  to  the  truth, 
which  you  will  see,  if  it  be  your  pleasure,  in  the  brief  nar- 
rative which  I  address  to  you,  and  which  I  beg  you  may  fi^id 
agreeable,  and  I  pray  God  for  your  ever  increasing  great- 
ness and  prosperity,  my  Lord,  and  shall  remain  all  my  life. 

Your  most  humble 

and  obedient  servant, 

S.   CHAMP  LAIN. 


it 


^\^il  ijlj 


!?!■ 


I  ; 


Mi 


71 


1  !? 


i 


EXTRACT   FROM  THE  LICENSE. 


|Y  Hcenfe  of  the  King,  given  at  Paris  on  the  1 5th 
of  November,  1603,  figned  Brigard. 

Permiffion  is  given  to  Sieur  de  Chaniplain  to 
have  printed  by  fuch  printer  as  may  feem  good 
to  him,  a  book  which  he  has  compofed,  entitled, 
"  The  Savages,  or  Voyage  of  Sieur  de  Champlain,  made  in 
the  Year  1603;"  and  all  book-fellers  and  printers  of  this 
kingdom  are  forbidden  to  print,  fell,  or  diftribute  faid  book, 
except  with  the  confent  of  him  whom  he  fhall  name  and 
choofe,  on  penalty  of  a  fine  of  fifty  crowns,  of  confifcation, 
and  all  expenfes,  as  is  more  fully  ftated  in  trie  Hcenfe. 

Said  Sieur  de  Champlain,  in  accordance  with  his  Hcenfe, 
has  chofen  and  given  permiffion  to  Claude  de  Monflr'oeil, 
book-feller  to  the  Univerfity  of  Paris,  to  print  faid  book,  and 
he  has  ceded  and  transferred  to  him  his  Hcenfe,  fo  that  no 
other  perfon  can  print  or  have  printed,  fell,  or  diftribute  it, 
during  the  time  ot  five  years  except  with  the  confent  of  faid 
Monftr'oeil,  on  the  penalties  contained  in  the  faid  Hcenfe. 


1 


'  li  s 


II 


t 


I, 


it  ■'■ 


si-' 


I'l     ! 


THE     SAVAGES, 


OR 


VOYAGE    OF     SIEUR    DE    CHAMPLAIN 

MADE   IN  THE   YEAR    1603. 


CHAPTER   I. 

Brief  Narrative  of  the  Voyage  from  Honfleur  in  Normandy  to 
THE  Port  of  Tadoussac  in  Canada. 

E  fet  out  from  Honfleur  on  the  15th  of  March, 
1603.  On  the  fame  day  we  put  back  to  the 
roadftead  of  Havre  de  Grace,  the  wind  not  being 
favorable.  On  Sunday  following,  the  i6th,  we 
fet  fail  on  our  route.  On  the  17th,  we  fightcd 
d'Orgny  and  Grenefey,"'  iflands  between  the  coafl  of  Nor- 
mandy and  England.  On  the  1 8th  of  the  fame  month,  we  faw 
the  coafl:  of  Brittany  On  the  19th,  at  7  o'clock  in  the  evening 
we  reckoned  that  we  were  off  Oueffant.'"  On  the  2ifl:,  at 
7  o'clock  in  the  morning,  we  met  feven  Flemifli  veffels,  com- 
ing, 

**^  Alderney  and  Guernfey.  French  122  y^g  iflanrls  lying  off  Finifl6re,  on 
maps  at  the  prefent  day  for  Alderney  the  weftern  extremity  of  Brittany  in 
have  d'Aurigny.  France. 


'>: 


mm 


232 


Voyages  of 


I     i 


ing,  as  we  thought,  from  the  Indies.  On  Eafter  clay,  the 
30th  of  the  fame  month,  we  encountered  a  great  tempeft, 
which  feemed  to  be  more  lij^htning  than  wind,  and  which 
lafled  for  feventeen  days,  though  not  continuing  fo  fevere  as 
it  was  on  the  firft  two  days.  During  tliis  time,  we  lofl:  more 
than  we  gained.  On  the  i6th  of  April,  to  the  delight  of 
all,  the  weather  began  to  be  more  favorable,  and  the  fea 
calmer  than  it  had  been,  fo  that  we  continued  our  courfe 
until  the  28th,  when  we  fell  in  with  a  very  lofty  iceberg. 
The  next  day  wc  fightcd  a  bank  of  ice  more  than  eight 
leagues  long,  accompanied  by  an  infinite  number  of  fmaller 
banks,  which  prevented  us  from  going  on.  In  the  opinion 
of  the  pilot,  thefe  malTes  of  ice  were  about  a  hundred  or  a 
hundred  and  twenty  leagues  from  Canada.  We  were  in 
latitude  45°  40',  and  continued  our  courfe  in  44^ 

On  the  2nd  of  May  we  reached  the  Bank  at  1 1  o'clock  in 
the  forenoon,  in  44°  40'.  On  the  6th  of  the  fame  month  we 
had  approached  fo  near  to  land  that  we  heard  the  fea  beating 
on  the  fliore,  which,  however,  we  could  not  fee  on  account  of 
the  denfe  fog,  to  which  thefe  coaf.-  are  fubjedl."^  For  this 
reafon  we  put  out  to  fea  again  a  few  leagues,  until  the  next 
morning,  when  the  weather  being  clear,  we  fighted  land, 
which  was  Cape  St.  Mary.'^^ 

On  the  12th  we  were  overtaken  by  a  fevere  gale,  lafting 
two  days.  On  the  15th  we  fighted  the  iflands  of  St.  Peter."* 
On  the  17th  we  fell  in  with  an  ice-bank  near  Cape  Ray,  fix 
leagues  in  length,  which  led  us  to  lower  fail  for  the  entire  night 

that 

128  The  fhore  which  they  approached        '^'^*  In  Placentia  Bay,  on  the  fouthern 
was  probably  Cape  Pine,  eafl  of  Placen-    coaft  of  Newfoundland. 
tia  Bay,  Newfoundland.  ^'^  Weft  of  Placentia  Bay. 


Sieuy  dc  Chaviplain. 


'^l}^ 


that  we  might  avoid  the  danger  to  which  we  were  expofed.  On 
the  next  day  we  fet  fail  and  fighted  Cape  Ray,""  the  iilands  of 
St.  Paul,  and  Cape  St.  Lawrence."'  The  hitt'r  is  on  the  main- 
land lying  to  the  fouth,  and  the  dillance  from  it  to  Cape  Ray 
is  eighteen  leagues,  that  being  the  breadth  of  the  entrance  It) 
the  great  bay  of  Canada.'-**  On  the  fame  day,  about  ten 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  we  fell  in  with  another  bank  of  ice, 
more  than  eight  leagues  in  length.  On  the  20th,  we  fighted 
an  illand  fomc  twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues  long,  called  An- 
ticojly,'^'^  which  marks  the  entrance  to  the  river  of  Canada. 
The  P'wt  day,  we  fighted  Gafpe,""  a  very  high  land,  and  be- 
gan 


1*"  Cape  Ray  is  northweft  of  the 
iflands  of  St.  Peter. 

'-''  Cape  St.  Lawrence,  now  called 
Cape  Norlli,  is  the  northern  e,\tremity 
of  the  idand  of  Cape  Breton,  and  the 
ifland  of  St.  Paul  is  a  few  miles  north 
of  it. 

^-8  The  Gulf  or  Bay  of  St.  Lawrence. 
It  was  fo  named  by  Jacques  Cartier  on 
his  fecond  voyage,  in  1535.  Nous  nom- 
mafmes  ladicte  baye  la  Saincl  Laurens. 
Brief  Red t.  1545,  D'Ave/.ac  ed.  ]).  8. 
The  norlhv  iltern  part  of  it  is  called  on 
De  Laet's  map,  "Grand  Baye." 

129  u  'Phis  idand  is  about  one  hundred 
and  forty  miles  long,  thirty-five  miles 
broad  in  its  widefl  part,  w'th  an  average 
breadth  of  twenty-feven  and  one-half 
miles." — Le  Maine's  Clironicles  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  p.  100.  It  was  named 
by  Cartier  in  1535,  the  Illand  of  tiie 
AfTumption,  having  been  difcovered  on 
the  15th  of  Auguft,  the  feflival  of  the 
AlRimption.  Nous  auons  nommes 
I'ylle  de  rAfTumption.  —  Brief  Recit, 
1545,  D'Avezac's  ed.  p.  9.  Alfonfe,  in  his 
report  of  his  voyage  of  1542,  calls  it  the 
Ifle  de  rAfcenfion.  probably  by  millake. 
'•The  Ifle  of  Afcenfion  is  a  goodly  ifle 
and  a  goodly  champion   land,  without 


30 


any  hills,  flanding  all  vpon  white  rocks 
and  Alaballer,  all  couered  with  wild 
beads,  as  bears,  Luferns,  I'orkefpicks." 
Ilakluyt,  Vol.  1 1 1,  p.  292.  Of  this  ifland 
De  Laet  fays,  "  Kile  ed  nommce  en  Ian- 
gage  dcs  Sauuages  Nutifotccy--HiJl. 
(in  ,\oiri'Ciiu  Mouiie,  a  Leydc,  1640.  |). 
42.  I'idcalfo  W'yefs  Voyai^exxi  Hakluyt, 
Vol.  II 1.  p.  241.  Lavertiiere  fays  the 
iMontagnais  now  call  it  Natnfcoitclt, 
wiiich  fignities,  w/tere  the  bear  is  caitt^ht. 
He  cites  Thevet,  who  fays  it  is  called 
by  the  favages  Aaticonfli,  by  others  de 
I.aifplc.  The  ufe  of  the  n.ime  Anticody 
by  Champlain.  now  fpelled  Anticodi, 
would  imply  that  its  corruption  from  the 
original,  Xatifotec,  took  place  at  a  very 
early  date.  Or  it  is  poffible  that  Cham- 
plain  wrote  it  as  he  heard  it  pronounced 
by  the  natives,  and  his  orthograpliy 
may  belt  reprefent  the  original. 

'"*'  Gachepc,  fo  written  in  the  text, 
fubfequcntly  written  by  the  author  Gaf- 
pcv,  but  now  generally  (iafpd.  It  is 
fuppofed  to  have  lieen  derived  from  the 
Abna(|uis  word  A'atfpi zr^i,  whicli  means 
what  is  feparated  from  tlie  rell,  anrl  to 
have  reference  to  a  remarkable  rock, 
three  miles  above  Cape  (iafpd,  feparated 
from  the  fliore  by  the  violence  of  the 

waves. 


1! 


F 


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«!,! 

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234 


Voyages  of 


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iis 


gan  to  enter  the  river  of  Canada,  coafling  along  the  fouth 
side  as  far  as  Montanne,'^'  diftant  fixty-five  leagues  from 
Gafpe.  Proceeding  on  our  courfe,  we  came  in  fight  of  the 
Bic,'^^  twenty  leagues  tiom  Mantanne  and  on  the  fouthcrn 
fliore ;  continuing  farther,  we  croffed  the  river  to  Tadouffac, 
fifteen  leagues  from  the  Bic.  All  this  region  is  very  high, 
barren,  and  unprodu6live. 

On  the  24th  of  the  month,  we  came  to  anchor  before  Ta- 
douffac,'^^ and  on  the  26th  entered  this  port,  which  has 
tlie  form  of  a  cove.  It  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Saguenay, 
where  there  is  a  current  and  tide  of  remarkable  fwiftnefs 
and  a  great  depth  of  water,  and  where  there  are  fometimes 
troublefome  winds,'^^  in  confequence  of  the  cold  they  bring. 
It  is  flated  that  it  is  fome  forty-five  or  fifty  leagues  up  to 
the  finl  fall  in  this  river,  and  that  it  flows  from  the  northwefl;. 
'1  iic  harbor  of  Tadouflc*c  is  fmall,  in  which  only  ten  or  twelve 

veffels 


waves,  the  incident  from  which  it  takes 
its  name.  —  Vide  Voyai^csdi:  Chaiiiplain, 
ed.  1632,  p.  91  ;  Chronicles  of  the  St, 
Lawrence,  by  J.  M.  Le  Moine,  p.  9. 

131  ^  nver  flowinci;  into  the  St.  Law- 
rence from  the  fouth  in  'latitude  48°52' 
and  in  longitude  weft  from  Greenwich 
67°32',  now  l<nown  as  the  iMatane. 

132  For  Bic,  Champlain  has  /VV,  which 
is  probaljly  a  typograpliical  error.  It 
feems  proliable  that  Bic  is  derived  from 
the  French  word  bicoqne,  wliich  means 
a  place  of  iniall  conlideration,  a  little 
paltry  town.  Near  the  fite  of  the  an- 
cient Bic,  we  now  have,  on  modern  maps, 
Picoqne  Rocks,  Bicquette  Light,  Bic 
Ifland,  Bic  Channel,  and  Bic  Anchor- 
age. As  fuggefted  by  Laverdiere,  this 
appears  to  be  the  identical  harbor  en- 
tered l?y  Jacques  Cartier,  in  1535,  who 
named  it  the  Kles  of  Saint  John,  ht- 
caufe  he  entered  it  on  the  day  of  the 


beheading  of  St.  John,  which  was  the 
29tli  of  Augull.  Nous  les  nommafmes 
les  Ydeaux  faintl;  Jelian,  parce  que  no'  s 
y  entrafmes  le  iourde  la  decollation  ilu- 
dift  saift.  Brief  Rthit,  1545,  D'Ave- 
z^ic's  ed.  p.  II.  Le  Jeune  fpeaks  of  tl.e 
Ijle  dii  Bic  in  1635,  Vide  Relation  dts 
Jefuites,  p.  19. 

^'^^  TadoiiJ/tic,  or  Tadoiichac,  is  di  rived 
from  the  word  /otouchac,  which  in  Alon- 
tagnais  means  breafls,  and  Saguenay 
fignifies  water  which  fprine^s  forth, 
from  the  Montagnais  word  faki-nip. 
—  Vide  Laverdiere  in  loco.  Tadouflac, 
or  the  breafls  from  which  water  fprings 
forth,  is  naturally  fuggefted  by  the 
rocky  elevations  at  the  bafe  of  which 
the  .Saguenay  flows. 

IS*  iinpetiieiix,  plainly  intended  to 
mean  troublefome,  as  may  be  feen  from 
the  context. 


i  I 


Sieur  de  Ckcunplain. 


23S 


% 


Ta- 

has 


veffels  could  lie ;  but  there  is  water  enough  on  the  eaft,  lliel- 
tered  from  the  river  Saguenay,  and  along  a  little  mountain, 
which  is  almofh  cut  off  by  the  river.  On  the  Ihore  there  are 
very  high  mountains,  on  which  there  is  little  earth,  but 
only  rocks  and  fand,  which  are  covered  with  pine,  cyprefs 
and  fir,'"  and  a  fniallilh  fpecies  of  trees.  There  is  a  fmall 
pond  near  the  harbor,  enclofed  by  wood-covered  mountains. 
At  the  entrance  to  the  harbor,  there  are  two  points :  the 
one  on  the  weft  fide  extendino^  a  league  out  into  the  river, 
and  called  St.  Matthew's  Point; '5^'  the  other  on  the  fouthcaft 
fide  extending  out  a  quarter  of  a  league,  and  called  Ail- 
Devils'  Point.  This  harbor  is  expofed  to  the  winds  from 
the  fouth,  foutheaft,  and  fouth-fouthwefl.  The  diflance  from 
St.  Matthew's  Point  to  All-Devils'  Point  is  nearly  a  league ; 
both  points  are  dry  at  low  tide.  CHAPTFR   II 


^^'^  Vine, pins.  The  white  pine, /V//«j 
Jtrohus,  or  Strobus  A  i/ien'canns^  grows 
as  far  north  as  Newfoundlancl,  and  as 
far  fouth  as  Georijia.  It  was  ohferved 
by  Captain  George  Weymoutii  on  the 
Kenneiiec,  and  hence  deals  afterward 
imported  into  En<:i;land  were  called  IVty- 
7/iouth  pi)ie.  —  Vide  Clironological  Hif- 
tory  of  Plants,  by  Charles  Pickering, 
M.'lJ..  Bolton,  1879,  p.  809.  This  is 
probably  tlie  fpecies  here  referred  to  by 
Champlain.  Cyprefs,  C//;vj.  This  was 
probably  the  American  arlxir  vit;e.  I'luija 
occidentalism  a  fpecies  whicli.  according 
to  the  Abbd  Laverdiore.  is  found  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Saguenay.  Ch.im- 
plain  employed  the  fame  word  to  delig- 
nate  the  American  favin,  or  red  cedar. 
Juniper  us  Vir^itnana,  which  he  found 
on  Cape  Cod!—  Vide  Vol.  II.  p.  82. 
Note  168. 

¥\r,  fapins.  The  fir  may  have  been 
the  white  fpruce,  Abies  alba,  or  tlie 
black  fpruce,  Abies  nigra,  or  the  balfam 
fir  or  Canada  balfam,  Abies  bal/amea. 


or  yet  the  hemlock  fpruce,  Abies  Cana- 
dcn/is. 

'^'■'  St.  Mattheid's  Point,  now  known 
as  Point  aux  Allouettes,  or  Lark  Point. 
—  Vide  Vol.  II.  p  165,  note  292.  .///- 
Devils''  Points  now  called  Pointe  anx- 
Vackes.  Both  of  ihefe  points  had 
changed  their  names  l)cfore  the  publica- 
tion of  Cliami)lain's  ed..  1O32. —  Vide 
p.  in;  of  that  edition.  Tlie  kill  mcn- 
tioneil  was  called  by  Champl.tin,  in  l(^^^, 
pointe  aux  loclies,  Laverdiere  thinks 
/vches  was  a  tyj^ographical  error,  as 
Sagard,  about  the  fame  time,  writes 
7>ac/ies.  —  Vide  Sdi^ard.  Hijloire  dii 
Canada,  1636.  Strofs.  ed..  Vol.  I.  j).  150. 

We  naturally  a(k  wiiy  it  was  called 
pointe  aux  vaches.  or  jjoint  of  cows. 
An  old  French  apothegm  vp^Mli^  Pe d/able 
e/l  aux  Taclics.  the  devil  is  in  the  cows, 
for  whirji  in  Knglifli  we  fay,  "the  devil 
is  to  pay.''  M.iy  not  this  proverb  have 
fuggelted  vaciies  as  a  '"^Monyme  of  dia- 
hles  / 


1 1 ; 


11 


'■» 


'I, 


M: 


I 


236 


Voyages  of 


ijfi  1*1 


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■;■  \ 


CHAPTER   II. 

Favorable  Reception  given  to  the  French  hy  the  Grand  Sagamore  of 
THE  Savages  of  Canada.  —  The  Banquets  and  Dances  of  the  latter. 
—  Their  War  with  the  Iroquois.  —  The  Material  of  which  their 
Canoes  and  Cabins  are  made,  and  their  Mode  of  Construction.  — 
Including  also  a  Description  of  St.  Matthew's  Point. 

N  the  27th,  we  went  to  vifit  the  favages  at  St. 
Matthew's  point,  diftant  a  league  from  Tadouf- 
fac,  accompanied  by  the  two  favages  whom 
Sieur  du  Pont  Grave  took  to  make  a  report 
of  what  they  had  feen  in  France,  and  of  the 
friendly  reception  the  king  had  given  them.  Having  landed, 
we  proceeded  to  the  cabin  of  their  grand  Sagamore'"  named 
Anadabijou,  whom  we  found  with  fome  eighty  or  a  hundred 
of  his  companions  celebrating  a  tabagie,  that  is  a  banquet. 
He  received  us  very  cordially,  and  according  to  the  cuftom 
of  his  country,  feating  us  near  himfelf,  with  all  the  favages 
arranged  in  rows  on  both  fides  of  the  cabin.  One  of 
the  favases  whom  we  had  taken  with  us  beofan  to  make 
an  addrefs,  fpeaking  of  the  cordial  reception  the  king  had 
given  them,  and  the  good  treatment  they  had  received  in 
France,  and  faying  they  were  affured  that  his  Majefly  was 
favorably  difpofed  towards  them,  and  was  defirous  of  peo- 
pling their  country,  and  of  making  peace  with  their  enemies, 
the  Iroquois,  or  of  fending  forces  to  conquer  them.  He  alfo 
told  them  of  the  handfome  manors,  palaces,  and  houfes  they 

had 

"^^  Sagamo,  thus  written  in  the  Moritao;nais  language,  is  derived  iVom 
French.  According  to  Lafl^che,  as  tc/ii.  great,  and  okimau,  chief,  and 
cited  by  Laverdi^re,  this  word,  in  the     confequently  fi^jnifies  the  Great  Chief. 


rsas7~nv«iggaa 


Sieur  de  Champlain. 


237 


had  feen,  and  of  the  inhabitants  and  our  mode  of  living.  He 
was  liflened  to  with  the  greatefl  poffible  filence.  Now,  after 
he  had  finiilied  his  addrefs,  the  grand  Sagamore,  Anadabijou, 
who  had  liflened  to  it  attentively,  proceeded  to  take  fome 
tobacco,  and  give  it  to  Sieur  du  Pont  Grave  of  St.  Malo, 
myfelf,  and  fome  other  S-xgamores,  who  were  near  him. 
After  a  long  fmoke,  he  began  to  make  his  addrefs  to  all, 
fpeaKing  'th  gravity,  flopping  at  times  a  little,  and  then 
refuming  and  faying,  that  they  truly  ought  to  be  very  glad 
in  having  his  Majefly  for  a  great  friend.  They  all  anfwered 
with  one  voice,  Ho,  ho,  ho,  that  is  to  fay  yes,  yes.  He  con- 
tinuing his  addrefs  faid  that  he  fliould  be  very  glad  to  have 
his  Majefty  people  their  land,  and  make  war  upon  their 
enemies;  that  there  was  no  nation  upon  earth  to  which  they 
were  more  kindly  difpofed  than  to  the  French  :  finally  he 
gave  them  all  to  underhand  the  advantage  and  profit  they 
could  receive  from  his  Majcfly.  After  he  had  finiflied  his 
addrefs,  we  went  out  of  his  cabin,  and  they  began  to  cele- 
brate their  tabagie  or  banquet,  at  which  they  have  elk's  meat, 
which  is  fimilar  to  beef,  alfo  that  of  the  bear,  feal  and  beaver, 
thefe  being  their  ordinary  meats,  including  alfo  quantities  of 
fowl.  They  had  ight  or  ten  boilers  full  of  meats,  in  the 
middle  of  this  cabm,  feparated  fome  fix  feet  from  each  other, 
each  one  having  its  own  fire.  They  were  feated  on  both  fides, 
as  I  flated  before,  each  one  having  his  porringer  made  of 
bark.  When  the  meat  is  cooked,  fome  one  difirilnitcs  to 
each  his  portion  in  his  porringer,  when  they  eat  in  a  very 
filthy  manner.  For  when  their  hands  are  covered  with  fat, 
they  rub  them  on  their  heads  or  on  the  hair  of  their  dogs,  of 
which  they  have  large  numbers  for  hunting.     Before  their 

meat 


11 


i 


ml 


.  ■  I,  ^ 


'•'I 


238 


Voyages  of 


V  ' ' 


meat  was  cooked,  one  of  them  arofe,  took  a  dog  and  hopped 
around  thefe  boilers  from  one  end  of  the  cabin  to  the  other. 
Arriving  in  front  of  the  great  Sagamore,  he  threw  his  dog 
violently  to  the  ground,  when  all  with  one  voice  exclaimed, 
Ho,  ho,  ho,  after  which  he  went  back  to  his  place.  Inftantly 
another  arofe  and  did  the  fame,  which  performance  was  con- 
tinued until  the  meat  was  cooked.  Now  after  they  had 
iiniflied  their  tabagic,  they  began  to  dance,  taking  the  heads 
of  their  enemies,  which  were  flung  on  their  backs,  as  a  fign 
of  joy.  One  or  two  of  them  fing,  keeping  time  with  their 
hands,  which  they  flrike  on  their  knees :  fometimes  they 
flop,  exclaiming,  Ho,  ho,  ho,  when  they  begin  dancing  again, 
pufifing  like  a  man  out  of  breath.  They  were  ha\ing  this 
celebration  in  honor  of  the  vi(5lory  they  had  obtained  over 
the  Iroquois,  feveral  hundred  of  whom  they  had  killed,  whofe 
heads  they  had  cut  off  and  had  with  them  to  contribute  to 
the  pomp  of  their  feflivity.  Three  nations  had  engaged  in 
the  war,  the  Etechemins,  Algonquins,  and  Montagnais.'^^ 
Thefe,  to  the  number  of  a  thouf-^nd,  proceeded  to  make  war 
upon  the  Iroquois,  whom  tliey  encountered  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river  of  the  Iroquois,  and  of  whoni  they  killed  a  hundred. 
They  carry  on  war  only  by  furprifmg  their  enemies;  for  they 
would  not  dare  to  do  fo  otherwife,  and  fear  too  much  the 
Iroquois,  Vv-ho  are  more  numerous  than  the  Montagnais, 
Etechemins,  and  Algonquins. 

On 

^^^  The  Etechemins  may  be  faid  in  The  Montasfnais  occupied  the  re':;ion  on 

general  terms  to  have  occupied  the  ter-  both  hdes  of  the  Sajiuennv.  havini,^  their 

ritory  from  St.  John,  N.  B.,  to  Mount  trading  centre  at  Tadoutlac      War  had 

Defert    Ifland.  in   Maine,   and    pcriiaps  been  carried  on  for  a  jjeriod  we  know 

ftill  further  welt,  but  not  fouth  of  Saco.  not  how  long,  perhaps   for  feveral  cen- 

The  Algonquins   here  referred  to  were  turies,  lietween  thefe  allied  tribes  and 

thofe  who  dwelt  on  the  Ottawa  River,  the  Iroquois. 


I    t 


\    '   \ 


'•). 


Sieur  de  Champlain. 


239 


On  the  28th  of  this  month  they  came  and  creeled  cabins  at 
the  harbor  of  TadoulTac,  where  our  veffel  was.  At  daybreak 
their  grand  Sagamore  came  out  from  his  cabin  and  went 
about  all  the  others,  crying  out  to  them  in  a  loud  voice  to 
break  camp  to  go  to  Tadouffac,  wIvm-c  their  good  friends 
were.  Each  one  immediately  took  down  his  cabin  in  an 
incredibly  fliort  time,  and  the  great  captain  was  the  firft  to 
take  his  canoe  and  carry  it  to  the  water,  where  he  embarked 
his  wife  and  children,  and  a  quantity  of  furs.  Thus  were 
launched  nearly  two  hundred  canoes,  which  go  wonderfully 
faft;  for,  although  our  fliallop  was  well  manned,  yet  they  went 
fafter  than  ourfelves.  Two  only  do  the  work  of  propelling 
the  boat,  a  man  and  a  woman.  Their  canoes  are  fome  eight 
or  nine  feet  long,  and  a  foot  or  a  foot  and  a  half  broad  in 
the  middle,  growing  narrower  towards  the  two  ends.  They 
are  very  liable  to  turn  over,  if  one  does  not  underfland  how 
to  manage  them,  for  they  are  made  of  the  bark  of  trees 
called  bouille,'^'^  ftrengthened  on  the  infide  by  little  ribs  of 
wood  ftrongly  and  neatly  made.  They  are  fo  light  that  a 
man  can  eafily  carry  one,  and  each  canoe  can  carry  the 
weight  of  a  pipe.  When  they  wifli  to  go  overland  to  fome 
river  where  they  have  bufinefs,  they  carry  their  canoes  with 
them. 

Their  cabins  are  low  and  made  like  tents,  being  covered 
with  the  fame  kind  of  bark  as  that  before  mentioned.     The 

whole 


189  Bouille  for  bouleau,  the  birch- 
tree.  Betula  papyracea,  popularly 
known  as  the  paper  or  canoe  birch.  It 
is  a  large  tree,  the  bark  white,  and  fplit- 
ting  into  thin  layers.  It  is  commcn  in 
New   England,  and  far  to  the   north. 


The  white  birch,  Betula  allnx,  of  Eu- 
rope and  Northern  Afia,  is  ufed  for 
boat-building  at  the  prclent  day. —  Vide 
Chronological  Hi/tory  of  Plants,  by 
Charles  Pickering,  M.U.,  Bollon,  1879, 
P-  134- 


(I    ;l' 
I 
J 


I 


i 


/ii 


W.  ' 


II V' 


vn 


ur 


Ml  If 


i 


I 


■1 


■; 


»  ! 


!  !    h\\l 


240 


Voyages  of 


whole  top  for  the  fpace  of  about  a  foot  they  leave  uncovered, 
whence  the  light  enters ;  and  they  make  a  number  of  fires 
directly  in  the  middle  of  the  cabin,  in  which  there  are  fome- 
times  ten  families  at  once.  They  fleep  on  fkins,  all  together, 
and  their  dogs  with  them.'^° 

They  were  in  number  a  thoufand  perfons,  men,  women 
and  children.  The  place  at  St.  Matthew's  Point,  where  they 
were  firfl:  encamped,  is  very  pleafant.  They  were  at  the  foot 
of  a  fmall  flope  covered  with  trees,  firs  and  cypreffes.  At 
St.  Matthew's  Point  there  is  a  fmall  level  place,  which  is  feen 
at  a  great  diflance.  On  the  top  of  this  hill  there  is  a  level 
trad;  of  land,  a  league  long,  half  a  league  broad,  covered  with 
trees.  The  foil  is  very  fandy,  and  contains  good  paflurage. 
Elfewhere  there  are  only  rocky  mountains,  which  are  very 
barren.  The  tide  rifes  about  this  flope,  but  at  low  water 
leaves  it  dry  for  a  full  half  league  out. 

CHAPTER   III. 


^:.l>i 


"<•  The  dog  was  the  only  domeftic 
animal  found  among  the  aborigines  of 
this  country.  "The  Auftralians,"  fays 
Dr.  Pickering,  "  appear  to  be  the  only 
confiderable  portion  of  mankind  delli- 
tute  of  the  companionftiip  of  the  dog. 
The  American  tribes,  from  the  Arftic 
Sea  to  Cape  Horn,  had  the  companion- 
Ihip  of  the  dog,  and  certain  remarkable 
breeds  had  been  developed  before  the 
vifit  of  Columbus  (F.  Columbus  25); 
fi.rther,  according  to  Coues,  the  crofs 
between  the  coyote  and  female  dog  is 
regularly  procured  by  our  northweftern 
tribes,  and,  according  to  Gabb,  "  dogs 
one-fourth  coyote  are  pointed  out ;  the 
faft  therefore  feems  eflablilhed  that  the 
coyote    or    American    barking    wolfe, 


Caiiis  latrans,  is  the  dog  in  its  original 
wild  date." — Vide  Chronological Hijlory 
of  Plants,  etc.,  by  Charles  Pickering, 
M.D.,  Bofton,  1879,  p.  20. 

"It  was  believed  by  fome  for  a  length 
of  time  that  the  wild  dog  was  of  recent 
introduflion  to  Aultralia :  this  is  not 
fo." —  Vide  Aborigines  of  Vicloria,  by 
R.Brough  Smyth,  London,  1878,  Vol.  1. 
p,  149.  The  bones  of  the  wild  dog 
have  recently  been  difcovered  In  Auf- 
tralia,  at  a  depth  of  excavation,  and  in 
circumflances,  which  prove  that  his  ex- 
iflenoe  there  antedates  tlie  introduction 
of  any  fpecies  of  the  dog  by  P2uropeans. 
The  AuUralians  appear,  therefore,  to  be 
no  exception  to  the  univerfal  compan- 
ionfhip  of  the  dog  with  man. 


1' 


Sieur  de  Chcwiplain, 


24.1 


CHAPTER     III. 

The  Rejoicings  of  the  Indians  after  obtaining  a  Victory  over  their 
Enemies.  — Their  Disposition,  Endurance  of  Hunger,  and  Malicious- 
ness. —  Their  Beliefs  and  False  Oimnions,  Communication  with  Evil 
Spirits.  —  Their  Garments,  and  how  thev  walk  on  the  Snow. — 
Their  Manner  of  Marriage,  and  the  Inter.ment  of  their  Dead. 

N  the  9th  of  June  the  favagcs  proceeded  to  have 
a  rejoicing  all  together,  and  to  celebrate  their 
tabagie,  which  I  have  before  defcribed,  and  to 
dance,  in  honor  of  their  victory  over  their  ene- 
mies. Now,  after  they  had  feafled  well,  the 
Algonquins,  one  of  the  three  nations,  left  their  cabins  and 
went  by  themfelves  to  a  public  place.  Here  they  arranged 
all  their  wives  and  daughters  by  the  fide  of  each  other,  and 
took  pofition  themfelves  behind  them,  all  finging  in  the 
manner  I  have  defcribed  before.  Suddenly  all  the  wives 
and  daughters  proceeded  to  tlirow  off  their  robes  of  fkins, 
prefenting  themfelves  ftark  naked,  and  expofing  their  fexual 
parts.  But  they  were  adorned  with  mafac/iiais,  that  is  beads 
and  braided  firings,  made  of  porcupine  quills,  which  they  dye 
in  various  colors.  After  finifliing  their  fongs,  they  all  faid 
together.  Ho,  lu,  ho:  at  the  fame  inftant  all  the  wives  and 
daughters  covered  themfelves  with  their  robes,  which  were 
at  their  feet.  Then,  after  flopping  a  fhort  time,  all  fuddenly 
beginning  to  fmg  throw  off  their  robes  as  before.  They  do 
not  ftir  from  their  pofition  while  dancing,  and  make  various 
geftures  and  movements  of  the  body,  lifting  one  foot  and 
then  the  other,  at  the  fame  time  ftriking  upon  the  ground. 
Now,  during  the  performance  of  this  dance,  the  Sagamore 

.31  of 


I 


(i 


I  \ 


■i  ■ 


i::. 


^1-' 


■i-ii'T 


k 


242 


Voyages  of 


l>  |l'>! 


'- 


(i 


'■      !:  I 


.Mi 


il 


of  the  Algonqiiins,  named  Bcfoiiat,  was  featcd  before  thefe 
wives  and  daughters,  between  two  flicks,  on  which  were  hung 
the  heads  of  tlieir  enemies.  Sometimes  he  arofe  and  w^ent 
haranguing,  and  faying  to  the  Montagnais  and  Etechcmins : 
"  Look  !  how  we  rejoice  in  the  victory  that  we  have  obtained 
over  our  enemies ;  you  mufl:  do  the  fame,  fo  that  we  may  be 
fatisfied."  Then  all  faid  together.  Ho,  ho,  ho.  After  return- 
ing to  his  pofition,  the  grand  Sagamore  together  with  all  his 
companions  removed  their  robes,  making  them''^lves  flark 
naked  except  their  fexual  parts,  which  are  covered  with  a 
fmal?  piece  of  fkin.  Each  one  took  what  feemed  good  to 
him,  as  matachiats,  hatchets,  fwords,  kettles,  fat,  elk  flefli, 
feal,  in  a  word  each  one  had  a  prefent,  which  they  proceeded 
to  give  to  the  Algonquins.  After  all  thefe  ceremonies,  the 
dance  ceafed,  and  the  Algonquins,  men  and  women,  carried 
their  prefents  into  their  cabins.  Then  two  of  the  mofl  agile 
men  of  each  nation  v/ere  taken,  w'hom  they  caufed  to  run, 
and  he  who  was  the  faftefi;  in  the  race,  received  a  prefent. 

All  thefe  people  have  a  very  cheerful  difpofition,  laughing 
often ;  yet  at  the  fame  time  they  are  fomewhat  phlegmatic. 
They  talk  very  deliberately,  as  if  defiring  to  make  themfelves 
well  underftood,  and  flopping  fuddenly,  they  refle6l  for  a 
long  time,  when  they  refume  their  difcourfe.  This  is  their 
ufual  manner  at  their  harangues  in  council,  where  only  the 
leading  men,  the  elders,  are  prefent,  the  women  and  children 
not  attending  at  all. 

All  thefe  people  fuffer  fo  much  fometimes  from  hunger, 
on  account  of  the  fevere  cold  and  fnow,  when  the  animals 
and  fowl  on  which  they  live  go  away  to  warmer  countries, 
that  they  are  almofl  conflrained  to  eat  one  another.    I  am  of 

opinion 


1:^    :,  r 


Sieur  de  Champ  la  in. 


243 


opinion  that  if  one  were  to  teach  them  how  to  live,  and  in- 
flru61  them  in  the  cultivation  of  the  foil  and  in  other  re- 
fpeds,  they  would  learn  very  eafily,  for  I  can  teflify  that 
many  of  them  have  good  judgment  and  refpond  very  appro- 
priately to  whatever  queflion  may  be  put  to  them."'*'  They 
have  the  vices  of  taking  revenge  and  of  lying  badly,  and  are 
people  in  whom  it  is  not  well  to  put  much  confidence,  ex- 
cept with  caution  and  with  force  at  hand.  They  promife 
well,  but  keep  their  word  badly. 

Mofl:  of  them  have  no  law,  fo  far  as  I  have  been  able  to 
obferve  or  learn  from  the  great  Sagamore,  who  told  me  that 
they  really  believed  there  was  a  God,  who  created  all  things. 
Whereupon  I  faid  to  him :  that,  "  Since  they  believed  in  one 
fole  God,  how  had  he  placed  them  in  the  world,  and  whence 
was  their  origin."  He  replied :  that,  "  After  God  had  made 
all  things,  he  took  a  large  number  of  arrows,  and  put  them 
in  the  ground ;  whence  fprang  men  and  women,  who  had 
been  multiplying  in  the  worid  up  to  the  prefent  time,  and 
that  this  was  their  origin."  I  anfwered  that  what  he  faid 
was  falfe,  but  that  there  really  was  one  only  God,  who  had 
created  all  things  upon  earth  and  in  the  heavens.  Seeing 
all  thefe  things  fo  perfe6l,  but  that  there  was  no  one  to 
govern  here  on  earth,  he  took  clay  from  the  ground,  out  of 
which  he  created  Adam  our  firft  father.  While  Adam  was 
fleeping,  God  took  a  rib  from  his  fide,  from  which  he  formed 
Eve,  whom  he  gave  to  him  as  a  companion,  and,  I  told  him, 
that  it  was  true  that  they  and  ourfelvcs  had  our  origin  in 
this  manner,  and  not  from  arrows,  as  they  fuppofe.  He  faid 
nothing,  except  that  he  acknowledged  what  I  faid,  rather  than 

what 

"1   Vide  Vol.  II.  of  tills  work,  p.  190. 


I 


l|! 


'h 


J/ 


ii 


■\\ 


M  .. 


% 


m 


m 


u 


■ 


^'•{'u 


jr:*.-Jri^^ 


244 


Voyages  of 


w 


what  he  had  affcrted.  I  afkcd  liim  alfo  if  he  did  not  believe 
that  there  was  more  than  one  only  God.  He  told  me  their 
belief  was  that  there  was  a  God,  a  Son,  a  Mother,  and  the 
Sun,  making  four;  that  God,  however,  was  above  all,  that 
the  Son  and  the  Sun  vv-ere  good,  fmce  they  received  good 
things  from  them ;  but  the  Mother,  he  faid,  was  worthlefs, 
and  ate  them  up;  and  tiie  Father  not  very  good.  I  remon- 
ftrated  with  bim  on  his  error,  and  contrafled  it  with  our 
faith,  in  which  he  put  fome  little  confidence.  I  afked  him 
if  they  had  never  feen  God,  nor  heard  from  their  anceflors 
that  God  had  come  into  the  world.  He  faid  that  they  had 
never  feen  him  ;  but  that  formerly  there  were  five  men  who 
went  towards  the  fetting  fun,  who  met  God,  who  afked 
them  :  "  Where  are  you  going  .?  "  th  anfwered  :  "  We  are 
going  in  fearch  of  our  living."  God  replied  to  them  :  "  You 
will  find  it  here."  They  went  on,  without  paying  attention 
to  what  God  had  faid  to  them,  when  he  took  a  flone  and 
touched  two  of  them  with  it,  whereupon  they  were  changed 
to  ftones ;  and  he  faid  again  to  the  three  others :  "  Where  are 
you  going.?"  They  anfwered  as  before,  and  God  faid  to 
them  again:  "  Go  no  farther,  you  will  find  it  here."  And 
feeing  that  nothing  came  to  them,  they  went  on ;  when  God 
took  two  flicks,  with  which  he  touched  the  two  firll,  where- 
upon they  were  transformed  into  fticks,  when  the  fifth  one 
flopped,  not  wifliing  to  go  farther.  And  God  alked  him 
again  :  "  Where  are  you  going  ?  "  "  I  am  going  in  fearch  of 
my  living."  "  Stay  and  thou  flialt  find  it."  He  ftaid  with- 
out advancing  farther,  and  God  gave  him  fome  meat,  whicli 
he  ate.  After  ni'.king  good  cheer,  he  returned  to  the  other 
favages,  and  rented  to  them  all  the  above. 

He 


0 


Sieitr  de  Champlain, 


245 


He  told  me  alfo  that  another  time  there  was  a  man  who 
had  a  large  quantity  (»f  tobatco  (a  plant  from  which  they 
obtain  what  t'  y  fmoke),  and  that  God  came  to  this  man, 
and  afked  him  where  his  pipe  was.  The  man  took  his  pipe, 
and  gave  it  to  God,  who  fmoked  much.  After  fmoking  to 
his  fatisfadlion,  God  broke  the  pipe  into  many  pieces,  and 
the  man  afked:  "Why  haft  thou  broken  my  jjipc?  thou 
feefl;  in  truth  that  I  have  not  another."  Then  God  took  one 
that  he  had,  and  gave  it  to  him,  faying:  "  Here  is  one  that 
I  will  give  you,  take  it  to  your  great  Sagamore ;  let  him 
keep  it,  and  if  he  keep  it  well,  he  will  not  want  for  any  thing 
whatever,  neitlier  he  nor  all  his  companions."  The  man 
took  the  ^  '.pe,  and  gave  it  to  his  great  Sagamore ;  and  while 
he  kept  it,  the  favages  were  in  want  of  nothing  whatever:  but 
he  faid  that  afterwards  the  grand  Sagamore  loft  this  pipe, 
which  was  the  caufe  of  the  feverc  famines  thev  fometimes 
have.  I  allied  him  if  he  believed  all  that;  he  faid  yes,  and 
that  it  was  the  truth.  Now  I  think  that  this  is  the  reafon 
why  they  fay  that  God  is  not  very  good.  But  I  replied, 
"  that  God  was  in  all  refpefls  good,  and  that  it  was  doubt- 
lefs  the  Devil  who  had  manifefled  himfelf  to  thofe  men,  and 
that  if  they  would  believe  as  we  did  in  God  they  would  not 
want  for  what  they  had  need  of;  that  the  fun  which  they 
faw,  the  moon  and  the  liars,  had  been  created  by  this  great 
God,  who  made  heaven  and  earth,  but  that  they  have  no 
power  except  that  which  God  has  given  them ;  that  we  be- 
lieve in  this  great  God,  who  by  His  goodnefs  had  fent  us 
His  dear  Son  who,  being  conceived  of  tlie  Holy  Spirit,  was 
clothed  with  human  flc(li  in  the  womb  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
lived  thirty  years  on  earth,  doing  an   infinitude  of  miracles, 

raifmg 


I 


i\-. 


M 


I 


'I    If 

;  ■  I'l 


^1 

'III 

w 


!'V 

m 


Ml' 


nil 


(:i  ■  '* 


'  : 


f! 


I 


:i«i' 


i  n 


^i 


M/    !' 


I    ^i 


1 

f 

■  ] 

i! 

■1 

1 

ii 

Ej 

'11- ■ 

kX^' 

246 


Voyages  of 


raifing  the  dead,  healing  the  fiek,  driving  out  devils,  giving 
fight  to  the  blind,  teaching  men  the  will  of  God  his  leather, 
that  they  might  ferve,  honor  and  worlhip  Ilim,  Ihed  his 
blood,  fuffered  and  died  for  us,  and  our  fms,  and  ranfomed 
the  human  race;  that,  being  buried,  he  rofj  again,  defcended 
into  hell,  and  attended  into  heaven,  where  he  is  feated  on 
the  right  hand  of  God  his  Father."  ''■"  i  'told  him  that  this 
was  the  faith  of  all  Chrillians  who  believe  in  the  Father, 
Son,  and  Holy  Spirit ;  that  thele,  nevertheleis,  arc  not  three 
Gods,  but  one  the  lame  and  only  God,  and  a  trinity  in  which 
there  is  no  before  nor  after,  no  greater  nor  fmaller  ;  that  the 
Virgin  Mary,  mother  of  the  Son  of  God,  and  all  the  men  and 
women  who  have  lived  in  this  world  doiuLj  the  commandments 
of  God,  and  enduring  martyrdom  for  his  name,  and  who  by 
the  permiffion  of  God  have  done  miracles,  and  are  faints  in 
heaven  in  his  paradife,  are  all  of  them  praying  this  Great 
Divine  Majefty  to  pardon  us  our  errors  and  fins  which  we 
commit  againfl  His  law  and  commandments.  And  thus,  by 
the  prayers  of  the  faints  in  heaven  and  by  our  own  prayers 
to  his  Divine  Majefty,  He  gives  what  we  have  need  of,  and 
the  devil  has  no  power  over  us  and  can  do  us  no  harm.  I 
told  them  that  if  they  had  this  belief,  they  would  be  like  us, 
and  that  the  devil  could  no  longer  do  them  any  harm,  and 
that  they  would  not  lack  what  they  had  need  of. 

Then  this  Sagamore  replied  to  me  that  he  acknowledged 
what  I  faid.  I  afked  him  what  ceremonies  they  were  accuf- 
tomed  to  in  praying  to  their  God.  He  told  me  that  they  were 
not  accuftomed  to  any  ceremonies,  but  that  each  prayed  in  his 

heart 

^^'^  This  fummary  of  the  Chriili:!!!  faith  is  nearly  in  the  woids  of  the  ApolUes 
Creed. 


Sictir  de  Chavipliuii. 


247 


heart  as  he  dcTircd.  Tliis  is  wliy  I  Ix-licvo  tli.it  tliey  have 
no  law,  not  knowing;  what  it  is  to  worlliip  and  pray  to  Ciod, 
and  living,  the  niofl  of  them,  like  brute  bealls.  lUit  I  think 
that  they  would  fpeedily  become  good  Chrillians,  if  i)eoi)le 
were  to  colonize  their  country,  of  which  moll  of  ihum  were 
dcfirous. 

There  arc  fomc  favages  among  them  whom  they  call  Pilo- 
toua'''^  who  have  jicrfonal  communications  with  the  devil. 
Such  an  one  tells  them  what  they  are  to  do,  not  only  in  re- 
gard to  war,  but  other  things;  and  if  he  (hould  command 
them  to  execute  any  undertaking,  as  to  kill  a  I'^renchman  or 
one  of  their  own  nation,  they  would  obey  his  command  at 
once. 

They  believe,  alfo,  that  all  dreams  which  they  have  are 
real;  and  many  of  them,  indeed,  fay  that  they  have  lecn  in 
dreams  things  which  come  to  pafs  or  will  come  to  pals. 
But,  to  tell  the  truth  in  the  matter,  thefe  arc  vifions  of  the 
devil,  who  deceives  and  mifleads  them.  This  is  all  that 
I  have  been  able  to  learn  from  them  in  regard  to  their  mat- 
ters of  belief,  which  is  of  a  low,  animal  nature. 

All  thefe  people  are  well  proportioned  in  body,  without 
any  deformity,  and  are  alfo  agile.  The  women  are  wcll- 
fhaped,  full  and  plump,  and  of  a  fwarthy  complexion,  on 
account  of  the  large  amount  of  a  certain  pigment  with 
which  they  rub  thcmfelvcs,  and  which  gives  them  an  olive 
color.  They  are  clothed  in  fkins,  one  part  of  their  body 
being  covered  and  the  other  left  uncovered.  In  winter  they 
provide  for  their  whole  body,  for  they  are  dreffed  in  good 
furs,  as  thofe  of  the  elk,  otter,  beaver,  feal,  flag,  and  hind, 

which 

"3  On  Pilotoua  or  Pilotois,  vide  Vol.  II.  note  341. 


(«l 


'{ 


V 


1 


I 


r^W) 


I" 


Kflaai 


248 


l^oyd^es  of 


I'    ''; 


%\    • 


'■ 


•     i  : 


■U  I 


ii ; 


III-:. 


which  they  have  in  large  quantities.  In  winter,  when  the  fnows 
are  heavy,  they  make  a  fort  of  rat/ue/^e,'*'^  two  or  three  times 
as  large  as  thofe  in  France.  Tbefe  they  attach  to  their  feet, 
and  thus  wali^  upon  the  fnow  without  finking  in  ;  for  witliout 
them,  they  could  not  hunt  or  make  their  way  in  many  places. 

Their  manner  of  marriage  is  as  follows :  When  a  girl 
attains  the  age  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  years,  flie  may  have 
feveral  fuitors  and  friends,  and  keep  company  with  fuch  as 
flie  pleafes.  At  the  end  of  fome  five  or  fix  years  flie  may 
clioofe  that  one  to  whom  her  fancy  inclines  as  her  liufband, 
and  they  will  live  together  until  the  end  of  their  life,  unlefs, 
after  living  together  a  certain  period,  they  fail  to  have  chil- 
dren, when  the  hufband  is  at  libertv  to  divorce  himfelf  and 
take  another  wife,  on  the  ground  that  his  own  is  of  no  worth. 
Accordingly,  the  girls  are  more  free  than  the  wives ;  yet  as 
foon  as  they  are  married  they  are  chafle,  and  their  hufbands 
are  for  the  moft  part  jealous,  and  give  prefents  to  the  father 
or  relatives  of  the  girl  whom  they  marry.  This  is  the  man- 
ner of  marriage,  and  condu6l  in  the  fame. 

In  regard  to  their  interments,  when  a  man  or  woman  dies, 

they  make  a  trench,  in  which  they  put  all  their  property,  as 

kettles,  furs,  axes,  bows  and  arrows,  robes,  and  other  things. 

Then  they  put  the  body  in  the   trench,  and  cover  it  with 

earth,  laying  on  top  many  large  pieces  of  wood,  and  eredling- 

over  all   a  piece  of  wood  painted   red   on   the  upper  part. 

They  believe   in  the   immortality  of  the  foul,  and   fay  that 

when  they  die  themfelves,  they  fliall  go  to  rejoice  with  their 

relatives  and  friends  in  other  lands. 

CHAPTER   IV. 

^**  Vne  maniere  de  raqucite.  Tlie  for  flrikin<j  the  ball  in  the  game  of  ten- 
fnow-fhoe,  which  much  refcmbles  the  nis.  This  name  was  given  for  the  want 
racket  or  battledore,  an  inrtrument  ufed    of  one  more  fpecific. 


H 


I 


Sieur  de  Chaviplain. 


249 


CHAPTER    IV. 


ill 


The  River  Saguenay  and  its  Source. 

N  the  nth  of  June,  I  went  fome  twelve  or  fif- 
teen leagues  up  the  Saguenay,  which  is  a  fine 
river,  of  remarkable  depth.  For  I  think,  judg- 
ing from  what  I  have  heard  in  regard  to  its 
fource,  that  it  comes  Jrom  a  very  high  place, 
whence  a  torrent  of  water  defcends  with  great  impetuofity. 
But  the  water  which  proceeds  thence  is  not  capable  of  pro- 
ducing fuch  a  river  as  this,  which,  however,  only  extends 
from  this  torrent,  where  the  firfi:  fall  is,  to  the  harbor  of  Ta- 
douffac,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Saguenay,  a  diftance  of  fome 
forty-five  or  fifty  leagues,  it  being  a  good  league  and  a  half 
broad  at  the  widefl  place,  and  a  quarter  of  a  league  at  the 
narrowefl ;  for  which  reafon  there  is  a  flrong  current.  All 
the  country,  fo  far  as  I  faw  it,  confifted  only  of  rocky  moun- 
tains, moftly  covered  with  fir,  cyprefs,  and  birch ;  a  very  un- 
attradive  region  in  which  I  did  not  find  a  level  tra6l  of  land 
either  on  the  one  fide  or  the  other.  There  are  fome  iflands 
in  the  river,  which  are  high  and  fandy.  In  a  word,  thefe  are 
real  deferts,  uninhabitable  for  animals  or  birds.  For  I  can 
tefl:ify  that  when  I  went  hunting  in  places  which  feemed  to 
me  the  moft  attractive,  I  found  nothing  whatever  but  little 
birds,  like  nightingales  and  fwallows,  which  come  only  in 
fummer,  as  I  think,  on  account  of  the  exceffive  cold  there, 
this  river  coming  from  the  northwefl:. 

They  told  me  that,  after  paffing  the  firft  fall,  whence  this 
torrent  comes,  they  pafs  eight  other  falls,  when  they  go  a  day's 

32  journey 


' ;  ill 


:     f 


I     i 


•i!l- 


1 

if- 


\\ 


t.'. 


,11 


<:('■ 


]\ 


•^^^:^!^immmmmmil^SSiMm:. 


XSk\ 


-^ 


250 


Voyages  of 


journey  without  finding  any ;  then  they  pafs  ten  other  falls 
and  enter  a  lake  "*'  which  it  requires  two  days  to  crofs,  they 
being  able  to  make  eafily  from  twelve  to  fifteen  leagues  a  day. 
At  the  other  e^^tremity  of  the  lake  is  found  a  people  who 
live  in  cabins.  Then  you  enter  three  other  rivers,  up  each 
of  which  the  diflance  is  a  journey  of  fome  three  or  four 
days.  At  the  extremity  of  thefe  rivers  are  two  or  three  bod- 
ies of  water,  like  lakes,  in  which  the  Saguenay  has  its  fource, 
from  which  to  Tadouffac  is  a  journey  of  ten  days  in  their 
canoes.  There  is  a  large  number  of  cabins  on  the  border  of 
thefe  rivers,  occupied  by  other  tribes  which  come  from  the 
north  to  exchange  with  the  Montagnais  their  beaver  and 
marten  fkins  for  articles  of  merchandife,  which  the  French 
veffels  furnifh  to  the  Montagnais.  Thefe  favages  from  the 
north  fay  that  they  live  within  fight  of  a  fea  which  is  fait.  If 
this  is  the  cafe,  I  think  that  it  is  a  gulf  of  that  fea  which  flows 
from  the  north  into  the  interior,  and  in  fa6l  it  cannot  be 
otherwife.'*^     This  is  what  I  have  learned  in  regard  to  the 

River  Saguenay. 

CHAPTER  V. 

"*  This  was  Lake  St.  John.      This  tained  from  the  Indians  a  very  corredl 

defcription  is  given  nearly  verbatim  in  idea  not  only  of  the  exiftence  but  of  the 

Vol.   II.  p.   169. —  Vide  notes  in  the  charafter  of    Hudfon's   Bay,  although 

fame  volume,  294,  295.  that  bay  was  not  difcovered  by  Hudfon 

"^  Chamolain  appears   to  have  ob-  till  about  feven  years  later  than  this. 


8, 


It 


Sieur  de  Champlain. 


251 


CHAPTER    V. 

Departure  from  Tadoussac  for  the  Fall.  —  Description  of  Hare 
Island,  Isle  Du  Coudre.  Isle  D'0rli5ans,  and  several  others.  — 
Our  Arrival  at  Quebec 

N  Wednefday,  the  eighteenth  day  of  June,  we  fet 
out  from  Tadouffac  for  the  Fall.""  We  paffed 
near  an  ifland  c  aed  Hare  Ifland,'^^  about  two 
leagues  from  the  nortliern  flir)re  and  fome  feven 
leagues  from  Tadouffac  and  five  leagues  from 
the  fouthern  fliore.  From  Hare  Illand  we  proceeded 
along  the  northern  coaft  about  half  a  league,  to  a  point  ex- 
tending out  into  the  water,  where  one  muft  keep  out  farther. 
This  point  is  one  league  '^'^  from  an  ifland  called  IJle  ait  Cou- 
dre, about  two  leagues  wide,  the  diflance  from  which  to  the 
northern  fliore  is  a  league.  This  ifland  has  a  pretty  even 
furface,  growing  narrov/cr  towards  the  two  encis.  At  the 
weflern  end  there  are  meadows  and  rocky  points,  which  ex- 
tend out  fome  diflance  into  the  river.  This  ifland  is  very 
pleafant  on  account  of  the  woods  furrounding  it.  It  has  a 
great  deal  of  flate-rock,  and  the  foil  is  very  gravelly  ;  at  its 
extremity  there  is  a  rock  extending  half  a  league  out  into 

the 


^"  Saut  de  St.  Louis,  about  three 
leag;ues  above  Montreal. 

^*8  IJle  an  Lieia-e.  Hare  Ifland,  fo 
named  by  Cartier  from  the  great  num- 
ber of  hares  whicli  he  found  there.  Le 
foir  feufmes  k  ladicte  yfle,  ou  trou- 
uafmes  grand  nobre  de  lieures,  defquelz 
eufmes  quatitd :  &  par  ce  la  nomafmes 
I'yfle  es  lieures.  —  Brief  Recit,  par 
Jacques  Cartier,  1545,  D'Avezac  ed. 
p.  45. 


The  diftances  are  here  overeflimated. 
From  Hare  Kland  to  the  northern  (hore 
the  diilance  is  four  nautical  miles,  and 
to  the  fouthern  fix. 

i'*'*  The  point  nearcfl  to  Hare  Ifland 
is  Cape  Salmon,  which  is  about  flx  geo- 
graphical miles  from  the  I  lie  au  Cou- 
dres,  and  we  fliould  here  correct  tlie 
error  by  reading  not  one  but  two 
leagues.  The  author  did  not  probably 
intend  to  be  exaft. 


•  0 


lit 


!  I  ■  J 


f 


>i 


b  ' 


% 


ft; 


% 


w 


ill 

\i         V 


M  I' 

♦f 


!     I  II 


Rl 


'■I 


1 


I 


ji! 


(-/,       i 


I  in 


Ir 


252 


Voyages  of 


the  water.  W'c  went  to  the  north  of  this  ifland.'^"  which  is 
twelve  leagues  diflant  from  Hare  Ifland. 

On  the  Thurfday  following,  we  fet  out  from  here  and 
came  to  anchor  in  a  dangerous  cove  on  the  northern  fhore, 
where  there  are  fome  meadows  and  a  little  river,'^'  and  where 
the  favagcs  fometimes  eredl  their  cabins.  The  fame  day, 
continuing  to  coafl  along  on  the  northern  fliore,  we  were 
obliged  by  contrary  winds  to  put  in  at  a  place  where  there 
were  many  very  dangerous  rocks  and  localities.  Here  we 
flayed  three  days,  waiting  for  fair  weather.  Both  the  north- 
ern and  fouthern  Ihores  here  are  very  mountainous,  refembling 
in  general  thofe  of  the  Saguenay. 

On  Sunday,  the  twcnty-fecond,  we  fet  out  for  the  Ifland 
of  Orleans,''''  in  the  neighborhood  of  which  are  many  iflands 
on  the  fouthern  fliore.  Thefe  are  low  and  covered  with 
trees,  feem  to  be  very  plcafant,  and,  fo  far  as  I  could  judge, 
fome  of  them  are  one  or  two  leagues  and  others  half  a  league 
in  length.  About  thefe  iflands  there  are  only  rocks  and 
fhallows,  fo  that  the  paffage  is  very  dangerous. 

They  are  diftant  fome  two  leagues  from  the  mainland  on 
the  fouth.  Thence  we  coafled  along  the  Ifland  of  Orleans 
on  the  fouth.  This  is  diflant  a  league  from  the  mainland  on 
the  north,  is  very  pleafant  and  level,  and  eight  leagues  long. 
The  coafl  on  the  fouth  is  low  for  fome  two  leagues  inland  ;  the 

country 


150  ryie  (Ui  Coiidre.  —  Vide  Brief  Rent, 
par  Jacques  Cartier,  1545,  D'Avezac  ed. 
p.  44;  alfo  Vol.  II.  of  this  work.  p. 
172.  Charlevoix  fays,  whether  from  tra- 
dition or  on  i;ood  autliority  we  know  not, 
that  "in  1663  an  eartliquake  rooted  up 
a  mountain,  and  tlirew  it  upon  the  Ifie  au 
Coudres,  which  made  it  one-half  larger 


than  before."  —  Letters  to  the  Duchefs 
of  Lefdiguiercs,  London,  1763,  p.  15. 

1^1  This  was  probably  about  two 
leagues  from  tlie  Hie  aux  Coudres,  where 
is  a  fmall  llream  wliich  Hill  bears  the 
name  La  Petite  Riviere. 

16^  IJle  d'OrUans.  —  Vide  Vol.  II. 
P-  173- 


Sieur  de  Chccrnplain. 


'^Sl 


country  begins  to  be  low  at  this  ifland,  which  is  pcrhnps  two 
leagues  diftant  from  the  foutliern  Ihore.  It  is  very  danger- 
ous paffing  on  the  northern  ihore,  on  account  of  the  fand- 
banks  and  rocks  between  the  ifland  and  mainland,  and  it  is 
almoft  entirely  dry  here  at  low  tide. 

At  the  end  of  this  ifland  I  faw  a  torrent  of  water'"  which 
defcended  from  a  high  elevation  on  the  River  of  Canada. 
Upon  this  elevation  the  land  is  uniform  and  plealant,  al- 
though in  the  interior  high  mountains  are  leen  fome  twenty 
or  twenty-five  leagues  diftant,  and  near  the  fiiTt  fall  of  the 
S  ague  nay. 

We  came  to  anchor  at  Quebec,  a  narrow  paffage  in  the 
River  of  Canada,  which  is  here  fome  three  hundred  paces 
broad.'5^  There  is,  on  the  northern  fide  of  this  ]:)arfage,  a 
very  high  elevation,  which  falls  off  on  two  fides.  Elfe- 
where  the  country  is  uniform  and  fine,  and  there  are  good 
trafts  full  of  trees,  as  oaks,  cypreffes,  birches^  firs,  and  af- 
pens,  alfo  wild  fruit-trees  and  vines  which,  if  they  were  culti- 
vated, would,  in  my  opinion,  be  as  good  as  our  own.  Along 
the  fliore  of  Quebec,  there  are  diamonds  in  fome  flate-rocks, 
which  are  better  than  thofe  of  Alen9on.  From  Quebec  to 
Hare  Ifland  is  a  diflance  of  twenty-nine  leagues. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

'^^  On  Champlain's  map  of  the  harbor 
of  Quebec  he  calls  this  ''torrent"  le 
j^:  and  faut  de  Montmorency  ^  the  grand 
fall  of  Montmorency.  It  was  named 
by  Champlain  himfelf,  and  in  honor  of 
the  "  nobie,  high,  and  powerful  Ciiarles 
de  Montmorency,"  to  wliom  thtj  jour- 
nal of  tliis  voyage  is  dedicated.  The 
flream  is  (liallow ;  "  in  fome  places," 
Charlevoix  fays,  '•  not  more  than  ankle 
deep."'  The  grandeur  or  impreflive- 
nefs  of  the  fall,  if  either  of  thefe  quali- 


ties can  be  attributed  to  it,  arifes  from 
its  heigiit  and  not  from  the  volume  of 
water. —  \lde  ed.  1632,  p.  123.  On 
Bellin's  Atlas  Maritime,  1764,  its  height 
is  put  down  at  Jixty-Jive  feet.  I]ay- 
tield's  Chart  more  corredly  favs  251  feet 
above  high  water  fpring  tides.  —  Vide 
Vol.  II.  of  this  work,  note  308. 

^^■*  Aons  viiijnies  mouil/er  Pa)icre  a 
(2!ii-bec,  qui  cjl  vn  dejiroict  de  Uulitt 
liuicre  de  Canadas.     Thefe  words  very 

clearly 


H! 


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tii*f. 


254 


Voyages  of 


\  \ 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Of  the  Point  St.  Croix  and  the  River  Batiscan.  —  Of  the  Rivers, 
Rocks,  Islands,  Lands,  Trees,  Fruits,  Vines,  and  fine  Country 
BETWEEN  Quebec  and  the  Trois  Rivieres. 

M  Monday,  the  23d  of  this  month,  we  fet  out 
from  Quebec,  where  the  river  begins  to  widen, 
fometimes  to  the  extent  of  a  league,  then  a 
league  and  a  half  or  two  leagues  at  mofl:.  The 
country  grows  finer  and  finer ;  it  is  everywhere 
low,  without  rocks  for  the  moft  part.  The  northern  ihore  is 
covered  with  rocks  and  land-banks  ;  it  is  neceffary  to  go  along 
the  fouthern  one  about  half  a  leac^ue  from  the  fliore.  There 
are  fome  fmall  rivers,  not  navigable,  except  for  the  canoes  of 
the  favages,  and  in  which  there  are  a  great  many  falls.  We 
came  to  anchor  at  St.  Croix,  fifteen  leagues  diflant  from 
Quebec  ;  a  low  point  rifing  up  on  both  fides.'"  The  coun- 
try is  fine  and  level,  the  foil  being  the  beft  that  I  had  feen, 
with  extenfive  woods,  containing,  however,  but  little  fir 
and  cyprefs.  There  are  found  there  in  large  numbers  vines, 
pears,  hazel-nuts,  cherries,  red  and  green  currants,  and  cer- 
tain little  radiflies  of  the  fize  of  a  fmall  nut,  refembling  truf- 
fles in  tafle,  which  are  very  good  .vhen  roafled  or  boiled. 
All  this  foil  is  black,  without  any  rocks,  excepting  that  there 

is 


i!.  i 


clearly  define  the  meaning  of  Quebec, 
which  is  an  Indian  word,  fignifyini^  a 
narrowing  or  a  contradlion. —  I'tJe  Vol. 
II.  p.  17s,  note  309.  The  breadth  of 
the  river  at  this  point  is  undereltimated. 
It  is  not  far  from  1320  feet,  or  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile. 


1"-'  The  Point  of  vSt.  Croix,  where  they 
anchored,  mult  have  been  what  is  now 
known  as  Point  Platon.  Cliamplain's 
dilhmces  are  rou^h  eilimates,  made 
under  very  unfavorable  circumltances, 
and  far  from  accurate.  Point  Platon  is 
about  thirty-five  miles  from  Quebec. 


tl 


^  /    ! 


Sieur  de  Champ  lain. 


255 


a  large  quantity  of  flate.  The  foil  is  very  foft,  and,  if  well 
cultivated,  would  be  very  produ(5live. 

On  the  north  fliore  there  is  a  river  called  Batifcan,''^  ex- 
tending a  great  diflance  into  the  interior,  along  which  the 
Algonquins  Ibmetimes  come.  On  the  fame  fhorc  there  is 
another  river,'"  three  leagues  below  St.  Croix,  which  was  as 
far  as  Jacques  Carticr  went  up  the  river  at  the  time  of  his 
explorations.'^^  The  above-mentioned  river  is  pleafant,  ex- 
tending a  confiderable  diftance  inland.  All  this  northern 
fliore  is  very  even  and  pleafnig. 

On  Wednefday,'"  the  24th,  we  fet  out  from  St.  Croix, 
where  we  had  ftayed  over  a  tide  and  a  half  in  order  to  pro- 
ceed the  next  day  by  daylight,  for  this  is  a  peculiar  place  on 
account  of  the  great  number  of  rocks  in  the  river,  which  is 
almoft  entirely  dry  at  low  tide ;  but  at  half-flood  one  can  be- 
gin to  advance  without  difficulty,  although  it  is  ncceffary  to 
keep  a  good  watch,  lead  iu  hand.  The  tide  rifes  here  nearly 
three  fathoms  and  a  half. 

The  farther  we  advanced,  the  finer  the  country  became. 
After  going  fome  five  leagues  and  a  half,  we  came  to  anchor 
on  the  northern  fliore.  On  the  Wednefday  following,  we  fet 
out  from  this  place,  where  the  country  is  flatter  than  the 

preceding 


^^^  Champlain  does  not  mention  the 
rivers  precifely  in  their  order.  On  his 
map  of  1 61 2,  he  has  Contree  dc  Bajlif- 
quan  on  the  weft  of  Trois  Rivieres. 
The  river  Batifcan  empties  into  the  St. 
Lawrence  about  four  miles  weft  of  the 
St.  Anne.  —  Vide  Atlas  Maritime,  by 
Bellin,  1764;  Atlas  of  the  Dominion 
of  Canada,  1875. 

'"  River  Jacques  Cartier,  which  is  in 
£a6l  about  five  miles  eaft  of  Point  Platen. 


1^''  Jacques  Cartier  did,  in  fact,  afcend 
the  St.  Lawrence  as  far  as  Hochelaga, 
or  Montreal.  The  Abbd  Laverdiere  fug- 
gefts  that  Champlain  had  not  at  this  time 
feen  the  reports  of  Cartier.  Had  lie  feen 
them  he  would  hardly  have  made  this 
ftatement.  Pont  Grave  had  been  here 
feveral  times,  and  may  have  been 
Champlain's  incorreft  informant.  Vide 
LaTerdiire  in  loco. 

159  Read  Tuefday. 


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256 


Voyages  of 


j)rccccling  and  heavily  wooded,  as  at  St.  Croix.  We  paffed 
near  a  fmall  ifland  covered  with  vines,  and  came  to  anchor  on 
the  foutliern  fliore,  near  a  little  elevation,  upon  alcending 
which  we  found  a  level  country.  There  is  another  fmall  ifland 
three  leagues  from  St.  Croix,  near  the  fouthern  fhore.'*^"  We 
fet  out  on  the  following  Thurfday  from  this  elevation,  and 
paffed  by  a  little  ifland  near  the  northern  fliore.  Here  I 
landed  at  fix  or  more  fmall  rivers,  up  two  of  which  boats 
can  go  for  a  confiderable  diflance.  Another  is  fome  three 
hundred  feet  broad,  with  fome  iflaiids  at  its  mouth.  It  ex- 
tends far  into  the  interior,  and  is  the  deepeit  of  all.'*^'  Thefe 
rivers  are  very  pleafant,  their  fliores  being  covered  with 
trees  which  refemble  nut-trees,  and  have  the  fame  odor;  but, 
as  I  faw  no  fruit,  I  am  inclined  to  doubt.  The  favages  told 
me  that  they  bear  fruit  like  our  own. 

Advancing  flill  farther,  we  came  to  an  ifland  called  St. 
Eloi ;  '^'  alfo  another  little  ifland  very  near  the  northern  fliore. 
We  paffed  between  this  ifland  and  the  northern  fhore,  the 
diflance  from  one  to  the  other  being  fome  hundred  and  fifty 
feet ;  that  from  the  fame  ifland  to  the  fouthern  fhore,  a  league 
and  a  half  We  paffed  alfo  near  a  river  large  enough  for 
canoes.  All  the  northern  fliore  is  very  good,  and  one  can 
fail  along  there  without  obflruclion ;  but  he  fliould  keep  the 
lead  in  hand  in  order  to  avoid  certain  points.     All  this  fhore 

along 


i*"  Richelieu  Ifland,  fo  called  by  the 
French,  as  early  as  1635,  nearly  oppofUe 
Dechambeau  Point.  —  Vide  Laurie's 
Chart.  It  was  called  St.  Croi.x  up  to 
1633.  Laverdih'e  in  loco.  The  Indians 
called  it  Ka  oiiapaJfuUfkakhi.  —  Jefiiit 
Relations.,  1635,  p.  13.  ' 


^'^  This  river  is  now  known  as  the 
Sainte  Anne.  Champlain  fays  they 
named  it  Riviere  Saincte  Marie.  — 
Vide  Quebec  ed.  Tome  III.  p.  175; 
Vol.  II.  p.  201  of  this  work. 

1^-  An  inconliderable  ifland  near  Ba- 
tifcan,  not  laid  down  on  the  charts. 


Sieur  de  Champlain. 


257 


along  which  we  coafted  confifls  of  fliifting  fands,  but  a  fhort 
diftance  in  the  interior  the  land  is  good. 

The  Friday  following,  we  fct  out  from  this  ifland,  and 
continued  to  coaft  along  the  northern  ihorc  very  near  the 
land,  which  is  low  and  abundant  in  trees  of  good  quality 
as  far  as  the  Trois  Rivieres.  Here  the  temperature  begins 
to  be  fomewhat  different  from  that  of  St.  Croix,  fince  the 
trees  are  more  forward  here  than  in  any  other  place  that  I 
had  yet  ^^^\\,  From  the  Thus  Rivieres  to  St.  Troix  the 
diftance  is  fifteen  leagues.  In  this  river  '"  tliere  a.ie  fix 
illands,  three  of  whirh  .we  very  finall,  the  others  being  trom 
five  to  fix  hundred  leet  1(  ng,  very  jileal'ant,  and  fertile  fo 
far  as  their  finall  extent  goes.  There  is  one  of  thefe  in 
the  centre  of  the  above-mentioned  river,  confronting  the 
River  of  Canada,  and  commanding  a  view  of  the  others, 
which  are  diflant  from  the  land  from  four  to  five  hundred 
feet  on  both  fides.  It  is  high  on  the  fouthern  fide,  but 
lower  fomewhat  on  the  northern.  This  would  be,  in  my 
judgment,  a  favorable  place  in  which  to  make  a  fettlement, 
and  it  could  be  eafily  fortified,  for  its  fituation  is  flrong 
of  itfelf,  and  it  is  near  a  large  lake  which  is  ouly  fome  four 
leagues  diflant.  This  river  extends  clofe  to  the  River  Sague- 
nay,  according  to  the  report  of  the  favages,  who  go  nearly  a 
hundred  leagues  northward,  pafs  numerous  falls,  go  overland 
fome  five  or  fix  leagues,  enter  a  lake  from  which  principally 
♦  the 

^^'  The  St.  Maurice,  anciently  known  plored  and  reported  as  fhallow  and  of 

as   Trois  Rivicrs,  bec.iiife   two   iflands  no  importance.    He  found  ia  it  four  fmall 

in  its  mouth  divide  it  ir.tD  three  clmn-  illands.  which  may  afterward  have  been 

nels.   Its  Indian  name,  accordiiiii  to  Pi^re  Aibdivided  into  fix.     He  named  it  La 

L.e]eune,vfas  Afetah'roii/iu.    It  appears  Riuiere  du   Foucz.  —  Brief  Recit,    par 

to  be  the  fame  river  mentioned  by  Car-  Jacques   Cartier,    D'Avezac   ed.   p.  28. 

tier  in  ids  lecond  voyage,  which  he  ex-  Vide  Relations  des  Jesuites.  1635,  p.  13. 


!  i 


1 


I 


Ill '.  i 


I   r.-? 


258 


Voyages  of 


the  Saguenay  has  its  fourcc,  and  thence  go  to  Tadourfac."^* 
I  think,  likewife,  that  the  fettlcment  of  the  Trois  Rivieres 
would  be  a  boon  for  the  freedom  of  fome  tribes,  who  dare 
not  come  this  way  in  confeqiience  of  their  enemies,  the  Iro- 
quois,  who  occupy  the  entire  borders  of  the  River  of  Can- 
ada; but,  if  it  were  fettled,  thefe  Iroquois  and  other  favages 
could  be  made  friendly,  or,  at  leart,  under  the  protedlion  of 
this  fettlement,  thefe  lavages  would  come  freely  without  fear 
or  danger,  the  Trois  Rivieres  being  a  place  of  paffage.  All 
the  land  that  I  faw  on  the  northern  (hore  is  fandy.  We  af- 
cended  this  river  for  about  a  league,  not  being  able  to  pro- 
ceed farther  on  account  of  the  ftrong  current.  We  continued 
on  in  a  fkiff,  for  the  fake  of  obfervation,  but  had  not  gone 
more  than  a  league  when  we  encountered  a  very  narrow  fall, 
about  twelve  feet  wide,  on  account  of  which  we  could  not  go 
farther.  All  the  country  that  I  faw  on  the  borders  of  this 
river  becomes  conflantly  more  mountainous,  and  contains  a 
great  many  firs  and  cypreffes,  but  few  trees  of  other  kinds. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

^'*  An  eaftern  branch  of  the  St.  Mau-  ent  of  the  Saguenay,  may  be  reached 
rice  River  rifes  in  a  fmall  lake,  from  by  a  land  portage  of  not  more  than  five 
which  Lake  St.  John,  which  is  anafflu-    or  fix  leagues. 


TBgrtliStiyvii 


Sictir  de  Chainplain. 


2sc 


59 


ll. 


i 


VII. 


chapti:r  VII. 

Length,  Breaoth,  and  Deith  ok  a  I.aki:.  — Ok  thk  Rivers  that  klow 

INTO   IT,   AND    the     ISLANDS    IT    CON  lAINS.  —  CHARACTER     OF    THK    SUR- 
ROUNDING Country,  — Of  the  River  of  the  Iroquois  and  the  Fcjr- 

TRESS   OF   THE   SAVA(;ES    WHO    MAKl'.    WaK    ll'OV    ThK.M. 

N  the  Saturday  following,  we  fet  out  from  the 
Trois  Rivieres,  and  came  to  anchor  at  a  lake 
four  leagues  dillant.  All  this  region  from  the 
Trois  Rivieres  to  the  entrance  to  the  lake  is 
low  and  on  a  level  with  the  water,  though  fomc- 
what  higher  on  the  fouth  fide.  The  land  is  very  good  and 
the  plcafantefl  yet  feen  by  us.  The  woods  are  very  open,  fo 
that  one  could  eafily  make  his  way  through  them. 

The  next  day,  the  29th  of  June,'^'  we  entered  the  lake, 
which  is  fome  fifteen  leaq;ues  loni^  and  feven  or  eiirht  wide."^'''' 
About  a  league  from  its  entrance,  and  on  the  Ibuth  fide,  is  a 
river  '^^  of  confiderable  fize  and  extending  into  the  interior 
fome  fixty  or  eighty  leagues.  Farther  on,  on  the  fame  fide, 
there  is  another  finall  river,  extending  about  two  leagues 
inland,  and,  far  in,  another  little  lake,  which  has  a  length  of 

perhaps 

i"^  They   entered    the    hke    on    St.     plain's  diftances,  founded   upon  roii^h 
Peter's  day,  the  29th  of  June,  and,  for    eftimates  made  on  a  firll  voyage  of  ditfi- 


this  reafon  doul)tlefs,  it  was  fubfe- 
quently  named  Lake  St.  Peter,  which 
name  it  flill  retains.  It  was  at  firll 
called  Lake  Anjjouleme. —  Vide  mar- 
ginal note  in  Hakluyt,  Vol,  III.  p. 
271.  Laverdi6re  cites  Thevet  to  the 
fame  effedl, 

^^^  From  the  point  at  which  the  river 
flows  into  the  lake  to  its  exit,  the  dif- 
tance  is  about  twenty-feven  miles  and 
its  width   about   feven   miles.     Cham- 


cult  navififation,  are  exceed inp;ly  inaccu- 
rate, and,  independent  of  other  data, 
cannot  be  relied  upon  for  the  identifica- 
tion of  localities, 

^^^  The  author  appears  to  have  con- 
fufed  the  relative  fituations  of  the  two 
ri\  ers  here  mentioned.  The  fmaller  one 
flinuld,  we  think,  have  been  mentioned 
firll.  The  larger  one  was  pl.iinly  the 
St.  F>ancis,  and  the  fmaller  one  the 
Nicolelte. 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

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260 


Voyages  of 


ill, 


perhaps  three  or  four  leagues.'*^  On  the  northern  fliore, 
where  the  land  appears  very  high,  you  can  fee  for  fomc 
twenty  leagues ;  but  the  mountains  grow  gradually  fmallcr 
towards  the  weft,  which  has  the  appearance  of  being  a  flat 
region.  The  favages  fay  that  on  thefe  mountains  the  land 
is  for  the  moft  part  poor.  The  lake  above  mentioned  is 
fome  three  fathoms  deep  where  we  paffed,  which  was  nearly 
in  the  middle.  Its  longitudinal  direction  is  from  eafl:  to 
wefl,  and  its  lateral  one  from  north  to  fouth.  I  think  that  it 
mufl  contain  good  fidi,  and  fuch  varieties  as  we  have  at 
home.  We  palled  through  it  this  day,  and  came  to  anchor 
about  two  leagues  up  the  river,  which  extends  its  courfe 
farther  on,  at  the  entrance  to  which  there  are  thirty  little 
iflands.'^  From  what  I  could  obferve,  fome  are  two  leagues 
in  extent,  others  a  league  and  a  half,  and  fome  lefs.  They 
contain  numerous  nut-trees,  which  are  but  little  different 
from  our  own,  and,  as  I  am  inclined  to  think,  the  nuts  are 
good  in  their  fcafon.  I  faw  a  great  many  of  them  under  the 
trees,  which  were  of  two  kinds,  fome  fmall,  and  others  an 
inch  long ;  but  they  were  decayed.  There  are  alfo  a  great 
many  vines  on  the  ihores  of  thefe  iflands,  mofl  of  which, 
however,  when  the  waters  are  high,  are  fubmerged.  The 
country  here  is  fuperior  to  any  I  have  yet  feen. 

The  lafl:  day  of  June,  we  fet  out  from  here  and  went  to 

the 


*"  This  would  feem  to  be  the  Baic  la 
Valli^re,  at  the  fouthweftern  extremity 
of  Lake  St.  Peter. 

169  The  author  here  reiers  to  the 
iflands  at  the  weitern  extremity  of  Lake 
St.  Peter,  which  are  very  numerous. 
On  Charlevoix's  Carte  de  la  Rivifere  de 


Richelieu  they  are  called  f/Ies  ife  Richf- 
lieu.  The  more  prominent  are  Monk  A*^'''' 
liland,  Ifle  de  Grace,  Bear  Hlind.  Hie 
St.  Ignace,  and  Ifle  du  I'as.  Cham- 
plain  refers  to  thefe  iflands  again  in 
1609,  with  perhaps  a  fuller  defcription 
—  Vide\Q\.  n.  p.  206. 


Sieur  de  Ckamplain, 


261 


the  entrance  of  the  River  of  the  Iroquois,"'"  where  the  fav- 
ages  were  encamped  and  fortified  who  were  on  their  way  to 
make  war  with  the  former. '''  Their  fortrefs  is  made  of  a 
large  number  of  flakes  clofely  prelTed  againll  each  other.  It 
borders  on  one  fide  on  the  fliore  of  the  great  river,  on  the 
other  on  that  of  the  River  of  the  Iroquois.  Their  canoes 
are  drawn  up  by  the  fide  of  each  other  on  the  Ihore,  fo  that 
they  may  be  able  to  flee  quickly  in  cafe  of  a  fiirprile  from 
the  Iroquois ;  for  their  fortrefs  is  covered  with  oak  bark,  and 
ferves  only  to  give  them  time  to  take  to  their  boats. 

We  went  up  the  River  of  the  Iroquois  fome  five  or  fix 
leagues,  but,  becaufe  of  the  ftrong  current,  could  not  pro- 
ceed farther  in  our  barque,  which  we  v/cre  alfo  unable  to 
drag  overland,  on  account  of  the  large  numbr-  of  trees  on 
the  fliore.  Finding  that  we  could  not  proceed  farther,  we 
took  our  fkiff  to  fee  if  the  current  were  lefs  flrong  above  ; 
but,  on  advancing  fome  two  leagues,  we  found  it  flill  flironger, 
and  were  unable  to  go  any  farther.'^^  As  we  could  do  no- 
thing elfe,  we  returned  in  our  barque.  This  entire  river  ib 
fome  three  to  four  hundred  paces  broad,  and  very  unob- 
ftrudled.  We  faw  there  five  iflands,  diflant  from  each  other 
a  quarter  or  half  a  league,  or  at  mofl:  a  league,  one  of  which, 
the  neareft,  is  a  league  long,  the  others  being  very  fmall. 

All 


"0  The  Richelieu,  flowing  from  Lake 
Champlain  to  the  St.  Lawrence.  For 
defcription  of  this  river,  fee  Vol.  IL  p. 
210,  note  337.  In  1535  the  Indians  at 
Montreal  pointed  out  this  river  as  lead- 
ing to  Florida.  —  Vu/e  Brief  Rccit,  par 
Jacques  Cartier,  1545,  D'Avezac  ed. 

1'*  The  Hurons,  Algonquins,  and 
Montagnais  were  at  war  with  the  Iro- 


quois, and  the  favages  aflembled  here 
were  coinpofed  of  fome  or  all  of  thefe 
tribes. 

^''^  The  rapids  in  the  river  here  were 
too  Urong  for  the  French  barque,  or  even 
the  Ikiff.  but  were  not  difficult  to  pafs 
with  tlie  Indi.in  canoe,  as  was  fully 
proved  in  1609. —  l'ide\o\.  II.  p.  207 
oftliis  work. 


Ij 


! 


1 1 


I  ! 


M 


fit 


K 


M! 


I 


i 


m 


h  i) 


.     ' 


:l 


*v 


262 


Voyages  of 


All  this  country  is  heavily  wooded  and  low,  like  that  which 
I  had  before  feen  ;  but  there  are  more  firs  and  cyprcffcs  than 
in  other  places.  The  foil  is  good,  although  a  little  fandy. 
The  direction  of  this  river  is  about  fouthweft.''^ 

The  favages  fay  that  fonie  fifteen  leagues  from  where  we 
had  been  there  is  a  fall  "''»  of  great  length,  around  which  they 
carry  their  canoes  about  a  quarter  of  a  league,  when  they 
enter  a  lake,  at  the  entrance  to  which  there  are  three  iflands, 
with  others  farther  in.  It  may  be  fome  forty  or  fifty  leagues 
long  and  fome  twenty-five  wide,  into  which  as  many  as  ten 
rivers  flow,  up  which  canoes  can  go  for  a  confidcrable  dif- 
tance.'"  Then,  at  the  other  end  of  this  lake,  there  is  another 
fall,  when  another  lake  is  entered,  of  the  fame  fize  as  the 
former,'^^  at  the  extremity  of  which  the  Iroquois  are  en- 
camped. They  fay  alfo  that  there  is  a  river '"  extending  to 
the  coafl  of  Florida,  a  diflance  of  perhaps  tome  hundred  or 
hundred  and  forty  leagues  from  the  latter  lake.  All  the 
country  of  the  Iroquois  is  fomewhat  mountainous,  but  has  a 
very  good  foil,  the  climate  being  moderate,  without  much 

winter. 

CHArXER  VIII. 


"'  The  courfe  of  the  Richelieu  is 
nearly  from  the  fouth  to  the  north. 

"*  The  rapids  of  Chambly. 

*'*  Lake  Chainplain,  difcovered  by 
him  in  1609.  —  Vide  Vol.  II.  ch.  ix. 

"•  Lake  George.     Champlain  either 


did  not  comprehend  his  Indian  inform- 
ants, or  they  greatly  exaggerated  the 
compar.itive  ilze  of  this  lake. 

1"  The    Hudfon   River.— FiV/^  Vol. 
II.  p.  218,  note  347. 


■:«i***SPt.'i  ■  ■— ' 


Sieur  de  Champlain, 


263 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
Arrival  AT  THE   Fall.  —  Description   of   tiif.  samf.   and   its  Rkmakk- 

ABLE     CHARACTKR.  —  RkPOKTS     OF     THE     SaVAOES     IN     REGARD     TO     THE 

End  of  the  (^reat  River. 

EtTTING  out  from   the  River  of  the   Iroqiioi.s, 
we  came  to  anchor  three  leagues  from  there,  on 
the   northern  fliore.     All   this  country   is   low, 
and  filled  with  the  various  kinds  of  trees  which 
I  have  before  mentioned. 
On  the  firfl  day  of  July  we  coalled  along   the  northern 
(here,  where  the  woods  are  very  open  ;  more  fo  than  in  any 
place  we  had  before  feen.     The  foil  is  alfo  everywhere  favor- 
able for  cultivation. 

I  went  in  a  canoe  to  the  fouthern  fhore,  where  I  fiw  a 
large  number  of  iilands,''**  which  abound  in  fruits,  fuch  as 
grapes,  walnuts,  hazel-nuts,  a  kind  of  fruit  refembling  cheft- 
nuts,  and  cherries  ;  alfo  in  oaks,  afpens,  poplar,  hops,  afli, 
maple,  beech,  cyprefs,  with  but  few  pines  and  firs.  There 
were,  moreover,  other  fine-looking  trees,  with  which  I  am 
not  acquainted.  There  are  alfo  a  great  many  ftrawberries, 
rafpberries,  and  currants,  red,  green,  and  blue,  together  with 
numerous  fmall  fruits  which  grow  in  thick  grafs.  There  are 
alfo  many  wild  beads,  fuch  as  orignacs,  flags,  hinds,  does, 
bucks,  bears,  porcupines,  hares,  fo.xes,  beavers,  otters,  mufk- 
rats,  and  fome  other  kinds  of  animals  with  which  I  am 
not  acquainted,  which  are  good  to  eat,  and  on  which  the 
favages  fubfift.'^'  ^^ 

"'  Ifle  Plat,  and  at  leaft  ten  other  "^  The  reader  will  ohferve  that  the 
iflets  along  the  (hore  before  reaching  catalogue  of  fruits,  trees,  and  animals 
the  Verchferes.  —  Vide  Laurie's  Chart.      mentioned  above,  includes  only  fuch  as 

are 


n 


W 


^!IS 


'■  J 


i\ 


7i 

mi 

i 

\  ■ 

\ 

A 

I 


Hill      ! 


^1 


I 


|i 


264 


Voyages  of 


We  paffed  an   illand  having  a  very  pleafant  appearance, 

fonie 


are  important  in  ronimcrco.  Tliey  arc, 
we  tliink,  witlioiit  an  exception,  of 
Amerii'.ui  I'pecies,  anil,  eoiireiiueiitly. 
tlie  names  jiivcn  l)y  Clianipl.iin  are  not 
accurately  ilelcriplive.  We  notice  iliem 
in  order,  and  in  it.ilics  <;ive  tlie  name 
atVii^ned  hy  t"hami>l.\in  in  tlie  text. 

drapes.  /'/i,v/(.v,  j.vohahly  tiie  froll 
prape,  litis  cordifoHa.  —  Pickering's 
C/uo>io!i>i^iitil  I/i/li'iv  of  Pliints,  p.  S75. 

Walnuts.  Xoiw  this  name  is  i;iven  in 
France  to  what  is  known  in  commerce 
as  the  l''.ni;lilh  or  Knrope.iii  w.dnut, 
Jui^lans  rt'i;/(i,  a  I'crliaii  fruit  now  cul- 
tivated in  moll  countries  in  luirope. 
For  want  of  a  better.  Champlain  ufed 
this  name  to  lii;nify  jirohahly  the  butter- 
nut, Jiti^Lnis  liiii'nd,  and  tive  varieties 
o(  the  liickory;  the  ihaii-hark.  (.\!>y,i 
a/lhi,  the  mucker-nut,  Carvu  toiiwntofit, 
the  fmall-fruited  Carvij  tuicrOitu piu  the 
pig-nut,  Ciirya glabra,  hitter-nut.  (.'arvii 
aiinira.  all  ot"  which  are  excluliveiy 
American  fruits,  and  are  llill  found  in 
the  valley  of  the  .St.  Lawrence.  —  MS. 
Lttitf  of  y.  M.  I.i-  Afoiiu:  of  (>uehec  ; 
Jeffrie's  Xatura/  Hijtory  of  Frciuh  Do- 
utinious in  Aiiitrica,  Lomlon.  I7()0,  j). 41. 

Hazel-nuts,  noyfcitcx.  The  American 
filbert  or  ha/el-nut,  Cory  I  us  Aiitoi- 
cana.  The  tlavor  is  line,  but  the  fruit 
is  Imaller  and  the  fliell  thicker  than  that 
of  the  European  filbert. 

"  Kind  of  I'ruit  rel'emblins;  cheftnuts." 
This  was  probably  the  chelhuit.  Cajtanea 
Americana.  The  fruit  much  refembles 
the  European,  but  is  fmaller  and 
fweeter. 

Cherries,  cerifts.  Three  kinds  may 
hero  be  included,  the  wild  red  cherry, 
Pruiius  Pcnnfvlvanica.  the  choke  cher- 
ry, Pruniis  I'irginiana,  and  the  wild 
black  cherry.  Prunus  fcrotina. 

Oaks,  ihcfncs.  Probably  the  more  no- 
ticeable varieties,  as  the  white  oak,  Quer- 
cus  alba-,  and  red  oak,  Qucrcus  rubra. 


Afpens.  trembles.  The  American  af- 
pen.  /'of>ii/iis  treiniiloitiis. 

I'opl.w,  ///'/(•.  For  />i/ioi(/e,  as  fu';- 
gelled  by  I.averdii^re.  a  variety  of  pojjlar. 

liojjs.  houbloii.  Huniultis  /iif>iilus, 
found  in  northern  climates,  differinjj; 
fr(Mn  the  hop  of  commerce,  which  was 
imjiorteil  Irom  Euroi)e. 

Alh.  frefne.  The  white  alli,  Fra.vi- 
ntts  .1  werieana,  and  black  alh,  I-'raxi- 
PUIS  f,t»t/'ihif'i>/ia. 

Alaple,  I'rable.  'I"he  tree  here  ob- 
ferveil  was  prob.ibly  the  lock  or  l"ut;.ir 
maple.  Acer  fuihari)iuiii.  Sever.al 
other  fpecies  belong  to  this  region. 

ISeech, //<■//;•<'.  The  .American  beech, 
I'(til!/s  f'erriti^inea.  of  which  there  is  but 
one  fpecies.  —  /  '/'</'(•.  \'ol.  II.  p.  113,  note 
205. 

Cyprofs,   evprez.  —  /  'ide  antea,  note 

'35-' 

.Strawberry,  />vi//?'.«'.  The  wilci  ilraw- 
berry.  Frai^iU  ia  T'efa,  and  /■'rai^aria 
\'iri^inia>ia,hn\\\  fpecies.  are  foimd  in 
this  region. —  I'iiie  Pickering's  Chrono- 
/('_(,7(<//  Hijiory  of  Plants,  p.  S73. 

Ral'pberrics,  //v/////;^//^.*-.  The  Amer- 
ican rafpberry,  Riibiis  jlri^ofiis. 

Currants,  red.  green,  and  blue,  i^roi- 
celles  ro/Zi^es.  -irrtes,  and  bleiies.  The 
tirll  mentioned  is  undoubtetlly  the  red 
currant  of  our  gardens.  Kibes  rubrum. 
The  fecond  may  have  been  the  unripe 
fruit  of  the  former.  The  third  doubt- 
lets  the  black  currant,  Ribes  nit^runi, 
which  grows  throughout  Canada.  —  Via'e 
Cliivnologicdl  HiJlory  of  Plants,  Pick- 
ering, p.  871  ;  also  Vol.  II.  note  13S. 

Ori^nas,  fo  written  in  the  original 
text.  This  is,  I  think,  the  earlieit  men- 
tion of  this  animal  under  this  Algonquin 
name.  It  was  written,  by  the  Frejich, 
fometimes  oris'Hac,  ori^^nat,  and  orig- 
nal. —  Mde  jefuit  Relations,  1635,  p. 
16;  1636,  p.  ii,^//(e^w,-  Sagard, //(//. 
du  Canada,  1636,  p.  749;   Defer ipt ion 

de 


Sicur  dc  Cliaviplain. 


265 


fomc  four 


Icatiiics 


loiiii'  and  about  lialT  a 


K-aLTUc  wide. 

it 


(k  rAi/ifri(/ui\  jvir  Dcnvs.  167^.  p. 
27.  Urii^uiu-  was  tilci!  intc'r(li,mi,'calily 
with  //(///,  llii'  name  u{  tin.'  clU  nl  mull)- 
cni  ICiiropi',  rL'uaiilcil  l)y  Ioiiil'  as  tlie 
ianio  rpccifs.  —  /  >(/(•  Miiniotit/s,  liy 
SiJfiifcr  1''.  iiaird.  IJiit  the  I'l ii^niic  of 
Cliamplain  was  tlie  moofe,  .llcr  Aiiuii- 
Ciinii.w  pL'(  uliar  to  tlio  iiortlicrii  latiliidL-s 
of  Amtrica.  Moofc  is  derived  finni  tin; 
Indian  wurd  iiioofoii.  'I'liis  animal  is 
tin;  rirncll  of  tin;  i'crvus  lainily.  'I'lio 
mails  are  faid  to  attain  the  weiujlit  of 
elc  en  or  twelve  iuindred  i)<)unds.  Its 
horns  fonietinies  weii^h  lil'ty  or  lixty 
pounds.  It  is  exceedingly  (by  and  ditti- 
ciill  to  captMro. 

Staphs,  ccrls.  This  is  undouluedly  a 
reference  to  the  caribou,  Ccmis  tiiiioi- 
(ius.  Sagard  (1636)  calls  it  Caribou  011 
iifiw  Siii/i/(ii^i'.s\  caribou  or  wilde  afs.  — 
/////.  (///  ('<//i(n/i/.  p.  750.  La  Ilontan, 
1686.  fays  harts  and  caribous  are  killed 
both  in  fuminer  and  winter  after  the 
fame  manner  with  the  elks  (nioofes), 
excepting  that  the  caribous,  which  are 
a  kind  of  wild  affes.  make  an  eafy  efcape 
when  the  fnow  is  hard  by  virtue  of  their 
broad  feet  (X'oyagcs,  p.  59).  There 
are  two  varieties,  the  Ce>7iHs  taramhts 
arcticus  and  the  Ccrvns  taramius 
Jylvef'i  is.  '1  he  latter  is  that  here 
referred  to  and  the  larger  and  finer 
animal,  and  is  ilill  found  in  the  forelts 
of  Canada. 

Hinds,  bichesy  the  female  of  cerfs,  and 
does,  (tains,  the  female  of  daiin,  "the  fal- 
low deer.  Thefe  may  refer  to  the  fe- 
males of  the  two  preceding  fpecies,  or 
to  additional  fpecies  as  the  common  red 
deer,  Ceri'us  Virginianus,  and  fome 
other  fpecies  or  variety.  La  Hnntan  in 
the  palTage  cited  above  fpeaks  of  three, 
the  elk  which  we  have  fliown  to  be  the 
moofe,  the  well-known  caribou,  and  the 
hartf  which  was  undoubtedly  the  com- 
mon red  deer  of   this  region,  Cervus 


I'aw 


rir.-iniiuit/s.  I  learn  from  Mr.  J.  M. 
LeMoine  of  (Mieliec,  that  the  Wapiti, 
/•'/,i/>/iii\  Caiiii.iriijis  was  found  in  tin- 
v.dley  of  the  St.  l.iwreufe  a  himdicd 
and  lorty  years  age,  feveral  horn-  and 
bones  having  been  dug  up  in  tlie  jori'll, 
efi)eciaily  in  tlie  Ottiwa  dilliiit.  It  is 
now  extinct  here,  but  is  llil!  lomid  in 
the  lU'igiiborhood  of  Lake  Winipeg 
and  further  well  C.irtier,  in  1535, 
fjjeaks  of  liiiins  and  irifs,  doubtlefs  re- 
ferring to  dilferenl  fpet  ios. —  /  'itic  liriif 
RCiit,  r>'Ave/.ac  cd.  p.  3t  lerfo. 

Hears,  ours.  The  Ameriian  bla(  k 
bear,  I  rfus  yliiicrinxitus.  'I'iie  griliy 
bear,  Urfus  fcrov.  was  found  on  the 
llland  of  Anticolli.  — /  ide  llift.  dti  Ca- 
ihii/a,  \^\\■  Sagard,  ^.G^d.  pp.  ipS,  750.  I. a 
J/oii/du's  loydgt's,  JW7,  |).  (/). 

I'oreupincs,  por,J-i/ftiiS.  The  Can- 
ada jHir!  npine.  J/vj/rii  f)i/ofus.  A  noc- 
turnal rodent  <piadru|)e(i.  armed  with 
barlied  epiills,  Ids  chief  defence  when 
attacked  iiy  other  animals. 

1 1. ires, /,//'/;/.»■.  The  American  hare, 
I.r/ius  .liitrriidniis. 

Foxes,  revuards.  Of  tlie  fox,  Canis 
vulpcs,  tliere  are  feveral  fi)ecies  in  Can- 
ada. Tlie  mort  common  is  of  a  carroty 
red  color,  I'uipcs fulvus.  The  Ameri- 
can crofs  fox,  Canis  dccitjfatus,  and  the 
black  or  lUver  fox,  Canis  argeututus, 
are  v.irieties  lliat  may  have  been  found 
there  at  that  period,  but  are  now  rarely 
if  ever  seen. 

Ueavers,  cajlors.  The  American 
beaver,  Cajlor  Atnericanns.  The  fur 
of  the  l)eaver  was  of  all  others  the  molt 
important  in  the  commerce  of  New 
France. 

Otters,  loutres.     This  has   reference 

only  to  the  river  otter,  Lutra  Canadcnjis. 

The  fea  otter,   Lutra  viarina,   is  only 

touiul 


180  The  Verch6res. 


34 


ill 


Ml 


'  I 


\ 


%  ' 


I 
( 


!  ■ 


f 


m 


>.f:i 


i 


V 


266 


Voyages  of 


faw  on   tho  fouthcrn  fliorc   two  liigli  mountains,  which  ap- 
peared  to  be  Ibnie   twenty  leai^ues   in  the  interior.''*'     The 
favages  told  me  that  this  was  the  firll  fall  of  the  River  of  the 
Iroquois. 
•  's  On  Wednefday  following,  we  let  out  from  this  place,  and 

made  fome  five  or  fix  leaijues.  Wc  faw  numerous  iflands ; 
the  land  on  them  was  low,  and  they  were  covered  with  trees 
like  thofe  of  the  River  of  the  Iroquois.  On  the  following 
{,  day  we  advanced  fome  few  leagues,  and  i)arfed  by  a  great 
number  of  illands,''''  beautiful  on  account  of  the  many  mead- 
ows, which  are  likewife  to  be  {^ilw  on  the  mainland  as  well  as 
on  the  illands.  The  trees  here  are  all  very  fmall  in  compar- 
ifon  with  thofe  we  had  already  paffed. 

We  arrived  finally,  on  the  iame  day,  having  a  fair  wind, 
at  the  entrance  to  the  fall.  We  came  to  an  ifland  almoft  in 
the  middle  of  this  entrance,  which  is  a  quarter  of  a  league 
long.'^^  We  paffed  to  the  Ibuth  of  it,  where  there  were  from 
three  to  five  feet  of  water  only,  with  a  fathom  or  two  in  fome 
places,  after  which  we  found  fuddenly  only  three  or  four 
feet.  There  are  many  rocks  and  little  iflands  without  any 
wood  at  all,  and  on  a  level  with  the  water.  From  the  lov;er 
extremity  of  the  above-mentioned  ifland  in  the  middle  of  the 
entrance,  the  water  begins  to  come  with  great  force.  Although 

we 

found  in   America  on    tlie    north-weft        "'^  From  tlie  Verch6res  to  Montreal, 

Pacific  coalt.  the   St.   Lawrence    is   full    of    iflands, 

Mufkrat,  rats  mufquets.    The  mufk-  among  them  St.  Therefe  and  namelefs 

rat,  Fiber  sibethecus,  fometimes  called  otiiers. 

mufquafli    from    the   Algonquin  word,        ^^^  This  was  the  Ifland  of  St.  Hdl^ne, 

mvijfk'J:)  ^Jf^ ,  is  found  in  three  varie-  a  favorite  name  given  to  feverai  other 

ties,  the  black,  and  rarely  the  pied  and  places.      He  fubfequently  called  it  St. 

white.     For  a  defcription  of  this  animal  Hel6ne,  probably  from  Hdl6ne  BouUi^, 

inde  Le  Jeune,  Jhuit  Relations,  1635,  his  wife.     Between  it  and  the  mainland 

pp.  18,  19.  on  the  north  fi(.ivs  tlie  Rapide  de  Ste. 

"1  Summits  of  the  Green  Mountains.  Marie.  —  Vide  Luui  ir's  Chart. 


\.    ^' 


we 


Siciir  de  Chaviplain, 


267 


we  liad  a  very  favorable  uiiul,  yet  we  could  not,  in  fpite 
of  all  our  efforts,  advance  much.  Still,  we  paffed  this  illand 
at  the  entrance  of  the  fall,  l''indinjjj  that  we  could  not  pro- 
ceed, we  came  to  anchor  on  the  northern  fhore,  oppofite  a 
little  ifland,  which  abounds  in  moll  of  the  fruits  before  men- 
tioned.'"* We  at  once  got  our  fkiff  ready,  which  had  been 
cxpreflly  made  for  paffinj;  this  fall,  and  Sieur  Du  Pont  Grave 
nnd  mvfelf  embarked  in  it,  toicether  with  fome  favai^es  whom 
we  had  brought  to  (how  us  the  way.  After  leaving  our 
barque,  we  had  not  gone  three  hundred  feet  before  we  had 
to  get  out,  when  fome  failors  got  into  the  water  and  draQ:u:ed 
our  fkiff  over.  The  canoe  of  the  favages  went  over  eafi'y. 
We  encountered  a  great  number  of  little  rocks  on  a  level 
with  the  water,  which  we  frequently  flruck. 

There  are  here  two  large  iflands ;  one  on  the  northern 
fide,  fome  fifteen  leagues  long  and  almod  ai.  broad, '^^  begins 
in  the  River  of  Canada,  fome  twelve  leagues  towards  the 
River  of  the  Iroquois,  and  terminates  beyond  the  fall.  The 
ifland  on  the  fouth  (hore  is  fome  four  leagues  long  and  half 
a  league  wide.'^''  There  is,  befides,  another  ifland  '^'  near 
that  on  the  north,  which  is  perhaps  half  a  league  long  and  a 
quaiter  wide.  There  is  flill  another  fmall  ifland  ))etween  that 
on  the  north  and  the  other  farther  fouth,  whjre  we  paffed 
the  entrance  to  the  fall.'^^     This  being  paffed,  there  is  a  kind 

of 

■'^^  This  landing  was  on  the  prefont  "'  The  Ifle  Perrot  is  about  feven  or 

fite  of  the   city  of   Montreal,  and  the  eight  miles  long  and  about  three  miles 

little  ifland,  according;  to  Lavcrdiere,  is  wide, 

now  joined  to  the  mainland  by  quays.  '''''  Illand  of  St.  Paul,  fometimes  called 

185  Tije  ifland  of   Montreal,  here  re-  Nuns'  Illand. 

ferred  to,  not  including  the   Ifle  Jcfus,  ^-^  Round  Illand,  fituated  jufl  below 

is  about  thirty  miles  long  and  nine  miles  St.    Helcne's,   on   the   eart,   fay  about 

in  its  greatelt  width.  fifty  yards  dillant. 


!|i 


\ 


I 


268 


Voyages  of 


:  i 


of  lake,  in  which  are  all  thcfc  iflands,  and  which  is  fome  five 
Icaofiics  lonir  and  alniofi:  as  wide,  and  which  contains  a  larije 
number  of  little  illands  or  rocks.  Near  the  fall  there  is  a 
mountain,''*'  vifible  at  a  confiderable  diftance,  alfo  a  fmall 
rive**  cornin'':  from  this  mountain  and  falliiv';  into  the  lake."" 
On  the  fouth,  fome  three  or  four  mountains  are  feen,  which 
feem  to  be  fifteen  or  fixteen  leagues  off  in  the  interior. 
There  are  alfo  two  rivers;  the  one'"  reaching  to  the  firfl 
lake  of  the  River  of  the  Iroquois,  along  which  the  Algon- 
quins  fometimes  go  to  make  war  upon  them,  the  other  near 
the  fall  and  extending  fome  feet  inland.'" 

On  approaching  this  fall  "^'  with  our  little  fkiff  and  the 
canoe,  I  favv,  to  my  allonifliment,  a  torrent  of  water  defcend- 
ing  with  an  impetuofity  fuch  as  I  have  never  before  wit- 
neffed,  although  it  is  not  very  high,  there  being  in  fome 
places  only  a  fathom  or  two,  and  at  moft  but  three.     It  de- 

fcends 


1^'  The  mountain  in  the  rear  of  tiie 
city  of  Montreal,  700  feet  in  heiuht,  dif- 
covered  in  Ocl;ol)er,  1535.  by  Jaccjues 
Cartier,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  after 
which  the  city  is  called.  ''  Nous  nom- 
afmcs  la  tlitte  montaijjnc  le  mont 
Royal."  — />/7VyAV<7/.  1545.  D'Avezac's 
ed.  p.  23.  When  Cartier  made  his  vifit 
to  this  place  in  1535,  he  found  on  or 
near  the  fite  of  the  prefent  city  of  Mont- 
real tiie  f.imous  Indian  town  called 
Hochila(^a.  Ciiamplain  docs  not  ipeak 
of  it  in  the  text,  and  it  had  of  courfe 
entirely  difappeared. —  I'ide  Cartier's 
defcription  in  Brief  Ri'cit,  .above  cited. 

i»»  Rividre  St.  I'ierre.  Tliis  little 
river  is  formed  by  two  fmall  Itreams 
flowing  one  from  the  north  and  the 
other  from  the  fouth  fide  of  the  moun- 
tain. Bellin  and  Charlevoix  denominate 
it    La    Petite    Riviire.      Thefe    fmall 


dreams  do  not  appear  on  modern  maps, 
and  have  proliably  now  entirely  difap- 
peared. —  Vide  CharleviH.v's  Carte  de 
I'/Jle  (fe  Montreal ;  Atlas  Afar  it  inn; 
par  Sieur  liellin  ;  likewife  At/as  0/ tlie 
Dominion  of  Canada,  1^7 $■ 

'■"  The  River  St.  L.aml)ert.  .according 
to  Lavcrdiere,  a  fmall  llrcani  from  which 
by  a  fliort  portage  tlie  Indian  with  his 
canoe  could  eafily  reach  Little  River, 
wl>ich  llows  into  the  baiin  of  Chambly, 
the  lake  referred  to  by  Chainplain. 
This  was  the  route  of  the  Al'^onrptins, 
at  leall  on  their  return  froin  their  raids 
upon  the  Iroquois.  —  I'ide  Vol.  II.  ]). 
225. 

*"-  Laverdierc  fuppofes  this  infignifi- 
cant  ftream  to  be  La  riviere  de  la 
Tortue. 

193  The  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  or  the 
Lachine  rapids. 


Sieiir  de  Champlain. 


269 


the 


fcends  as  if  by  flcps,  and  at  each  dcfcent  tlicre  is  a  remark- 
able boiling,  owing  to  the  force  and  fwiflnefs  with  which  the 
water  traverfes  the  fall,  which  is  about  a  league  in  lenirth. 
There  are  many  rocks  on  all  fides,  while  near  the  middle 
there  are  fome  very  narrow  and  long  iHands.  There  are 
rapids  not  only  by  the  fide  of  thofe  i (lands  on  the  fouth 
fliorc,  but  alfo  by  thofe  on  the  north,  and  they  are  fo  danger- 
ous that  it  is  beyond  the  power  of  man  to  pals  through  with 
a  boat,  however  fiiiall.  We  went  by  land  through  the  woods 
a  diftance  of  a  league,  for  the  purpofe  of  feeing  the  end  of 
the  falls,  where  there  are  no  more  rocks  or  rajjids  ;  but  the 
water  here  is  fo  fwift  that  it  could  not  be  more  fo,  and  this 
current  continues  three  or  four  leagues ;  fo  that  it  is  impof- 
fible  to  ima2:ine  one's  beiny:  able  to  <j:o  bv  boats  throui^h 
thefe  falls.  But  any  one  defiring  to  pafs  them,  (hould  pro- 
vide himfelf  with  the  canoe  of  the  favages,  which  a  man  can 
eafily  carry.  For  to  make  a  portage  by  boat  could  not  be 
done  in  a  fufificiently  brief  time  to  enable  one  to  return  to 
France,  if  he  defired  to  winter  there.  Bciides  this  firll  fall, 
there  are  ten  others,  for  the  mofl:  part  hard  to  pafs  ;  lb  that 
it  would  be  a  matter  of  great  difficulty  and  labor  to  fee  and 
do  by  boat  what  one  might  propofe  to  himfelf,  except  at 
great  coft,  and  the  rifk  of  working  in  vain.  But  in  the  canoes 
of  the  favages  one  can  go  without  reilraint,  and  quickly, 
everywhere,  in  the  fmall  as  well  as  large  rivers.  So  that,  by 
ufmg  canoes  as  the  favages  do,  it  would  be  poffible  to  fee  all 
there  is,  good  and  bad,  in  a  year  or  two. 

The  territory  on  the  fide  of  the  fall  where  we  went  over- 
land confifls,  fo  far  as  we  faw  it,  of  very  open  woods,  where 
one  can  go  with  his  armor  without  much  difficulty.     The  air 

is 


'I  1 


'!• 


H 


;  r 


!       ' 


\ 


\\ 


270 


Voyages  of 


is  milder  and  the  foil  better  than  in  any  j)lace  I  have  before 
{^idw.  There  are  extenfive  woods  and  numerous  fruits,  as  in 
all  the  places  before  mentioned.  It  is  in  latitude  45'  and 
fome  minutes. 

I'inding  that  we  ctjuld  Jiot  advance  farther,  we  returned  to 
our  barcjue,  where  we  afked  our  lavayjes  in  regard  to  the 
continuation  of  the  river,  which  I  directed  them  to  indicate 
with  their  hands;  fo,  alio,  in  what  direction  its  fource  was. 
They  told  us  that,  after  palling  the  firfl  fall,'"  which  we  had 
feen,  they  go  up  the  river  fome  ten  or  fifteen  leagues  with 
their  canoes,'"'  extending  to  the  region  of  the  Algonquins, 
fome  fixty  leagues  dillant  from  the  great  river,  and  that  they 
then  pafs  five  falls,  extending,  perhaps,  eight  leagues  from 
the  firfl:  to  the  laft,  there  being  two  where  they  are  obliged 
to  carry  their  canoes."'''  The  extent  of  each  fall  may  be  an 
eighth  of  a  league,  or  a  quarter  at  mofl:.  After  this,  they 
enter  a  lake,"'^  perhaps  Ibme  fifteen  or  fixteen  leagues  long. 
Beyond  this  they  enter  a  river  a  league  broad,  and  in  which 
they  go  feveral  leagues."''*  Then  they  enter  another  lake 
fome  four  or  five  leagues  long."''  After  reaching  the  end 
of  this,  they  pafs  five  other  falls,^°°  the  dillance  from  the 
firfl   to  the  laft  being  about  twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues. 

Three 

"*  Lachine  Rapids.  '^^  Lake  St.   Francis,  about  twenty- 

196  Paffing  through   Lake   St.   Louis,  five  miles  lonij. 

they  come  to  the  River  Ottawa,  fome-  '**  Long  S:\ut. 

times  called  the  River  of  the  Algon-  i"'  Hardly  a  lake  but  rather  the  river 

quins.  uninterrupted  by  falls  or  rapids. 

198  Tl  e  Cafcades,  Cedres  and  Rajiids  -^^  The   fmaller  rapids,   the   Galops, 

du   Coteau   du    Lac   with    fubdivilions.  Point  Cardinal,  and  others.  —  Vide  La 

LaTerdi.  re.     La  Hnntan  mentions  four  Hontan's  defcription  of  his  paffage  up 

rapids  between  Lake  St.  Louis  and  St.  this  river,  A'civ  l'ova(;es  to  N.  America^ 

Francis,  as  Cafcades,  Le  CataraHe  du  London,  1735.     ^o^-  !•  P-  3°- 
Trou,  Sauts  des  Cedres,  and  du  BuiJJon. 


V' 


Sicur  de  Chajuplain. 


271 


Three  of  thefe  they  jiais  by  carryint;  their  eanoes,  and  the 
other  two  l)y  (Iraginini;  them  in  tlie  water,  tiu'  eiirrent  not 
beinc^  fo  (Irong  nor  bad  as  in  the  eafe  of  tiie  others.  Of  all 
tliefe  falls,  none  is  fo  dilTieiilt  to  pals  as  the  one  we  faw. 
Then  they  come  to  a  lake  Tome  eiujhty  leagues  lonijj, " 
with  a  great  many  iflands ;  the  water  at  its  extremity  bi'infi; 
frelli  and  the  winter  mild.  At  the  end  of  this  lake  they  |)ars 
a  fall,'"'  fomewhat  high  and  with  but  little  watir  flowing 
over.  Here  they  carry  their  canoes  overland  about  a  ([uar- 
terof  a  league,  in  order  to  pals  the  fall,  afterwards  entering 
another  lake*''  fome  fixty  leagues  long,  and  containing  very 
good  water.  Having  reached  the  end,  they  come  to  a  (trait  "'* 
two  leagues  broad  and  extending  a  coniitlerablc  dillance  into 
the  interior.  They  laid  they  had  never  gone  any  farther, 
nor  feen  the  end  of  a  lake  ' '  Ibme  fifteen  or  fixteen  leagues 
diftant  from  where  they  had  been,  and  that  thofc  relating 
this  to  them  had  not  leen  anyone  who  had  feen  it;  that 
fince  it  was  fo  large,  they  wouKl  not  venture  out  upon  it,  for 

fear 

*>*  Lake  Ontario.     It  is  one  Inindrcd  water  ami  tlic  pi-rpendicular  fall  of  i^io 

and  eitflity  miles  long.  —  Garneni;.  feet  render  it  UMluriiallfd  in  j,'r.in(Ieiir 

'^'^  Niajrara    Falls.     Chami)lain   does  1)>  any  other  cataratt  in  tlie  world.    .Al- 

not  appear  to  have  obtained  from   the  thoui;h    Ch.iinplain    appears    never    to 

Indians  any  adecpiatc  iilea  of  the  f^ran-  have   (\:^.'\\    this  fall,   he    iiad     vidently 

deur    and    magniliccnce    of    this    fall,  ohtaiiied  a  more  accurate  dofcnption  (if 

The    expreffion,    qui  eft  qurlque   pen  it  before  1629. —  r;V/(?note  No.  go  to  map 

ileut'y  oh  il  y  a  pen  d'eau,  laqucUe  de-  in  ed.  1632. 

fcend,  would  imply  that  it  was  of  mod-  "^^  Lake  Erie,  250  miles  long. — Gar- 

erate   if  not   of   an   inferior  characler.  uertt. 

This  may  have  arifen  from  the  want  of  '^^  Detroit  river,  or  the  ftrait  which 

a   fuitable   medium  of   communication,  connects  Lake  Erie  and  Lake  St.  ("lair, 

but  it  is  more  likely  that  the  intenfely  — Atlas  of  the  Doniinion  of  Canada. 

practical  nature  of  the  Indian  did  not  ''^^  Lake  Huron,  denominated  on  cirly 

enable  him  to  apjjreciate  or  even  ob-  maps  il/tv  Awtv,  the  fweet  fea  of  which 

ferve  the  beauties    by  which   he   was  the  knowledge  of  the  Indian  guides  was 

furrounded.    The  immenfe   volume   of  very  imperfe<ft. 


M 


I! 


t   I  1 


i  \  i 


!     / 


272 


Voyages  of 


w 


LtLi 


-ili 


fear  of  being  furprifed  by  a  tempefl;  or  gale.  They  fay  that 
in  fummer  the  fun  fets  north  of  this  lake,  and  in  winter 
about  the  middle ;  that  the  water  there  is  very  bad,  Hke  that 
of  this  fea.^°' 

I  afked  them  whether  from  this  laft  lake,  which  they  had 
feen,  the  water  defcended  contiriuoufly  in  the  river  extending 
to  Gafpe.  They  faid  no ;  that  it  was  from  the  third  lake 
only  that  the  water  came  to  Gafpe,  but  that  beyond  the  lafl; 
fall,  which  is  of  confiderable  extent,  as  I  have  faid,  the  water 
was  almoft  flill,  and  that  this  lake  might  take  its  courfe  by 
other  rivers  extending  inland  either  to  the  north  or  fouth,  of 
which  there  are  a  large  number  there,  and  of  which  they  do 
not  fee  the  end.  Now,  in  my  judgment,  if  fo  many  rivers  flow 
into  this  lake,  it  mull  of  neceffity  be  that,  having  fo  fmall  a 
difcharge  at  this  fall,  it  fhouid  flow  off  into  fome  very  large 
river.  But  what  leads  me  to  believe  that  there  is  no  river 
through  which  this  lake  flows,  as  would  be  expelled,  in  view 
of  the  large  number  of  rivers  that  flow  into  it,  is  the  fa6t 
that  the  favages  have  not  feen  any  river  taking  its  courfe 
into  the  interior,  except  at  the  place  where  they  have  been. 
This  leads  me  to  believe  that  it  is  the  fouth  fea  which  is  fait, 
as  they  fay.  But  one  is  not  to  attach  credit  to  this  opinion 
without  more  complete  evidence  than  the  little  adduced. 

This  is  all  that  I  have  adlually  feen  refpe(5ling  this  matter, 

or  heard  from  the  favages  in  refponfe  to  our  interrogatories. 

CHAPTER    IX. 

**'  The  Indians  with  whom  Cham-  cafionally  referred  was  probably  Hud- 
plain  came  in  contadl  on  this  hafty  fon's  Bay,  of  which  fome  knowledge 
vifit  in  1603  appear  to  have  had  fome  may  have  been  tranfmitted  from  the 
notion  of  a  fait  fea,  or  as  they  fay  tribes  dwelling  near  it  to  others  more 
water  that  is  very  bad  like  the  fea,  remote,  and  thus  paffing  from  tribe  to 
lying  in  an  indefinite  region,  which  tribe  till  it  reached,  in  rather  an  indc- 
neither  they  nor  their  friends  had  ever  finite  fhape,  thofe  dwelling  on  the  St. 
vifited.     Tile  fait  fea  to  which  they  oc-  Lawrence. 


Siettr  lie  Ckantp/atn. 


27 


!.> 


I 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Return  from  the  Fall  to  Tadoussac.  —  Testimony  of  several  Sav- 
ages IN  regard  to  the  Length  and  Commencement  of  the  Great 
River  of  Canada,  Number  of  the  Falls,  and  the  Lakes  which  it 
traverses. 

jE  fet  out  from  the  fall  on  Friday,  the  fourth 
of  June,'°'  and  returned  the  fame  day  to  the 
river  of  the  Iroquois.  On  Sunday,  the  fixth 
of  June,  we  fet  out  from  here,  and  came  to  an- 
chor at  the  lake.  On  Monday  following,  we 
came  to  anchor  at  the  Trois  Rivie^  2s.  The  fame  day,  we 
made  fome  four  leagues  beyond  the  Trois  Rivieres.  The 
following  Tuefday  we  reached  Quebec,  and  the  next  day  the 
end  of  the  ifland  of  Orleans,  where  the  Indians,  who  were 
encamped  on  the  mainland  to  the  north,  came  to  us.  We 
queftioned  two  or  three  Algonquins,  in  order  to  afcertain 
whether  they  would  agree  with  thofe  whom  we  had  interro- 
gated in  regard  to  the  extent  and  commencement  of  the 
River  of  Canada. 

They  faid,  indicating  it  by  figns,  that  two  or  three  leagues 
after  paffmg  the  fall  which  we  had  feen,  there  is,  on  the 
northern  (hore,  a  river  in  their  territory ;  that,  continuing  in 
the  faid  great  river,  they  pafs  a  fall,  where  they  carry  their 
canoes ;  that  they  then  pafs  five  other  falls  comprifing,  from 
the  firft  to  the  lafl,  fome  nine  or  ten  leagues,  and  that  thefe 
falls  are  not  hard  to  pafs,  as  they  drag  their  canoes  in  the 

moft 

*'  As  they  were  at  Lake  St.  Peter  on  the  29th  of  June,  it  is  plain  that  this 
fliould  read  July. 

35 


i 


?( 


■■)  ■ 


ill'. 


1^ 


^1 


i! 


il 


( 


:w 


^^^^^ 


:,'    I 


Ih  ? 


I 


'. ',      i 


74 


Voyages  of 


mofl  of  them,  except  at  two,  where  they  carry  them.  After 
that,  they  enter  a  river  which  is  a  fort  of  lake,  comprifing 
fome  fix  or  feven  leagues;  and  then  they  pafs  five  other 
falls,  where  they  drag  their  canoes  as  before,  except  at  two, 
where  they  carry  them  as  at  the  firfl ;  and  that,  from  the 
firft  to  the  lafl:,  there  are  fome  twenty  or  twenty-five  leagues. 
Then  they  enter  a  lake  fome  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  in 
length,  and  fome  four  or  five  leagues  from  the  entrance  of 
this  lake  there  is  a  river ''°*  extending  northward  to  the  Algon- 
quins,  and  another  towards  the  Iroquois,^*^  where  the  faid 
Algonquins  and  the  Iroquois  make  war  upon  each  other. 
And  a  little  farther  along,  on  the  fouth  fliore  of  this  lake, 
there  is  another  river,^'°  extending  towards  the  Iroquois; 
then,  arriving  at  the  end  of  this  lake,  they  come  to  another 
fall,  where  they  carry  their  canoes ;  beyond  this,  they  enter 
another  very  large  lake,  as  long,  perhaps,  as  the  firft.  The 
latter  they  have  vifited  but  very  little,  they  faid,  and  have 
heard  that,  at  the  end  of  it,  there  is  a  fea  of  which  they  have 
not  feen  the  end,  nor  heard  that  any  one  has,  but  that  the 
water  at  the  point  to  which  they  have  gone  is  not  fait,  but 
that  they  are  not  able  to  judge  of  the  water  beyond,  fince  they 
have  not  advanced  any  farther ;  that  the  courfe  of  the  water 
is  from  the  well  towards  the  eafl,  and  that  they  do  not  know 
whether,  beyond  the  lakes  they  have  feen,  there  is  another 
watercourfe  towards  the  weft ;  that  the  fun  fets  on  the  right 
of  this  lake;  that  is,  in  my  judgment,  northweft  more  or 
lefs ;  and  that,  at  the  firft  lake,  the  water  never  freezes,  which 

leads 


it  is  I       a 


*"  This  river  extending  north  from 
Lake  C  itario  is  the  river-like  Bay  of 
Quintd 


209  The  Ofwego  River. 
'^i^  The  Genefee  River,  after  which 
they  come  to  Niagara  Falls. 


V\  iv, 


Sietir  de  C/imnpIain. 


27 


leads  me  to  conclude  that  the  weather  there  is  moderate.'" 
They  faid,  moreover,  that  all  the  territory  of  the  Algonquins 
is  low  land,  containing  but  little  wood  ;  but  that  on  the  fide  of 
the  Iroquois  the  land  is  mountainous,  although  very  good 
and  produ6live,  and  better  than  in  any  place  they  had  feen. 
The  Iroquois  dwell  fome  fifty  or  fixty  leagues  from  this 
great  lake.  This  is  what  they  told  me  they  had  feen,  which 
differs  but  very  little  from  the  ftatement  of  the  former  fav- 
ages. 

On  the  fame  day  we  went  about  three  leagues,  nearly  to 
the  Ifle  aux  Coudres.  On  Thurfday,  the  tenth  of  the  month, 
we  came  within  about  a  league  and  a  half  of  Hare  Ifland,  on 
the  north  fhore,  where  other  Indians  came  to  our  barque, 
among  whom  was  a  young  Algonquin  who  had  travelled 
a  great  deal  in  the  aforefaid  great  lake.  We  queftioned  him 
very  particularly,  as  we  had  the  other  favages.  He  told  us 
that,  fome  two  or  three  leagues  beyond  the  fall  we  had  feen, 
there  is  a  river  extending  to  the  place  where  the  Algonquins 
dwell,  and  that,  proceeding  up  the  great  river,  there  are 
five  falls,  fome  eight  or  nine  leagues  from  the  firfl:  to  the  laft, 
paft  three  of  which  they  carry  their  canoes,  and  in  the  other 
two  drag  them ;  that  each  one  of  thefe  falls  is,  perhaps,  a 
quarter  of  a  league  long.  Then  they  enter  a  lake  fome  fif- 
teen leagues  in  extent,  after  which  they  pafs  five  other  falls, 
extending  from  the  firfl  to  the  laft:  fome  twenty  to  twenty-five 
leagues,  only  two  of  which  they  pafs  in  their  canoes,  while 
at  the  three  others  they  drag  them.  After  this,  they  enter 
a  very  large  lake,  fome  three  hundred  leagues  in  length. 

Proceeding 


211  w^g    j,^j^    eafily    recognize    Lake 
Ontario,  Lake  Erie  and  Niagara  Falls, 


although    this   account  is   exceedingly 
confufed  and  inaccurate. 


i;  J. 


f  I 


*ii 


u    I 


ii 


! 


276 


Voyages  of 


'1  f 


;. 


Proceeding  fome  hundred  leagues  in  this  lake,  they  corne  to 
a  very  large  ifland,  beyond  which  the  water  is  good ;  but 
that,  upon  going  fome  hundred  leagues  farther,  the  water  has 
become  fomewhat  bad,  and,  upon  reaching  the  end  of  the 
lake,  it  is  perfe6lly  fait.  That  there  is  a  fall  about  a  league 
wide,  where  a  very  large  mafs  of  water  falls  into  faid  lake  ; 
that,  when  this  fall  is  paffed,  one  fees  no  more  land  on  either 
fide,  but  only  a  fea  fo  large  that  they  have  never  feen  the 
end  of  it,  nor  heard  that  any  one  has ;  that  the  fun  fets  on 
the  rigiit  of  this  lake,  at  the  entrance  to  which  there  is  a 
river  extending  towards  the  Algonquins,  and  another  towards 
the  Iroquois,  by  way  of  which  they  go  to  war;  that  the 
country  of  the  Iroquois  is  fomewhat  mountainous,  though 
very  fertile,  there  being  there  a  great  amount  of  Indian 
corn  and  other  products  which  they  do  not  have  in  their 
own  country.  That  the  territory  of  the  Algonquins  is  low 
and  fertile. 

I  afked  them  whether  they  had  knowledge  of  any  mines. 
They  told  us  that  there  was  a  nation  called  the  good  Iro- 
quois,^" who  come  to  barter  for  the  articles  of  merchandife 
which  the  French  veffels  furnifli  the  Algonquins,  who  fay 
that,  towards  the  north,  there  is  a  mine  of  pure  copper, 
fome  bracelets  made  from  which  they  fhowed  us,  which  they 
had  obtained  from  the  good  Iroquois ;  ^''  that,  if  we  wiflied 

to 


212  Reference  is  here  made  to  the 
Hurons  v/ho  were  nearly  related  to  the 
Iroquois.  They  were  called  by  the 
French  the  goocf  Iroquois  in  diftinftion 
from  the  Iroquois  in  the  State  of  New 
York,  with  whom  they  were  at  war. 

'"s  A  fpecimen  of  pure  copper  was 


fubfequently  prefented  to  Champliin.  — 
Vol.  II.  p.  236:  Vide  a  brochure  on 
Pre-hijloric  Copper  Iiitplciiients.  by  tiie 
editor,  reprinted  from  the  New  England 
Hiftorical  and  Genealogical  Kegifter  for 
Jan.  1879  ;  alfo  reprinted  in  the  Collec- 
tions of  Wis.  Hirt.  Soc,  Vol  VIII.  i8Sj. 


,,    ',x 


Sieur  de  Champlain. 


277 


to  go  there,  they  would  guide  thofe  who  might  be  deputed 
for  this  obje6l. 

This  is  all  that  I  have  been  able  to  afcertain  from  all  par- 
ties, their  ftatements  differing  but  little  from  each  other, 
except  that  the  fecond  ones  who  were  interrogated  faid  that 
they  had  never  drunk  fait  water ;  whence  it  appears  that 
they  had  not  proceeded  fo  far  in  faid  lake  as  the  others. 
They  differ,  alfo,  but  little  in  refped  to  the  diflance,  fome 
making  it  fliorter  and  others  longer ;  fo  that,  according  to 
their  ftatement,  the  diflance  from  the  fall  where  we  had  been 
to  the  fait  fea,  which  is  poffibly  the  South  Sea,  is  fome  four 
hundred  leagues.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted,  then,  according 
to  their  flatement,  that  this  is  none  other  than  the  South 
Sea,  the  fun  fetting  where  they  fay. 

On  Friday,  the  tenth  of  this  month,''*  we  returned  to  Ta- 
douffac,  where  our  veffel  lay. 


I 


CHAPTER    X. 

Voyage  from  Tadoussac  to  Isle  Percee. —  Description  of  Molues 
Bay,  the  Island  of  Bonavexture,  Bay  of  Chaleur  :  also  several 
Rtvers,  Lakes,  and  Countries  where  there  are  various  kinds  of 
Mines. 

T  once,  after  arriving  at  Tadouffac,  we  embarked 
for  Gafpe,  about  a  hundred  leagues  diftant.  On 
the  thirteenth  day  of  the  month,  we  met  a  troop 
of  favages  encamped  on  the  fouth  fliore,  nearly 
half  way  between  Tadouffac  and  Gafpe.  The 
name  of  the  Sagamore  who  led  them  is  Armouchides,  who 

is 

«"  Friday,  July  nth. 


M.f 


I 


■  li 


278 


Voyages  of 


li'     ': 


.'.- 


.!! 


is  regarded  as  one  of  the  moft  intelligent  and  daring  of  the 
favages.  He  was  going  to  Tadouflac  to  barter  their  arrows 
and  orignac  meat  "^  for  beavers  and  martens  ^'^  with  the 
Montagnais,  Etechemins,  and  Algonquins. 

On  the  15th  day  of  the  month  we  arrived  at  Gafpe,  fitu- 
ated  on  the  northern  fhore  of  a  bay,  and  about  a  league  and 
a  half  from  the  entrance.  This  bay  is  fome  leven  or  eight 
leagues  long,  and  four  leagues  broad  at  its  entrance.  There 
is  a  river  there  extending  fome  thirty  leagues  inland."' 
Then  we  faw  another  bay,  called  Mohics  Bay"'^  fome  three 
leagues  long  and  as  many  wide  at  its  entrance.  Thence  we 
come  to  Ifle  Percee,'"'  a  fort  of  rock,  which  is  very  high  and 
fteep  on  two  fides,  with  a  hole  through  which  fhallops  and 
boats  can  pafs  at  high  tide.  At  low  tide,  you  can  go  from 
the  mainland  to  this  ifland,  which  is  only  fome  four  or  five 
hundred  feet  diilant.  There  is  alfo  another  ifland,  about  a 
league  foutheaft  of  Ifle  Percee,  called  the  Ifland  of  Bona- 
venture,  which  is,  perhaps,  half  a  league  long.  Gafpe, 
Molues  Bay,  and  Ifle  Percee  are  all  places  where  dry  and 
green  fifliing  is  carried  on. 

Beyond  Ifle  Percee  there  is  a  bay,  called  Bayede  Chaleurs,^'^ 

extending 


"^"^^  Orignac.  Moofe.  —  Vide  antca, 
note  179. 

-'"  Martens,  martres.  This  may  in- 
clude the  pine-marten,  Mujlela  tnartes, 


plied  on  account  of  the  excellent  fifla 
of  the  neighborhood.  The  har'nor  of 
Mai-Bay  is  enclofed  between  two  points, 
Point  Peter  on  the  north,  and  a  high 


and  the  pecan  or  fiflier,  Mujicla  Cana-  roci<y  promontory  on  tiie  fouth.  whofe 

«^i?///?j,  both  of  which  were  found  in  large  cliffs  rife  to  the  height  of  666  feet. — 

numbers  in  New  France.  Vide   Charts   of  the  St.  Lawrence  by 

-"  York  River.  Captain  H.  W.  Bayfield. 

^"^^  Molues   Bay.     Baye  des   Molues.  ^1*  Ifle  PercJe.—  Vide  Vol.  II.  note 

Now  known  as  Mai-Bay,  from  tnorue,  290. 

codfifli,  a  corruption  from  the  old  or-  220  Jiaye  de  Chaleurs.     This  bay  was 

thography  molue  and  baie,  codfidi  bay,  fo  named  by  Jacques  Cartier  on  account 

the    name   having   been  originally  ap-  of   the  excefllve   heat,   chaleur.    expe- 
rienced 


Sieitr  de  Champlain. 


279 


extending  fome  eighty  leagues  well-fouthweft  inland,  and 
fome  fifteen  leagues  broad  at  its  entrance.  The  Canadian 
favages  fay  that  Ibme  fixty  leagues  along  the  fouthern  Ihore 
of  the  great  River  of  Canada,  there  is  a  little  river  called 
Mantanne,  extending  fome  eighteen  leagues  inland,  at  the 
end  of  which  they  carry  their  canoes  about  a  league  by  land, 
and  come  to  the  Baye  de  Chaleurs,"'  whence  they  go  fome- 
times  to  IHe  Percee.  They  alfo  go  from  this  bay  to  Tre- 
gate  *""  and  Mifamichy."^ 

Proceeding  along  this  coafl,  you  pafs  a  large  number  of 
rivers,  and  reach  a  place  where  there  is  one  called  Souricoua, 
by  way  of  which  Sieur  Prevert  went  to  explore  a  copper 
mine.  They  go  with  their  canoes  up  this  river  for  two  or 
three  days,  when  they  go  overland  fome  two  or  three  leagues 
to  the  faid  mine,  which  is  fituated  on  the  feafliore  fouthward. 
At  the  entrance  to  the  above-mentioned  river  there  is  an 
ifland  "^  about  a  league  out,  from  which  ifland  to  Ifle  Percee 
is  a  diflance  of  fome  fixty  or  feventy  leagues.  Then,  con- 
tinuing along  this  coafl,  which  runs  towards  the  eaft,  you 
come  to  a  flrait  about  two  leagues  broad  and  twenty-five 

long. 

rienced  there  on  his  firft  voyage  in  1634.  Big  Tracadie  River,  this  place  may  be 

—  Vide    Voyage    de    Jacques    Cartier,  reached. 

Mechelant,  ed.  Paris,  1865,  p.  50.     The  '^23  ,\[ifamichv,   Miramichi.      This   is 

depth  of  the  bay  is  about  ninety  miles  reached   by  a  'thort  portage    from   the 

and  its  width  at  the  entrance  is  about  Nepifiguit   to  the   head  waters  of   the 

eighteen.     It  receives   the   Riftigouche  Miramichi. 

and  other  rivers.                             ■"  •■^■■^■i  It  is  obvious  from  this  defcription 

221  By  a  portage  of  about  three  leagues  that  the  iiland  above  mentioned  is  She- 
from  the  river  Matane  to  the  Matapedia,  diac  Ifland,  and  the  river  was  one  of 
the  Bay  of  Chaleur  may  "l.»  reached  by  the  feveral  emptying  into  Shediac  Bay, 
water.  and  named  Souricoua,  as  by  it  the  Ii> 

222  Tregate,  Tracadie.  By  a  very  fhort  dians  went  to  the  Souriquois  or  Micmacs 
portage   between   Bafs   River  and   the  in  Nova  Scotia. 


II' 


I 


n' 


I 


,1 


. 


I 

i 


I 


W"^ 


■' t 


rt 


'!;i 


11 


1  I 


280 


Voyages  of 


long.**'  On  the  eafl  fide  of  it  is  an  ifland  named  6"/.  Law- 
rence"''  on  which  is  Cape  Breton,  and  where  a  tribe  of  fav- 
ages  called  the  Souriquois  winter.  Paffing  the  flrait  of  the 
Ifland  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  coafling  along  the  fliore  of  La 
Cadie,  you  come  to  a  bay  ""  on  which  this  copper  mine  is  fit- 
uated.  Advancing  ftill  farther,  you  find  a  river"*  extending 
fome  fixty  or  eighty  leagues  inland,  and  nearly  to  the  Lake 
of  the  Iroquois,  along  which  the  favages  of  the  coaft  of  La 
Cadie  go  to  make  war  upon  the  latter. 

One  would  accomplifh  a  great  good  by  difcovering,  on  the 
coaft  of  Florida,  fome  paflage  running  near  to  the  great  lake 
before  referred  to,  where  the  water  is  fait ;  not  only  on  ac- 
count of  the  navigation  of  veffels,  which  would  not  then  be 
expofed  to  so  great  rifks  as  in  going  by  way  of  Canada,  but 
alfo  on  account  of  the  fliortening  of  the  diflance  by  more 
than  three  hundred  leagues.  And  it  is  certain  that  there 
are  rivers  on  the  coafl  of  Florida,  not  yet  difcovered,  extend- 
ing into  the  interior,  where  the  land  is  very  good  and  fertile, 
and  containing  very  good  harbors.  The  country  and  coaft 
of  Florida  may  have  a  diiferent  temperature  and  be  more 
produ6live  in  fruits  and  other  things  than  that  which  I  have 
feen ;  but  there  cannot  be  there  any  lands  more  level  nor  of 
a  better  quality  than  thofe  we  have  feen. 

The  favages  fay  that,  in  this  great  Baye  de  Chaleurs,  there 
is  a  river  extending  fome  twenty  leagues  into  the  interior, 

at 

228  The  Strait  of  Canfeau.  "s  jhe  River  St.  John  by  which  they 

22^  .5"/.  Lawrence.      This  ifland  had  reached  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  through 

then  borne  the  name  of  the  //land  of  the  River  Richelieu  the  lake  of  the  Iro- 

Cape  Breton  for  a  hundred  years.  quois.     It  was  named  Lake  Champlain 

^"  The  Bay  of  Fundy.  in  1609.     Vide  Vol.  IL  p.  223. 


: 


Sieitr  de  Champlain. 


281 


at  the  extremity  of  which  is  a  lake"''  fome  twenty  leagues  in 
extent,  but  witli  very  little  water;  that  it  dries  up  in  fummer, 
when  they  find  in  it,  a  foot  or  foot  and  a  half  under  ground, 
a  kind  of  metal  refembling  the  filver  which  I  fhowed  them, 
and  that  in  another  place,  near  this  lake,  there  is  a  copper 
mine. 

This  is  what  .  learned  from  thefe  lavages. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Return  from  Isle  Perc^e  to  Tadoussac.  —  Description  of  the 
Coves,  Harbors,  Rivers,  Islands,  Rocks,  Falls,  Bays,  and  Shal- 
lows ALONG  THE  NORTHERN    SHORE. 

E  fet  out  from  Ifle  Percee  on  the  nineteenth 
of  the  month,  on  our  return  to  Tadouffac. 
When  we  were  fome  three  leagues  from  Cape 
Eveque'^°  we  encountered  a  tempeft,  which 
lafted  two  days,  and  obliged  us  to  put  into  a 
large  cove  and  wait  for  fair  weather.  The  next  day  we  fet 
out  from  there  and  again  encountered  another  tempell.  Not 
wifhing  to  put  back,  and  thinking  that  we  could  make  our 
way,  we  proceeded  to  the  north  fliore  on  the  28th  of  July, 
and  came  to  anchor  in  a  cove  which  is  very  dangerous  on 
account  of  its  rocky  banks.  This  cove  is  in  latitude  51°  and 
fome  minutes.'^' 

The 


229  By  traverfing  the  Riftigouche 
River,  the  Matapediac  may  be  reached, 
the  lake  here  defignated. 

^  Evefque.  This  cape  cannot  be 
identified. 


36 


2"  On  pafling  to  the  northern  fhore 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  they  entered,  ac- 
cording to  the  conjefture  of  Laverdi^re, 
Moifie  Bay.  It  feems  to  us,  however, 
more  likely  that  they  entered  a  cove  fome- 

where 


.1! 


n 


*.  s 


\f 


liffijiiMMiiP 


t:^i 


282 


Voyages  of 


im;  ' 


% 


ii 


ill' 


.ill 


The  next  day  we  anchored  near  a  river  called  St.  Margaret, 
where  the  depth  is  fome  three  fathoni.-.  at  full  tide,  and  a  fath- 
om and  a  half  at  low  tide.  It  extends  a  confiderable  diftancc 
inland.  So  far  as  I  obferved  the  eaftern  fliore  inland,  there  is 
a  waterfall  fome  fifty  or  fixty  fathoms  in  extent,  flowing  into 
this  river ;  from  this  comes  the  greater  part  of  the  water 
compofing  it.  At  its  mouth  there  is  a  fand-bank,  where  there 
is,  perhaps,  at  low  tide,  half  a  fathom  of  water.  All  along 
the  eaflern  fliore  there  is  moving  fand  ;  and  here  there  is  a 
point  fome  half  a  league  from  the  above  mentioned  river,'^' 
extending  out  half  a  league,  and  on  the  weflcrn  fhore  there 
is  a  little  ifland.  This  place  is  in  latitude  50°.  All  thefe 
lands  are  very  poor,  and  covered  with  firs.  The  country  is 
fomewhat  high,  but  not  fo  much  fo  as  that  on  the  fouth  fide. 

After  going  fome  three  leagues,  we  paffed  another  river,'^' 
apparently  very  large,  but  the  entrance  is,  for  the  mofl  part, 
filled  with  rocks.  Some  eight  leagues  diftant  from  there, 
is  a  point  "^*  extending  out  a  league  and  a  half,  where  there 
is  only  a  fathom  and  a  half  of  water.     Some  four  leagues 

beyond 


where  among  the  Seven  Iflands,  pe**- 
haps  near  the  weft  channel  to  the  Seven 
Iflands  Bay,  between  Point  Croix  and 
Point  Chafhf,  where  they  might  have 
found  good  anchorage  and  a  rocl<y 
fhore.  The  true  latitude  is  fay,  about 
50°  9'.  The  latitude  51°,  as  given  by 
Champlain,  would  cut  the  coaft  of  La- 
brador, and  is  obvioufly  an  error. 

"^"^  This  was  probably  the  river  ftill 
bearing  the  name  of  St.  Margaret. 
There  is  a  fandy  point  extending  out  on 
the  eaft  and  a  peninfula  on  the  weftern 
fliore,  which  may  then  have  been  an 


ifland  formed  by  the  moving  fands.  — 
Vide  BavfielcFs  charts. 

28«  Ro'ck  River,  in  latitude  50°  2'. 

2«*  Point  De  Monts.  The  Abbd  La- 
verdi^re,  whofe  opportunities  for  know- 
ing this  coaft  were  excellent,  ftates  that 
there  is  no  other  point  between  Rock 
River  and  Point  De  Monts  of  fuch  ex- 
tent, and  where  there  is  fo  little  water. 
As  to  the  diftance,  Champlain  may 
have  been  deceived  by  the  currents,  or 
there  may  have  been,  as  fuggefted  by 
Laverdi^re,  a  typographical  error.  The 
diftance  to  Point  De  Monts  is,  in  faCt, 
eighteen  leagues. 


Samuel  de  Chantplain. 


283 


beyond  this  point,  tlierc  is  another,  where  there  is  water 
enough.'"     All  tliis  coaft  is  low  and  Tandy. 

Some  four  leagues  beyond  there  is  a  cove  into  which  a 
river  enters.'^''  This  place  is  capable  of  containing  a  largt; 
number  of  vclTels  on  its  weflern  fide.  There  is  a  low  point 
extending  out  about  a  league.  One  mufl  fail  along  the  eailern 
f'l'e  for  Ibme  three  hundred  paces  in  order  to  enter.  This  is 
the  bell  harbor  along  all  the  northern  coall ;  yet  it  is  very 
dangerous  foiling  there  on  account  of  the  Ihallows  and  fand- 
banks  along  the  greater  part  of  the  coall  for  nearly  two 
leagues  from  the  (hore. 

Some  fix  leagues  farther  on  is  a  bay,^"  where  there  is  a 
fandy  ifland.  This  entire  bay  is  very  Hioal,  except  on  the 
eaflern  fide,  where  there  are  fome  four  fathoms  of  water. 
In  the  channel  which  enters  this  bay,  fome  four  leagues  from 
there,  is  a  fine  cove,  into  which  a  river  flows.  There  is  a 
large  fall  on  it.  All  Ih's  coall  is  low  and  fandy.  Some  five 
leagues  beyond,  is  a  point  extending  out  about  half  a 
league,'^*  in  which  there  is  a  cove ;  and  from  one  point  to 
the  other  is  a  dillance  of  three  leagues ;  which,  however,  is 
only  flioals  with  little  water. 

Some  two  leagues  farther  on,  is  a  llrand  with  a  good  har- 
bor 

2W  Point  St.  Nicholas. — Laverdiire. 
This  is  probably  the  point  referred  to, 
although  the  dillance  is  again  three 
times  too  great. 

^^  The  Manicouagan  River. — Laver- 
dilre.  The  diftance  is  Hill  exceffive,  but 
in  other  refpedts  the  defcription  in  the 
text  identifies  this  river.  On  Bellin's 
map  this  river  is  called  Riviere  Noire. 

2"  Outard  Bay.  The  ifland  does  not 
now  appear.     It  was  probably  an  ifland 


of  fand,  which  has  fince  been  fwept 
away,  unlefs  it  was  the  fandy  peninfula 
lying  between  Outard  and  Alanicoua- 
gan  Rivers.  The  fall  is  laid  down  on 
Bayfield's  chart. 

•/88  Berfimis  Point.  Walker  and  Miles 
have  Bt't/iami/es,  Bellin,  Berfiainites^ 
Laverdii;re,  Bctjiamis,  and  Bayfield,  Ber- 
fiinis.  The  te,\t  defcribes  the  locality 
with  fufficient  accuracy. 


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284 


Voyages  of 


bor  and  a  little  river,  in  which  there  are  three  iflands,*"  and 
in  which  velTels  could  take  Ihclter. 

Some  three  leagues  from  there,  is  a  Tandy  point,'^"  extend- 
ing out  about  a  league,  at  the  end  of  which  is  a  little  illand. 
Then,  going  on  to  the  Elquemin,'*'  you  come  to  two  fmall, 
low  illands  and  a  little  rock  near  the  Ihore.  Thele  illands 
are  about  half  a  league  from  the  Efquemin,  which  is  a  very 
bad  harbor,  furrounded  by  rocks  and  dry  at  low  tide,  and,  in 
order  to  enter,  one  muft  tack  and  go  in  behind  a  little  rocky 
point,  where  there  is  room  enough  for  only  one  velTel.  A 
little  farther  on,  is  a  river  extending  fome  little  diftance  into 
the  interior ;  this  is  the  place  where  the  Bafques  carry  on 
the  whale-fifliery/*'  To  tell  the  truth,  the  harbor  is  of  no 
account  at  all. 

We  went  thence  to  the  harbor  of  Tadouffac,  on  the  third 
of  Augufl:.  All  thefe  lands  above-mentioned  along  the  Ihore 
are  low,  while  the  interior  is  high.  They  are  not  so  attrad- 
ive  or  fertile  as  thole  on  the  fouth  fliore,  although  lower. 

This  is  precifely  what  I  have  feen  of  this  northern  (liore. 

CHAPTER   XII. 


^  Jeremy  Ifland.  Bellin,  1764,  lays 
down  three  iflands,  but  IJayfield,  1834, 
has  but  one.  Two  of  tliem  appear  to 
have  been  I'wept  away  or  united  in  one. 

''*''  Three  leagues  would  indicate 
Point  Colombier.  Hut  Laverdit;re  fug- 
gefts  Mille  V'aches  as  better  conforming 
to  the  defcription  in  the  text,  although 
the  diAance  is  three  times  too  great. 


2"  Efquemin.  Walker  and  Miles 
have  K/coumain,  Bellin,  Li-fyuo/iin, 
Baytield,  Efquamine,  and  Laverdicre, 
Kjcoumins.  The  river  iuilf  a  league 
dillant  is  now  called  River  Homaine. 

^■'-  The  River  LeiTumen,  a  fliort  dif- 
tanr '  from  wliich  is  Anfr  aux  Ihijques, 
or  Bafque  Cove.  This  is  probably  the 
locality  referred  to  in  the  text. 


,  'I 


I' 


Sieitr  de  Champlain. 


285 


CHAPTER    XII. 

Ceremonies   of  the  Savaoes   iikfokk  E.voArjiNG  in  War. —  Of  the  Al- 
MoucHicois    Sava(;i;s    ano    tmkih    SrRANdr.    Fokm.  —  Nakkativk    of 

SlEUK     OE     I'REVEKT    OF    Si'.     MAI-O    ON     TIIK     Kxi'l-OKATIOV   OF   VMK    La 

Caiman   Coast;  what    Minks  there   are  there;   thi;    Excei.ll-nce 

AND    FeRTHJTY   of  THK   Col'NTUY. 

|PON  arriving  at  Taclouffac,  wc  found  the  favagcs, 
whom  we  had  met  at  the  River  of  the  Irocjuois, 
and  who  had  had  an  encounter  at  tlie  fird  hike 
with  three  Iroquois  canoes,  there  being  ten 
of  the  Montagnais.  The  hatter  brought  back 
the  heads  of  the  Iroquois  to  TadoulTac,  there  being  only 
one  Montagnais  wounded,  which  was  in  the  arm  by  an  ar- 
row ;  and  in  cafe  he  ihould  have  a  dream,  it  would  be  neccf- 
fary  for  all  the  ten  others  to  execute  it  in  order  to  fatisfy 
him,  they  thinking,  moreover,  that  his  wound  would  thereby 
do  better.  If  this  favage  fliould  die,  his  relatives  would 
avenge  his  death  either  on  his  own  tribe  or  others,  or  it 
would  be  neccffary  for  the  captains  to  make  prefents  to  the 
relatives  of  the  deceafed,  in  order  to  content  them,  other- 
wife,  as  I  have  faid,  they  would  pracftife  vengeance,  which  is 
a  great  evil  among  them. 

Before  thefe  Montagnais  fet  out  for  the  war,  they  all  gath- 
ered together  in  their  richeft  fur  garments  of  beaver  and 
other  fkins,  adorned  with  beads  and  belts  of  various  colors. 
They  affembled  in  a  large  public  place,  in  the  prefence  of  a 
fagamore  named  Begourat,  who  led  them  to  the  war.  They 
were  arranged  one  behind  the  other,  with  their  bows  and 
arrows,  clubs,   and  round  fliields  with  which  they  provide 

themfelves 


A 


If ' 


ii 


wmmmimmmmmmsm 


mam 


286 


Voyages  of 


h 


n- 


i      li! 


\i\  ' 


lili 


!  '   h. 


themfelves  for  fight\ng.  They  went  leaping  one  after  the 
other,  making  various  geftures  with  their  bodies,  and  many 
fnail-like  turns.  Afterwards  they  proceeded  to  dance  in  the 
cuftomary  manner,  as  I  have  before  defcribed ;  then  they 
had  their  tabagie,  after  which  the  women  ftripped  themfelves 
flark  naked,  adorned  with  their  handfomeft  matachiats.  Thus 
naked  and  dancing,  they  entered  their  canoes,  when  they 
put  out  upon  the  water,  ftriking  each  other  with  their  oars, 
and  throwing  quantities  of  water  at  one  another.  But  they 
did  themfelves  no  harm,  fmce  they  parried  the  blows  hurled 
at  each  other.  After  all  thefe  ceremonies,  the  women  with- 
drew to  their  cabins,  and  the  men  went  to  the  war  againfl 
the  Iroquois. 

On  the  fixteenth  of  Augufl;  we  fet  out  from  Tadouffac, 
and  arrived  on  tlie  eighteenth  at  Ifle  Percee,  where  we  found 
Sieur  Prevert  of  St.  Malo,  who  ca'iie  from  the  mine  where  he 
had  gone  with  much  difficulty,  from  the  fear  which  the  favages 
had  of  meeting  their  enemies,  the  Almouchicois,^*^  who  are 
favages  of  an  exceedingly  ftrange  form,  for  their  head  is 
fmall  and  body  fliort,  their  arms  flender  as  thofe  of  a  fkele- 
ton,  fo  alfo  the  thighs,  their  legs  big  and  long  and  of  uni- 
form fize,  and  when  they  are  feated  on  the  ground,  their 
knees  extend  more  than  half  a  foot  above  the  head,  fome- 
thing  ftrange  and  feemingly  abnormal.  They  are,  however, 
very  agile  and  refolute,  and  are  fettled  upon  the  beft  lands 

of 

"^^^  Almouchiquois.     Champlain  here  Indians  found  fouth  of  Saco,  on  the  coaft 

v/nxts  Ar/HOHckicois.  The  account  here  of  Maffachufetts,  if  accurately  reported, 

given  to  Prevert,  by  the  Souriquois  or  is  far  from  correft.      Vide  Champlain's 

Micmacs,  as  they  have  been  more  re-  defcription  of  them,  Vol.   II.  p.  63,  et 

cently  called,  of   the  Almouchicois  or  pajfim. 


Sieur  de  Champlain, 


287 


of  all  the  coaft  of  LaCadie;^^^  fo  that  the  Souriquois  fear 
them  greatly.  But  with  the  afTLirance  which  Sicur  de  Pre- 
vert  gave  them,  he  took  them  to  the  mine,  to  which  the  fav- 
ages  guided  him.^«  It  is  a  very  high  mountain,  extending 
fomewhat  feaward,  glittering  brightly  in  the  funlight,  and 
containing  a  large  amount  of  verdigris,  which  proceeds  from 
the  before  mentioned  copper  mine.  At  the  foot  of  this 
mountain,  he  faid,  there  was  at  low  v.'ater  a  large  quantity  of 
bits  of  copper,  fuch  as  he  fhowed  us,  which  fall  from  the  top 
of  the  mountain.  Going  on  three  or  four  leagues  in  tlie 
direclion  of  the  coafl  of  La  Cadie,  one  finds  another  mine; 
alfo  a  fmall  river  extending  fome  diflance  in  a  foutherly  di- 
rection, where  there  is  a  mountain  containing  a  black  pig- 
ment  with  which  the  favages  paint  thcmfelves.  Then,  fome 
fix  leagues  from  the  fecond  mine,  going  feaward  about  a 
league,  and  near  the  coaft  of  La  Cadie,  you  find  an  ifland 
containing  a  kind  of  metal  of  a  dark  brown  color,  but  white 
when  it  is  cut.  This  they  formerly  ufed  for  their  arrows 
and  knives,  which  they  beat  into  fliape  with  flones,  which 
leads  me  to  believe  that  it  is  neither  tin  nor  lead,  it  being  fo 
hard ;  and,  upon  our  fliowing  them  fome  filver,  they  faid 
that  the  metal  of  this  ifland  was  like  it,  which  they  find 
fome  one  or  two  feet  under  ground.     Sieur  Prevert  gave  to 

the 


'"  Coaji  of  La  Cadie.  This  extent 
given  to  La  Cadie  correfponds  with  the 
charter  of  De  Monts,  which  covered 
the  territory  from  40°  north  latitude  to 
46°.  Tlie  cliarter  was  ol)tained  in  the 
autumn  of  this  (lime  year,  1603,  and  be- 
fore the  account  of  this  voyage  by 
Champlain  was  printed,  —/'/a'^  Vol.  1 1. 
note  155. 


246  Prevert  did  not  make  this  explora- 
tion, perfonally,  although  he  pretended 
that  he  did.  He  fent  fome  of  his  men 
with  Secondon,  the  chief  of  St.  John, 
and  others.  His  report  is  therefore 
fecond-hand,  confufed,  and  inaccurate. 
Champlain  e\-pofes  Prevert's  attempt  to 
deceive  in  a  fubfequent  reference  to 
him.     Compare  Vol.  H.  pp.  26,  97,  98. 


t     ' 


11 


-se 


288 


Voyages  of 


'■\{  'M 


ICn 


|!(  if  : 


the  favages  wedges  and  chifels  and  other  things  neceffary 
to  extra6l  the  ore  of  this  mine,  which  they  promifed  to  do, 
and  on  the  following  year  to  bring  and  give  the  fame  to 
Sieur  Prevert. 

They  fay,  alfo,  that,  fome  hundred  or  hundred  and  twenty 
leagues  diflant,  there  are  other  mines,  but  that  they  do  not 
dare  to  go  to  them,  unlefs  accompanied  by  Frenchmen  to 
make  war  upon  their  enemies,  in  whofe  poffeffion  the  mines 
are. 

This  place  where  the  mine  is,  which  is  in  latitude  44°  and 
fome  minutes,^"*^  and  fome  five  or  fix  leagues  from  the  cc^afl  of 
La  Cadie,  is  a  kind  of  bay  fome  leagues  broad  at  its  entrance, 
and  fomewhat  more  in  length,  where  there  are  three  rivers 
which  flow  into  the  great  bay  near  the  ifland  of  St  John,^" 
which  is  fome  thirty  or  thirty-five  leagues  long  and  fome  fix 
leagues  from  the  mainland  on  the  fouth.  There  is  alfo  an- 
other fmall  river  emptying  about  half  way  from  that  by  which 
Sieur  Prever^  returned,  in  which  there  are  two  lake-like 
bodies  of  water.  There  is  alfo  ftill  another  fmall  river, 
extending  ir  the  dire6lion  of  the  pigment  mountain.  All 
thefe  rivers  fall  into  faid  bay  nearly  foutheafl  of  the  ifland 
where  thefe  favages  fay  this  white  mine  is.  On  the  north 
fide  of  this  bay  are  the  copper  mines,  where  there  is  a  good 
harbor  for  veffels,  at  the  entrance  to  which  is  a  fmall  ifland. 
The  bottom  is  mud  and  fand,  on  which  veffels  can  be  run. 

From 


2*^  44°  and  fome  minutes.  The  Ba- 
fin  of  Mines,  the  place  where  the  cop- 
per was  faid  to  be,  is  about  45°  30'. 

2"  IJland  of  St.    John.     Prince  Ed- 


facques  Cartier,  1534,  Michelant,  ed. 
Paris,  1865,  p.  33.  It  continued  to  be  fo 
called  for  the  period  of  two  hundred  and 
fixty-five  years,  when  it  was  changed  to 


ward  Ifland.     It  was  named  the  Ifland  Prince  Edward  IJland  by  an  att  of  its 

of  St.  John  by  Cartier,   having  been  legiflature,   in   November,   1798,  which 

difcovered  by  him  on  St.  John's  Day,  the  was  confirmed  by  the  king  in  council, 

24th  of  June,   1534. —  Vide  Voyage  de  Feb.  I,  1799. 


Sieur  de  Champlain. 


289 


From  this  mine  to  the  mouth  of  the  above  rivers  is  a  dif- 
tance  of  fome  fixty  or  eighty  leagues  overland.  But  the  dif- 
tance  to  this  mine,  along  the  feacoafl,  from  the  outlet  between 
the  Ifland  of  St.  Lawrence  and  the  mainland  is,  I  Ihould 
think,  more  than  fifty  or  fixty  leagues.''^^ 

All  this  country  is  very  fair  and  flat,  containing  all  the 
kinds  of  trees  we  faw  on  our  way  to  the  firfl;  fall  of  the  great 
river  of  Canada,  with  but  very  little  fir  and  cyprefs. 

This  is  an  exadl  ftatement  of  what  I  afcertained  from 
Sieur  Prevert. 


^  'I 

It 

■:■* 

I 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

A  Terrible  Monster,  which  the  Savages  call  Gougou.  —  Our  short 

AND  favorable  VOVAGE  BACK  TO  FRANCE. 

HERE  is,  moreover,  a  ftrange  matter,  worthy  of 
being  related,  which  feveral  favages  have  affured 
me  was  true  ;  namely,  near  the  Bay  of  Chaleurs, 
towards  the  fouth,  there  is  an  ifland  where  a 
terrible  monfler  refides,  which  the  favages  call 
Cougou,  and  which  they  told  me  had  the  form  of  a  woman, 
though  very  frightful,  and  of  fuch  a  fize  that  they  told  me 
the  tops  of  the  mafls  of  our  veffel  would  not  reach  to  his 
middle,  fo  great  do  they  pi6i;ure  him ;  and  they  fay  that  he 
has  often  devoured  and  flill  continues  to  devour  many  favages; 
thefe  he  puts,  when  he  can  catch  them,  into  a  great  pocket, 
and  afterwards  eats  them ;  and  thofe  who  had  efcaped  the 

jaws 

**'  That  is,  from  the  Strait  of  Canfeau  round  the  coaft  of   Nova  Scotia  to 
the  Bay  of  Mines. 

37 


H, 


\\ 


\ 


i^.»...iA)Mj*?^-?*6*S,-T 


^msmmaamtm 


290 


Voyages  of 


jaws  of  this  wretched  creature  faid  that  its  pocket  was  fo 
great  that  it  could  have  put  our  veffel  into  it.  This  monfter 
makes  horrible  noifes  in  this  ifland,  which  the  favages  call 
the  Gougori ;  and  when  they  fpeak  of  him,  it  is  with  the 
greatefl  poffible  fear,  and  feveral  have  affured  me  that  they 
have  fcen  him.  Even  the  above-mentioned  Prevert  from  St. 
Malo  told  me  that,  while  going  in  fearch  of  mines,  as  men- 
tioned in  the  previous  chapter,  he  paffed  fo  near  the  dwell- 
ing-place of  this  frightful  creature,  that  he  and  all  thofe  on 
board  his  veffel  heard  flrange  hiffmgs  from  the  noife  it  made, 
and  that  the  favages  with  him  told  him  it  was  the  fame  crea- 
ture, and  that  they  were  fo  afraid  that  they  hid  themfelves 
wherever  they  could,  for  fear  that  it  would  come  and  carry 
them  off.  What  makes  me  believe  what  they  fay  is  the  fact 
that  all  the  favages  in  general  fear  it,  and  tell  fuch  ftrange 
things  about  it  that,  if  I  were  to  record  all  they  fay,  it  would 
be  regarded  as  a  myth ;  but  I  hold  that  this  is  the  dwelling- 
place  of  fome  devil  that  torments  them  in  the  above-men- 
tioned manner.'*'  This  is  what  I  have  learned  about  this 
Gcugou. 

Before 


''^^  The  defcription  of  this  enchanted 
ifland  is  too  indefinite  to  invite  a  con- 
je6lure  of  its  identity  or  location.  The 
refounding  noife  of  the  breatcinc;  waves, 
mingled  with  the  whirling  of  the  wind, 
might  well  lay  a  foundation  for  the  fears 
of  the  Indians,  and  their  excited  imagi- 
nations would  eafily  fill  out  and  com- 
plete the  picture.  In  Champlain's  time, 
the  belief  in  the  aflive  agency  of  good 
and  evil  fpirits,  particularly  the  latter, 
in  the  affairs  of  men,  was  univerfal.  It 
culminated  in  this  country  in  the  trage- 
dies of  the  Salem  witchcraft  in  1692.     It 


has  fince  been  gradually  fubfiding,  but 
neverthelefs  ftill  exifls  under  the  miti- 
gated form  of  fpiritual  communications. 
Champlain,  fharing  the  credulity  of  his 
times,  very  naturally  refers  thefe  ftrange 
phenomena  reported  by  the  favages, 
whofe  ftatements  were  tuUy  accredited 
and  corroborated  by  the  tefiimony  of  his 
countryman,  M.  Prevert,  to  the  agency 
of  fome  evil  demon,  who  had  taken  up 
his  abode  in  that  region  in  order  to  vex 
and  terrify  thefe  unhappy  Indians.  As 
a  faithful  hiftorian,  he  could  not  omit 
this  ftory,  but  it  probably  made  no  more 

impreffion 


Sieur  de  Ckamp/ain, 


2^1 


Before  leavino:  Tadouffac  on  our  return  to  France,  one  of 
the  fagamores  of  the  Montagnais,  named  Bcchourat,  gave 
his  fon  to  Sieur  Du  Pont  Grave  to  take  to  France,  to  whom 
he  was  highly  commended  by  the  grand  lagamore,  Anada- 
bijou,  who  begged  him  to  treat  him  well  and  have  him  fee 
what  the  other  two  favages,  whom  we  had  taken  home  with 
us,  had  feen.  We  afked  them  for  an  Iroquois  woman  they 
were  going  to  eat,  whom  they  gave  us,  and  whom,  alfo,  we 
took  with  this  favage.  Sieur  de  Prevert  alfo  took  four  fav- 
ages :  a  man  from  the  coaft  of  La  Cadie,  a  woman  and  two 
boys  from  the  Canadians. 

On  the  24th  of  Auguft,  we  fet  out  from  Gafpe,  the  veffel 
of  Sieur  Prevert  and  our  own.  On  the  2d  of  September 
we  calculated  that  we  were  as  far  as  Cape  Race ;  on  the  5th, 
we  came  upon  the  bank  where  the  fifhery  is  carried  on ;  on 
the  1 6th,  we  were  on  foundings,  fome  fifty  leagues  from 
Oueffant ;  on  the  20th  we  arrived,  by  God's  grace,  to  the  joy 
of  all,  and  with  a  continued  favorable  wind,  at  the  port  of 
Havre  de  Grace. 

impreflion  upon  his  mind  than  did  the  tion  of  1613,  when  fpeaking  of  the  cop- 

thoufand   others  of  a  fimilar  charafler  per   mines  in  that   neighl)orhood,    nor 

with  which  he  muft  have  been  familiar,  yet  in  that  of  1632,  and  it  had  probably 

He  makes  no  allufion  to  it  in  the  edi-  paffed  from  his  memory. 


rit 


ii 


I 

I 

(!l 


I 


-•.ifc^^iui.*  to{t|Sie«*wssefctT 


vmm 


^ 


ffr'     V 


'i\ 


^n  '■' 

1 

h 

'tiflfflv 

f; 

% 

H^^' 

\  \ 

PIIW,,''. 

■\\ 

m.'-^- 

iIIhI 

: 

m 

■i 


CHAMPLAIN'S    EXPLANATION 


OF  THE 


CARTE     DE     LA     NOVVELLE     FRANCE. 

1632. 


.TABLE  FOR   FINDING  THE  PROMINENT  PLACES  ON 

THE  MAR 

Baye  des  IJles} 

Calefme? 

Baye  des  Trefpajfez. 

Cap  de  Leiiy? 

Port  du  Cap  de  Raye,  where  the  cod-fifhery  is  carried  on. 

The  north-weft  coaft  of  Newfoundland,  but  little  known. 

Paffage  to  the  north  at  the  5  2d  degree.* 

IJIe  St.  Paul,  near  Cape  St.  Lawrence. 


A. 
B. 
C. 

D. 
E. 
F. 
G. 
H. 


^  It  is  to  be  obferved  that  fome  of  the 
letters  and  figures  are  not  found  on  the 
map.  Among  the  reft,  the  letter  A  is 
wanting.  It  is  impoffible  of  courfe  to 
tell  with  certainty  to  what  it  refeis,  par- 
ticularly as  the  places  referred  to  do  not 
occur  in  confecutive  order.  The  Abbd 
Laverdi^re  thinks  this  letter  points  to 
the  bay  of  Bofton  or  what  we  com- 
monly call  Maffachufetts  Bay,  or  to  the 


I. 

Bay  of  all  Ifles  as  laid  down  by  Cham- 
plain  on  the  eaftern  coaft  of  Nova  Sco- 
tia. 

^  On  the  fouthern  coaft  of  Newfound- 
land, now  known  as  Placentia  Bay. 

^  Point  Levi,  oppofite  Quebec. 

*  The  letter  G  is  war/ing,  but  the 
reference  is  plainly  *■  the  Straits  of 
Belle  Ifie,  as  may  be  feen  by  reference 
to  the  map. 


1 


J. 


'A  * 


i 


nt'ftrrtigiiSiiiifj 


a 'I 


If 


i 


■ ; 


S  I 

II- 

II  i 


1l!»: 


294    Champlains  Explanation  of  the 


I. 

K. 

L. 

M. 

N. 


P. 

Q. 

R. 
S. 
T. 
V. 
X. 


Y. 


TJle  de  Sa/inou,  between  Monts  D^ferts  and  Ifles  aux  Corneilles.^ 
IJIe  dc  Mont-real,  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  fome  eight  or  nine 

leagues  in  circuit.^ 
Riuihc  ycmtnin? 
Ruiicrc  St.  Antoine? 
Kind  of  fait  water  difcharging  into  the  fea,  with  ebb  and  flood, 

abundance  of  filh  and  fhell-fifh,  and  in  fome  places  oyflers 

of  not  very  good  flavor." 
Port  aux  Coqtiillcs,  an  ifland  at  the   mouth  of  the  River  St. 

Croix,  with  good  fifliing.^'' 
Iflands  where  there  is  fifliing." 
Lac  de  Soijfons}'' 
Bayc  du  Goiiffrc}^ 
IJIe  de  Monts  Dcjcrts,  very  high. 
IJle  S.  Barnabc,  in  the  great  river  near  the  Bic. 
Lcfqiicmain,  where  there  is  a  fmall  river,  abounding  in  falmon 

and  trout,  near  which  is  a  little  rocky  iflet,  where  there  was 

formerly  a  ftation  for  the  whale  fifhery." 
La  Pointc  aux  Alloiiettcs,  where,  in  the  month  of  September, 

there  are  numberlefs  larks,  alfo  other  kinds  of  game  and 

fhell-fifli. 

Z. 


6  This  ifland  was  fomewhere  between 
Mount  Defert  and  Jonefport ;  not  un- 
likely it  was  tliat  now  l<nown  as  Petit 
Manan.  It  was  named  after  Safanou, 
ciiief  of  the  River  Kennebec.  Vicie 
Vol.  II.  p.  58. 

®  The  undereftimate  is  fo  great,  that 
it  is  probable  that  the  author  intended 
to  fay  that  the  lenfjth  of  the  ifland  is 
eio^ht  or  nine  leagues. 

■^  The  Boyer,  eaft  of  Quebec.  It  ap- 
pears tc  have  been  named  after  the 
Prefident  Jeannin.     I'ide  aittea,  p.  112. 

^  A  river  eaft  of  the  Ifland  of  Or- 
leans now  called  Riviere  du  Sud. 

•  N  is  wanting. 


10  A  harbor  at  the  north-eaftern  ex- 
tremity of  the  ifland  of  Campobello. 
Vide  Vol.  II.  p.   FOG. 

11  Q  is  wanting.  The  reference  is 
perhaps  to  the  iflands  in  Penobfcot 
Bay. 

1-  Lac  de  Soiflbns.  So  named  after 
Charles  de  Bourbon,  Count  de  Soiflbns, 
a  Viceroy  of  New  France  in  161 2. 
Vide  aiitea,  p.  112.  Now  known  as 
the  Lake  of  Two  Mountains. 

^3  A  bay  at  the  mouth  of  a  river  of 
this  name  now  called  St.  Paul's  Bay, 
near  the  Ifle  aux  Coudres.  Vide  Vol.  II. 
note  305. 

"  Vide  antea,  note  241. 


\  1  I 


Carte  de  la  Novvelle  France,      295 


z. 


Z.     IJle  aux  Licures,  fo  named  becaufe  fome  hares  were  captured 
there  when  it  was  firft  difcovered.'* 

2.  Port  a  Lifquillc,  dry  at  low  tide,  where  are  two  brooks  coming 

from  the  mountains.'" 

3.  Port  an  Sanlmon,  dry  at  low  tide.     There  are  two  fmall  illands 

here,  abounding,  in  the  feafon,  with  ilrawberrics,  ralpberrics, 
and  bluets}'^  Near  this  place  is  a  good  nxulllcad  for  vclicls, 
and  two  fmall  brooks  flowing  into  the  harbor. 

4.  Ruiib-c  Platte,  coming  from  the  mountains,  only  navigable  for 

canoes.  It  is  dry  here  at  low  tide  a  long  dil"tance  out. 
Good  anchorage  in  the  offing. 

5.  IJles  aux  Cotildrcs,  fome  league  and  a  half  long,  containing  in 

their  feafon  great  numbers  of  rabbits,  partridges,  and  other 
kinds  of  game.  At  the  fouthwell;  point  are  meadows,  and 
reefs  fcaward.  There  is  anchorage  here  for  vcficls  between 
this  idand  and  the  mainland  on  the  north. 

6.  Cap  de  Toimiiciitc,  a  league  from  which  Sicur  de  Champlain  had 

a  building  erected,  which  was  burned  by  the  Englidi  in  1628. 
Near  this  place  is  Cap  BruOe,  between  which  and  I  He  aux 
Coudres  is  a  channel,  with  eight,  ten,  and  twelve  fathoms 
of  water.  On  the  fouch  the  fliore  is  muddy  and  rocky.  To 
the  north  are  high  lands,  &c. 

7.  IJle  d' Orleans,  fix  leagues  in  length,  very  beautiful  on  account  of 

its  variety  of  woods,  meadows,  vines,  and  nuts.     The  wefl- 
ern  point  of  this  illand  is  called  Cap  de  Conde. 
Le  Saiilt  de  Montmorency,  twenty  fathoms  high,**  formed  by  a 
river  coming  from  the  mountains,  and  difcharging  into  the 
St.  Lawrence,  a  league  and  a  half  from  Quebec. 

9. 


8 


"  An  ifland  in  the  River  St.  Law- 
rence weft  of  TadouiTac,  ftill  called  Hare 
Ifland.      Vide  an  tea,  note  14S. 

18  Figure  2  is  not  found  on  the  map, 
and  it  is  difficult  to  identify  the  place 
referred  to. 


1"  Bluets,  Vaccinium  Canadeufe,  the 
Canada  blueberry.  Champlain  fays  it 
is  a  fmall  fruit  very  good  for  eating. 
Vide  Quebec  ed.  Vovage  of  1615,  p.  509. 

"   Vide\o\.  II.  p:  176. 


I 


r 


i 


I, 


!  I 


*miimmmmmmmmmmim 


296    Champlains  Explanation  of  the 


';!    i 


10. 


II. 
12. 

13- 

14. 

IS- 

16. 

17- 


18. 


19. 


Rinihc  S.  Charles,  cnming  from  Lac  S.  Jofeph,'"  very  beautiful 
with  meadows  at  low  tide.  At  full  tide  barques  can  go  up 
as  far  as  the  firft  fall.  On  this  river  are  built  the  churches 
and  quarters  of  the  reverend  Jcfuit  and  Rccolledl  Fathers. 
Game  is  abundant  here  in  fpring  and  autumn. 

Riuii're  dcs  litcclicmUis'f'  by  which  the  favages  go  to  Quine- 
bcqui,  eroding  the  country  with  difficulty,  on  account  of  the 
falls  and  little  water.  Sieur  dc  Champlain  had  this  explora- 
tion made  in  1628,  and  found  a  favage  tribe,  fevcn  days  from 
Quebec,  who  till  the  foil,  and  are  called  the  Abenaquiuoit. 

Rinihc  de  CJuimplain,  near  that  of  Batifquan,  north-weft  of  the 
Grondines. 

Ruiihe  dc  Sainiages}^ 

IJle  Verte,  five  or  fix  leagues  from  TadouiTac.'* 

IJIe  de  Chajfe. 

Riuihe  Batifquan,  very  pleafant,  and  abounding  in  fifli. 

Les  Grondines,  and  fome  neighboring  iilands.  A  good  place  for 
hunting  and  filhing. 

Riuii're  des  EJIurgeons  &  San/mons,  with  a  fall  of  water  from 
fifteen  to  twenty  feet  high,  two  leagues  from  Sainfte  Croix, 
which  defcends  into  a  fmall  pond  difcharging  into  the  gieat 
river  St.  Lawrence.^' 

I^e  de  St.  Eloy,  with  a  paflage  between  the  ifland  and  the  main- 
land on  the  north.^* 

Lac  S.  Pierre,  very  beautiful,  three  to  four  fathoms  in  depth, 
and  abounding  in  fifh,  furrounded  by  hills  and  level  trafls, 

with 


•^  For  Lac  S.  Joseph,  read  Lac  S. 
Charles. 

"o  Champlain  here  calls  the  Chau- 
diire  the  River  of  the  Etechemins,  not- 
withftanding  he  had  jjcfore  given  the 
name  to  that  now  known  as  the  St. 
Croix.  Vide.  Vol.  II.  pp.  30,  47,  60. 
There  is  ftill  a  little  eait  of  the  Chau- 
di^re  a  river  now  known  as  the  Ete- 
chemin ;  but  the  channel  of  the  Chau- 


diere  would  be  the  courfe  which  the 
Indians  would  naturally  take  to  reach 
the  head-waters  of  the  Kennebec,  where 
dwelt  the  Ahenaquis. 

"^^  River  Verte,  entering  the  St.  Law- 
rence on  t!ie  foutli  of  Green  Ifland,  op- 
pofite  to  Tadouflac. 

^■^  Green  Ifland. 

23  Jacques  Cartier  River. 

2*  Near  the  Batifcan. 


20. 
21. 

22. 

23- 


24- 


25. 


26. 
27. 
28. 
29. 

30. 
31- 
32. 
33- 


G2:r/^  de  la  N owe  lie  France,      297 

with  meadows  in  places.  Several  fmall  ilreams  and  brooks 
flow  into  it. 

Riiiil^rc  du  Gajl,  very  pleafant,  yet  containing  but  little  water." 

Riuitrc  Saincl  Aiitoinc\'^ 

Riiiii're  Sainde  Suaannc.'^^ 

Rinii^rc  (h's  Yrocois,  very  beautiful,  with  many  iflands  and 
meadows.  It  comes  from  Lac  de  Champlain,  five  or  fi.x  days' 
journey  in  length,  abounding  in  filh  and  game  of  dilfcrent 
kinds.  Vines,  nut,  plum,  and  cheftnut  trees  abound  in  many 
places.  There  are  meadows  and  very  pretty  iflands  in  it. 
To  reach  it,  it  is  neceffary  to  pafs  one  large  and  one  fmall 
fall.'^» 

Sank  de  Riuidre  du  Sagiicnay,  fifty  leagues  from  Tadouflac,  ten 

or  twelve  fathoms  high.'^** 
Grand  Sault,  which  falls  fome  fifteen  feet,  amid  a  large  number 

of  iflands.     It  is  half  a  league  in  length  and  three  leagues 

broad.™ 
Port  ail  Moiiton. 
Baye  de  Cafnpfeaii. 

Cap  Baturier,  on  the  Ifle  de  Sain61:  Jean. 
A  river  by  way  of  which  they  go  to  the  Baye  Fran^oife." 
Cliaffc  des  EJIans.^ 

Cap  de  Richelieu,  on  the  eaftern  part  of  the  lOe  d'Orleans.^ 
A  fmall  bank  near  Ifle  du  Cap  Breton. 
Riuibre  des  Puans,  coming  from  a  lake  where  there  is  a  mine 

of  pure  red  copper.'* 

34- 


ii 


28  Nicolet.  Vide  Laverdi^re's  note, 
Quebec  ed.  Vol.  III.  p.  328. 

29  River  St.  Francis. 
^''  Riviere  du  Loup. 
^^  River  Richelieu. 

^  This  number  is  wanting. 

8"  The  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  above  Mont- 
real.    The  figures  are  wanting. 

*^  One  of  the  fmall  rivers  between 
Cobequid  Bay  and  Cumberland  Strait. 


«'  Moofe  Hunting,  on  the  wefl  of 
Gafpd. 

*8  Argentenay.  —  LaverdQre. 

**  Champlain  had  not  been  in  this 
region,  and  confequently  obtained  his 
information  from  the  favages.  There 
is  no  fuch  lake  as  he  reprefents  on  his 
map,  and  this  ifland  producing  pure  cop- 
per may  have  been  Ifle  Royale,  in  Lake 
Superior. 


, 


■   • 


38 


298    Champlains  Explanation  of  the 

34.  Sault  de  Gajioti,  nearly  two  leagues  broad,  and  difcharging  into 
the  Mcr  Donee.  It  comes  from  another  very  large  lake, 
which,  with  the  Mcr  Douce,  have  an  extent  of  thirty  days' 
journey  by  canoe,  according  to  the  report  of  the  favages.^* 


Returning  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  Coajl  of  La  Cadie, 

35.  Riuiire  de  Gafpey.^ 

36.  Riuihe  de  ChalcuP 

37.  Several  Iflands  near  Mifcou  and  the  harbor  of  Mifcou,  between 

two  iflands. 

38.  Cap  de  VlJIe  Saina  Jean?^ 

39.  Port  au  Rojfignol, 

40.  Riuiire  Platte?'^ 

41.  Port  du  Cap  NaigrS.     On  the  bay  by  this  cape  there  is  a 

French  fetticment,  where  Sieur  de  la  Tour  commands,  from 
whom  it  was  named  Port  la  Tour.  The  Reverend  R^coUedl 
Fathers  dwelt  here  in  1630.*'* 

42.  Baye  du  Cap  de  Sable. 

43.  Baye  Saine}^ 

44.  Baye  Courante,  with  many  iflands  abounding  in  game,  good 

fifliing,  and  places  favorable  for  veflels.** 

45.  Port  du  Cap  Fourchu,  very  pleafant,  but  very  nearly  dry  at  low 

tide.     Near  this  place  are  many  iflands,  with  good  hunting. 

47.  Petit  Pajfage  de  IJle  Longue.     Here  there  is  good  cod-fifliing. 

48.  Cap  des  Deux  Payes.*^ 

49.  Port  dcs  Mines,  where,  at  low  tide,  fmall  pieces  of  very  pure 

copper  are  to  be  found  in  the  rocks  along  the  fliore." 

50. 


M  The  Falls  of  St.  Mary. 

88  York  River. 

•■^  The  Riftigourhe. 

88  Now  called  North  Point. 

89  Probably  Gold  River,  flowing  into 
Mahone  Bay. 

«  Still  called  Port  La  Tour. 


«  Halifax  Harbor.  Vide  Vol.  II. 
note  266. 

«  Vide  Vol.  II.  note  192. 

*8  Now  Cape  Chignecto,  in  the  Bay 
of  Fundy. 

**  Advocates'  Harbor. 


■--'■;;*»;,»Jf'r^'«H:,,' 


Carte  de  la  Novvelle  France,      299 

50.  IJlcs  de  Bacchus,  very  pleafant,  containing  many  vines,  nut,  plum, 

and  other  trees.** 

51.  Iflands  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  Chouacoet 

52.  IJlcs  Affc::  Ilautcs,  three  or  four  in  number,  two  or  three  leagues 

dillant  from  the  land,  at  the  mouth  of  Bayc  Longuc.** 

53.  Bay e  aux  IJlcs,  vi'iih  fuitablo  harbors  for  veffels.     The  country 

is  very  good,  and  fettled  by  numerous  favagcs,  v/ho  till  llic 
land.  In  thefe  localities  are  numerous  cyprcfles,  vines,  unJ 
nut-trees." 

54.  La  Soupqommife,  an  ifland  nearly  a  league  diftant  from  the 

land.*« 
5  5 .     Bayc  L  ongiic}^ 

56.  Les  Sept  IJlcs!^ 

57.  Riuitrc  dcs  Etcchemins?^ 

The  Virginias,  where  the  Englijh  are  fettled,  between  the  idth  and 

^•jth  degrees  of  latitude.     Captains  Ribaut  and  Laiidonniire 

made  explorations  36  or  7,1  years  ago  along  the  coajls 

adjoining  Florida,  and  eJiabliJJied  a  fcttlement^"^ 

58.  Several  rivers  of  the  Virginias,  flowing  into  the  Gulf. 

59.  Coafi:  inhabited  by  favages  who  till  the  foil,  which  is  very  good. 

60.  PoiuHe  Coufort?^ 

61.  hmncjlan.^ 

62.  Chefapeacq  Bay. 

63.  Bedabedec,  the  coaft  weft  of  the  river  Pemetegoet.** 

64.  Belles  Prairies.  65. 


**  Richmond  Ifland.  Vide  note  42 
Vol.  I.  and  note  123  Vol.  II.  of  this 
work. 

"  The  Ifles  of  Shoals.  VideVoX.  II. 
note  142. 

«  Bofton  Bay. 

"  Martha's  Vineyard.  VideNoX.  II. 
note  227. 

**  Merrimac  Bay,  as  it  may  be  ap- 
propriately called,  ftretching  from  Little 
Boar's  Head  to  Cape  Anne. 


^  Thefe  iflands  appear  to  be  in  Cafco 
Bay. 

"  The  figures  are  not  on  the  map. 
The  reference  is  to  the  Scoudic,  com- 
monly known  as  the  River  St.  Croix. 

*2  There  is  probably  a  typographical 
error  in  the  figures.  The  paflage  Ihould 
read  "66  or  67  years  ago." 

^'^  Now  Old  Point  Comfort. 

"  Jameflown,  Virginia. 

«  VideVoV  II.  note  95. 


if 


\\ 


\ 


! 


ll 


Sp^^^"f^-?f=/f«*WT.r'M'fiWTS«'*r»"*»''?t»»««a.  ■ 


300    Champlains  Explanation  of  the 


65. 


Place  on  Lac  Champlain  where  the  Yroquois  were  defeated  by 

Sieur  Champlain  in  1606.^ 
Petit  Lac,  by  way  of  which  they  go  to  the  Yroquois,  after  paff- 

ing  over  that  of  Champlain." 
Baye  dcs  Trefpajjfez,  on  the  ifland  of  Newfoundland. 
Chappcau  Rouge. 

69.  Baye  du  Saincl  Efprit, 

70.  Les  Vierges. 
Port  Breton^  near  Cap  Sainft  Laurent,  on  Ifle  du  Cap  Breton. 
Les  Bergeronnettes,  three  leagues  from  Tadouflac. 
Le  Cap  d'Efpoir,  near  Ifle  Percee.*^ 
Forillon,  at  Poin6le  de  Gafpey. 
IJle  dc  Mont-r^al,  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  in  the   River  St. 

Lawrence,'*' 
76.    RiitUre  des  Prairies,  coming  from  a  lake  at  the  Falls  of  St. 
Louis,  where  there  are  two  iflands,  one  of  which  is  Mont- 
real.    For  feveral  years  this  has  been  a  ftation  for  trading 


66. 

67. 
68. 


71. 

72. 

73. 
74. 

75- 


with  the  favages.^" 


77- 


78. 


79- 


Saiilt  de  la  Chauditre,  on  the  river  oi  the  Algonquins,  fome 
eighteen  feet  high,  and  defcending  anong  rocks  with  a  great 


roar 


61 


Lac  de  Nibachis,  the  name  of  a  favage  captain  who  dwells  here 
and  tills  a  little  land,  where  he  plants  Indian  corn.**^ 

Eleven  lakes,  near  each  other,  one,  two,  and  three  leagues  in 
extent,  and  abounding  in  fifh  and  game.  Sometimes  the 
favages  go  this  way  in  order  to  avoid  the  Fall  of  the  Calu- 
mets, 


read 


Vide 


"  This     fhould 

Vol.  II.  note  348. 

"  Lake  George. 

P-93- 

68  This    cape    ftill 
name. 

6*  This  number  is  wanting. 

^  This  river  comes  from  the  Lake  of 
Two  Mountains,   is  a  branch  of   the 


1609. 

Vide  aniea,  note  63, 
bears    the   fame 


Ottawa  feparating  the  Ifland  of  Mont- 
real from  the  Ifle  J(5sus,  and  flows  into 
the  main  channel  of  the  Ottawa  two  or 
three  miles  before  it  reaches  the  eafl:ern 
end  of  the  Ifland  of  Montreal. 

*i  The  Chaudi6re  Falls  are  near  the 
fite  of  the  city  of  Ottawa.  Vide  aniea, 
p.  120. 

«2  Mulkrat  Lake. 


Carte  de  la  Novvelle  France,     301 


80. 
81. 

82. 
83. 


mets,  which  is  very  dangerous.  Some  of  thefe  localities 
abound  in  pines,  yielding  a  great  amount  of  refin.**^ 

Saiilt  dcs  Pierres  a  Caluvinct,  which  refemble  alabafter. 

IJle  de  Tefo7iac,  an  Algonquin  captain  ( Tcfouac)  to  whom  the 
favages  pay  a  toll  for  allowing  them  paffage  to  Quebec.*^^ 

La  Riuihe  de  Tefouac,  in  which  there  are  five  falls."'^ 

A  river  by  which  many  favages  go  to  the  North  Sea,  above  the 
Saguenay,  and  to  the  Three  Rivers,  going  fome  diftance  over- 
land.*^ 

84.  The  lakes  by  which  they  go  to  the  North  Sea. 

85.  A  river  extending  towards  the  North  Sea. 

86.  Country  of  the  Hurons,  fo  called  by  the  French,  where  there  are 

numerous  communities,  and  feventeen  villages  fortified  by 
three  palifades  of  wood,  with  a  gallery  all  around  in  the 
form  of  a  parapet,  for  defence  againft  their  enemies.  This 
region  is  in  latitude  44°  30',  with  a  fertile  foil  cultivatea  by 
the  favages. 
^T.     Paffage  of  a  league  overland,  where  the  canoes  are  carried. 

88.  A  river  difcharging  into  the  Mer  Doticc^"^ 

89.  Village  fortified  by  four  palifades,  where  Sieur  de  Champlain 

went  in  the  war  againft  the  Antouhonorons,  and  where  fev- 

eral  favages  were  taken  prifoners.^ 
Falli;  at  the  extremity  of  the  Falls  of  St.   Louis,  very  high, 

where  many  fifh  come  down  and  are  ftunned.*^ 
A  fmall  river  near  the  Sault  de  la  Chaudi^re,  where  there  is  a 

waterfall  nearly  twenty  fathoms  high,  over  which  the  water 

flows 


90 


91 


*'  This  number  is  wanting  on  the 
map.  Mu(l<rat  Lal<e  is  one  of  this  fuc- 
ceffion  of  laltes,  which  extends  eafterly 
towards  tlie  Ottawa. 

«*  Allumette  Ifland,  in  the  River  Ot- 
tawa, about  eighty-five  miles  above  the 
capital  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada. 

*^  That  part  of  the  River  Ottawa 
which,    after    its    bifurcation,    fweeps 


around  and  forms  the  northern  boun- 
dary of  Allumette  Ifland. 

®*  The  Ottawa  beyond  its  junction 
with  tiie  Matawan. 

*^  P'rench  River. 

*^   /  'ide  antea,  note  83,  p.  130. 

^"^  Plainly  Lake  St.  Louis,  now  the 
Ontario,  and  not  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis. 
The  reference  is  here  to  Niagara  Falls. 


1    ■, 


1 


Il  '  I: 


302    Champlaifis  Explanation  of  the 

flows  in  fuch  volume  and  with  fuch  velocity  that  a  long  arcade 
is  made,  beneath  which  the  favages  go  for  amufement,  without 
getting  wet.     It  is  a  fine  fight.™ 

92.  This  river  is  very  beautiful,  with  numerous  iflands  of  various 

fizes.  It  paffes  through  many  fine  lakes,  and  is  bordered 
by  beautiful  meadows.  It  abounds  in  deer  and  other 
animals,  with  fifh  of  excellent  quality.  There  are  many 
cleared  tradls  of  land  upon  it,  with  good  foil,  which  have 
been  abandoned  by  the  favages  on  account  of  their  wars. 
It  difcharges  into  Lake  St.  Louis,  and  many  tribes  come  to 
thefe  regions  to  hunt  and  obtain  their  provifion  for  the 
winter." 

93.  Cheflnut  foreft,  where  there  are  great  quantities  of  cher'^nuts,  on 

the  borders  of  Lac  St.  Louis.  Alfo  many  meadows,  vines, 
and  nut-trees.'''* 

94.  Lake-like  bodies  of  fait  water  at  the  head  of  Baye  Francois, 

where  the  tide  ebbs  and  flows.  Iflands  containing  many 
birds,  many  meadows  in  different  localities,  fmall  rivers  flow- 
ing into  thefe  fpecies  of  lakes,  by  which  they  go  to  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence,  near  Ifle  S.  Jean.''^ 

95.  IJle  Haute,  a  league  in  circuit,  and  flat  on  top.     It  contains  frefli 

water  and  much  wood.  It  is  a  league  difliant  from  Port  aux 
Mines  and  Cap  des  Deux  Bayes.  It  is  more  than  forty  fathoms 
high  on  all  fides,  except  in  one  place,  where  it  flopes,  and 
where  there  is  a  pebbly  point  of  a  triangular  shape.  In  the 
centre  is  a  pond  with  fait  water.  Many  birds  make  tbttir 
nefts  in  this  ifland. 
6  La  Riuikre  des  Algommequins,  extending  from  the  Falls  of  St. 
Louis  nearly  to  the  Lake  of  the  Biflereni,  containing  more 
than  eighty  falls,  large  and  fmall,  which  mufl  be  pafled  by 

going 

""^  The  River  Rideau.  ''^  On  the  borders  of  Lake  Ontario  in 

'1  The  River  Trent  difcharges  into  the  State  of  New  York. 

the  Bay  of  Quints,   an  arm  of   Lake  ''^  The  head-waters    of   the  Bay  of 

Ontario  or  Lac  St.  Louis.  Fundy. 


uiiwwwJr-v*^*"'" 


Carte  de  la  Novvelle  France,      303 


going  around,  by  rowing,  or  by  hauling  with  ropes.  Some 
of  thefe  falls  are  very  dangerous,  particularly  in  going 
downJ^ 

Gens  de  Petun.  This  is  a  tribe  cultivating  this  herb  {tobacco) ,  in 
which  they  carry  on  an  extenfive  traffic  with  the  other  tribes. 
They  have  large  towns,  fortified  with  wood,  and  they  plant 
Indian  corn. 

Cheveux  Relenez.  Thefe  are  favages  who  wear  nothing  about  the 
loins,  and  go  ftark  naked,  except  in  winter,  when  they  clothe 
themfelves  in  robes  of  Ikins,  which  they  leave  off  when  they 
quit  their  houfes  for  the  fields.  They  are  great  hunters,  fiflv 
ermen,  and  travellers,  till  the  foil,  and  plant  Indian  corn. 
They  dry  bluets  ^*  and  rafpberries,  in  which  they  carry  on  an 
extenfive  traffic  with  the  other  tribes,  taking  in  exchange 
Ikins,  beads,  nets,  and  other  articles.  Some  of  thefe  people 
pierce  the  nofe,  and  attach  beads  to  it.  They  tattoo  their 
bodies,  applying  black  and  other  colors.  They  wear  their 
hair  very  ftraight,  and  greafe  it,  painting  it  red,  as  they  do 
alfo  the  face. 

La  Nation  Nentre.  This  is  a  people  that  maintains  itfelf  againft  all 
the  others.  They  engage  in  war  only  with  the  Affiftaque- 
ronons.  They  are  very  powerful,  having  forty  towns  well 
peopled. 

Les  Antouhonorons.  They  confifl;  of  fifteen  towns  built  in  ftrong 
fituations.  They  are  enemies  of  all  the  other  tribes,  except 
Neutral  nation.  Their  country  is  fine,  with  a  good  climate, 
and  near  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  the  paffage  of  which  they 
forbid  to  all  the  other  tribes,  for  which  reafon  it  is  lefs  vifited 
by  them.     They  till  the  foil,  and  plant  their  land.'® 

Les  Yroquois. 


'*  The  River  Ottawa,  here  referred 
to,  extends  nearly  to  Lake  Nipiffing, 
here  fpoken  of  as  the  lake  of  the  Biffe- 
reni. 

^s  The  Canada  blueberry,  Vaccinium 
Canadense.     The  aborigines    of   New 


England  were  accuflomed  to  dry  the 
blueberry  for  winter's  ufe.  Vide  Jojfe- 
tyn's  Rarities,  Tuckerman's  ed.,  Bofton, 
1865,  p.  113. 

"  This  reference  is  to  the  AntouO' 
ronons,  as  given  on  the  map. 


fl 


if 


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.  II 


I 


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4     ;.v/     ;,>■',' 


' 


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304         Champlains  Explanation, 

Les  Yroquois.  They  unite  with  the  Antouhonorons  in  making  war 
againfl:  all  the  other  tribes,  except  the  Neutral  nation. 

Carantouanis.  This  is  a  tribe  that  has  moved  to  the  fouth  of  the  An- 
touhonorons, and  dwells  in  a  very  fine  country,  where  it  is 
fecurcly  quartered.  They  are  friends  of  all  the  other  tribes, 
except  the  above  named  Antouhonorons,  from  whom  they  are 
only  three  days'  journey  uiflant.  Once  they  took  as  prifon- 
ers  fome  Flemilh,  but  fent  them  back  again  without  doing 
them  any  harm,  fuppofmg  that  they  were  French.  Between 
Lac  St.  Louis  and  Sault  St.  Louis,  which  is  the  great  river 
St.  Lawrence,  there  are  five  falls,  numerous  fine  lakes,  and 
pretty  iflands,  with  a  pleafing  country  abounding  in  game 
and  fifh,  favorable  for  fettlement,  were  it  not  for  the  wars 
which  the  favages  carry  on  with  each  other. 

La  Mer  Douce  is  a  very  large  lake,  cc  itaining  a  countlefs  number  of 
iflands.  It  is  very  deep,  and  abounds  in  fifh  of  all  varieties 
and  of  extraordinary  fize,  which  are  taken  at  different  times 
and  feafons,  as  in  the  great  fea.  The  fouthern  fhore  is  much 
pleafanter  than  the  northern,  where  there  are  many  rocks 
and  great  quantities  of  caribous. 

Le  Lac  des  Bijferenis  is  very  beautiful,  fome  twenty-five  leagues  in 
circuit,  and  containing  numerous  iflands  covered  with  woods 
and  meadows.  The  favages  encamp  here,  in  order  to  catch 
in  the  river  fturgeon,  pike,  and  carp,  which  are  excellent 
and  of  very  great  fize,  and  taken  in  large  numbers.  Game 
is  alfo  abundant,  although  the  country  is  not  particularly 
attradlive,  it  being  for  the  mofi:  part  rocky. 

Note.  —  The  following  are  marked  Fourchu ;  4.  Port  Royal ;  5.  St.  Croix ; 

on  the  map  as  places  where  the  French  6.  Ifle  des  Monts  Deferts;    7.  Port  de 

have  had  fettlements:    i.   Grand   Ci-  Mifcou;  8.  TadouflTac  ;  9.  Quebec ;  10. 

bou;  2.  Cap  Naigre;  3.  Port  du  Cap  St.  Croix,  near  Quebec. 


THE    PRINCE    SOCIETY. 


il 


■'I 


\\  •> 


p. 


■nvf^ftiUKiimmfi 


:-  -ra^" 


Wi 


? 


Commonljjealtlj  of  iHaggarfjugetts* 


IN  THE  YEAR  ONE  THOUSAND   EIGHT  HUNDRED  AND 

SEVENTY-FOUR. 


AN  ACT  TO  INCORPORATE  THE  PRINCE  SOCIETY. 


Be  it  enabled  by  the  Senate  and  Houfe  of  Reprefentatives,  in  General  Court 
affembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  fame,  as  follows  ; 


th 


Section  i.  John  Ward  Dean,  J.  Wingate  Thornton,  Edmund  F.  Slafter, 
and  Charles  W.  Tuttle,  their  aflbciates  and  fucceflbrs,  are  made  a  corporation 
by  the  name  of  the  Prince  Society,  for  the  purpofe  of  preferving  and  extending 
the  knowledge  of  American  Hiftory,  by  editing  and  printing  fuch  manufcripts, 
rare  tradls,  and  volumes  as  are  moftly  confined  in  their  ufe  to  hiftorical  ftudents 
and  public  libraries. 

Section  2.  Said  corporation  may  hold  real  and  perfonal  eftate  to  an 
amount  not  exceeding  thirty  thoufand  dollars. 

Section  3.    This  a6l  fliall  take  eiTeft  upon  its  paffage. 
Approved  March  18,  1874. 


w\ 


Note.  —  The  Prince  Society  was  organized  on  the  25th  of  May,  1858. 
What  was  undertaken  as  an  experiment  has  proved  fuccefsful.  This  Act  of 
Incorporation  has  been  obtained  to  enable  the  Society  better  to  fulfil  its 
objedl,  in  its  expanding  growth.  • 


^ 


THE    PRINCE    SOCIETY. 


CONSTITUTION. 


trt 


er, 
on 

ng 

ts, 

Its 
an 


Article  I.  —  This  Society  fhall  be  called  The  Prince  Society; 
and  it  fhall  have  for  its  obje(?t  the  publication  of  rare  works,  in 
print  T  manufcript,  relating  to  America. 

Article  II.  —  The  officers  of  the  Society  fliall  be  a  Prefident, 
four  Vice-Prefidents,  a  Correfponding  Secretary,  a  Recording 
Secretary,  and  a  Treafurer ;  who  together  fhall  form  the  Council 
of  the  Society. 

Article  III.  —  Members  maybe  added  to  the  Society  on  the 
recommendation  of  any  member  and  a  confirmatory  vote  of  a 
majority  of  the  Council- 
Libraries  and  other  Inflitutions  may  hold  memberfhip,  and  be 
reprefented  by  an  authorized  agent. 

All  members  fhall  be  entitled  to  and  fhall  accept  the  volumes 
printed  by  the  Society,  as  they  are  iffued  from  time  to  time,  at  the 
prices  fixed  by  the  Council ;  and  memberfhip  fhall  be  forfeited  by 
a  refufal  or  negledl  fo  to  accept  the  faid  volumes. 

Any  perion  may  terminate  his  memberfhip  by  refignation  ad- 
dreffed  in  writing  to  the  Prefident  ;  provided,  however,  that  he  fhall 
have  previoufly  paid  for  all  volumes  iffued  by  the  Society  after  the 
date  of  his  ele6lion  as  a  member. 

Article  IV.  —  The  management  of  the  Society's  affairs  fhall 
be  vefled  in  the  Council,  which  fhall  keep  a  faithful  record  of  its 

proceedings, 


I 


:wi 


3o8 


The  Prince  Society, 


proceedings,  and  report  the  fame  to  the  Society  annually,  at  its 
General  Meeting  in  May. 

Article  V.  —  On  the  anniverfary  of  the  birth  of  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Prince,  —  namely,  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  May,  in  every 
year  (but  if  this  day  fhall  fall  on  Sunday  or  a  legal  holiday,  on 
the  following  day),  —  a  General  Meeting  fliall  be  held  at  Bolton,  in 
Maffachufctts,  for  the  purpofe  of  eledting  officers,  hearing  the 
report  of  the  Council,  auditing  the  Treafurer's  account,  and  tran- 
fadling  other  bufinefs. 

Article  VI.  —  The  officers  (hall  be  chofen  by  the  Society  an- 
nually, at  the  General  Meeting ;  but  vacancies  occurring  between 
the  General  Meetings  may  be  filled  by  the  Council. 

Article  VII.  —  By-Laws  for  the  more  particular  government 
of  the  Society  may  be  made  or  amended  at  any  General  Meeting. 

Article  VIII.  —  Amendments  to  the  Conftitution  maybe  made 
at  the  General  Meeting  in  May,  by  a  three-fourths  vote,  provided 
that  a  copy  of  the  fame  be  tranfmitted  to  every  member  of  the 
Society,  at  leaft  two  weeks  previous  to  the  time  of  voting  thereon. 


-•^JOio^ 


COUNCIL. 


i 


RULES    AND     REGULATIONS. 

1.  The  Society  fhall  be  adminiftered  on  the  mutual  principle, 
and  folely  in  the  intereft  of  American  hiftory. 

2.  A  volume  Ihall  be  iffued  as  often  as  pradlicable,  but  not  more 
frequently  than  once  a  year. 

3.  An  editor  of  each  work  to  be  iffued  fhall  be  appointed,  who 
fhall  be  a  member  of  the  Society,  whofe  duty  it  Ihall  be  to  pre- 
pare, arrange,  and  condu6l  the  fame  through  the  prefs  ;  and,  as  he 
will  neceffarily  be  placed  under  obligations  to  fcholars  and  others 

for 


The  Prince  Society. 


309 

for  afTiftance,  and  particularly  for  the  loan  of  rare  books,  he  fhall 
be  entitled  to  receive  ten  copies,  to  enable  him  to  acknowledge  and 
return  any  courtefies  which  he  may  have  received. 

4.  All  editorial  work  and  official  fervice  Ihall  be  performed 
gratuitoufly. 

5.  All  contraas  connefted  with  the  publication  of  any  work 
(hall  be  laid  before  the  Council  in  diftincT:  fpccifications  in  writ- 
ing, and  be  adopted  by  a  vote  of  the  Council,  and  entered  in  a 
book  kept  for  that  purpofe  ;  and,  when  the  publication  of  a  volume 
is  completed,  its  whole  expenfe  fhall  be  entered,  with  the  items 
of  its  coft  in  full,  in  the  fame  book.  No  member  of  the  Council 
fliall  be  a  contractor  for  doing  any  part  of  the  mechanical  work 
of  the  publications. 

6.  The  price  of  each  volume  fhall  be  a  hundredth  part  of  the 
coft  of  the  edition,  or  as  near  to  that  as  conveniently  may  be  ;  and 
there  fhall  be  no  other  affeffments  levied  upon  the  members  of 
the  Society. 

7.  A  fum,  not  exceeding  one  thoufand  dollars,  may  be  fet  apart 
by  the  Council  from  the  net  receipts  for  publications,  as  a  working 
capital ;  and  when  the  faid  net  receipts  fhall  exceed  that  fum,  the 
excefs  fhall  be  divided,  from  time  to  time,  among  the  members  of 
the  Society,  by  remitting  either  a  part  or  the  whole  coll  of  a 
volume,  as  may  be  deemed  expedient. 

8.  All  moneys  belonging  to  the  Society  fhall  be  depofited  in  the 
New  England  Trufl  Company  in  Boflon,  unlefs  fome  other  banking 
inflitution  fhall  be  defignated  by  a  vote  of  the  Council ;  and  faid 
moneys  fhall  oe  enter'^d  in  the  name  of  the  Society,  fubjea  to  the 
order  of  the  Treafurer. 

9.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Prefident  to  call  the  Council  to- 
gether, whenever  it  may  be  neceffary  for  the  tranfadion  of  bufinefs, 
and  to  prefide  at  its  meetings. 

10.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Vice-Prefidents  to  authorize  all 
bills  before  their  payment,  to  make  an  inventory  of  the  property 

of 


\ 


msmm 


i/i 


II 


m 


I  ! 


m 


m 


i  i 


m  ! 


;1»  I  I 


M 


310 


T/ic  Prince  Society, 


of  the  Society  during  the  month  preceding  the  annual  meeting 
and  to  report  the  fame  to  the  Council,  and  to  audit  the  accounts 
of  the  Treafurer. 

11.  It  fliall  be  the  duty  of  the  Correfponding  Secretary  to  iffue 
all  general  notices  to  the  members,  and  to  condu6l  the  general 
correfpondence  of  the  Society. 

12.  It  fhall  be  the  duty  of  the  Recording  Secretary  to  keep  a 
complete  record  of  the  proceedings  both  of  the  Society  and  of 
the  Council,  in  a  book  provided  for  that  purpofe. 

13.  It  ihall  be  the  duty  of  the  Treafurer  to  forward  to  the 
members  bills  for  the  volumes,  as  they  are  iffued  ;  to  fuperintend 
the  fending  of  the  books  ;  to  pay  all  bills  authorized  and  indorfed 
by  at  Icaft  two  Vice-Prefidents  of  the  Society ;  and  to  keep  an 
accurate  account  of  all  moneys  received  and  difburfed. 

14.  No  books  fhall  be  forwarded  by  the  Treafurer  to  any  mem- 
ber until  the  amount  of  the  price  fixed  for  the  fame  Ihall  have 
been  received  ;  and  any  member  negledling  to  forward  the  faid 
amount  for  one  month  after  his  notification,  fhall  forfeit  his  mem- 
berfliip. 


OFFICERS 
or 

THE    PRINCE    SOCIETY. 

> 

Frefident. 
THE  REV.  EDMUND  F.  SLAFTER,  A.M.    .     Boston,  Mass. 

Vice-Prefcdents. 

JOHN  WARD   DEAN,  A.M Boston,  Mass. 

WILLIAM   B.  TRASK,  Esq Boston,  Mass. 

THE   HON.  CHARLES   H.  BELL,  A.M.    .     .  Exeter,  N.  H. 

JOHN   MARSHALL   BROWN,   A.M Portland,  Me. 

Correfponding  Secretary. 
CHARLES  W.  TUTTLE,  Ph.D Boston,  Mass. 

Recording  Secretary. 
DAVID  GREENE  HASKINS,  Jr.,  A.M.  .    .    .    Cambridge,  Mass. 

Trea/urer. 
ELBRIDGE  H.  GOSS,  Esq Boston,  Mass. 


I. 


't 


UlBllgHjliwiiijti...  ■ ,  ..^yr:;;..:^-:^  ■ :, 


THE    PRINCE    SOCIETY. 

1880. 


The  Hon.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  LL.D.     .    .     .  Bofton,  Mafs. 

Samuel  Agnevv,  Efq Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Thomas  Coffin  Amory,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  Sumner  Appleton,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Walter  T.  Avery,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

George  L.  Balcom,  Efq Clareniont,  N.H. 

Samuel  L.  M.  Barlow,  Efq Nev        rk,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  Charles  H.  Bell,  A.M Ext  .H. 

John  J.  Bell,  A.M Exeter,  N.H. 

Samuel  Lane  Boardman,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  James  Ware  Bradbury,  LL.D Augufta,  Me. 

J.  Carfon  Brevoort,  LL.D Brooklyn,  N.Y. 

Sidney  Brooks,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Mrs.  John  Carter  Brown Providence,  R.L 

John  Marfhall  Brown,  A.M Portland,  Me. 

Jofeph  O.  Brown,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

Philip  Henry  Brown,  A.M Portland,  Me. 

Thomas  O.  H.  P.  Burnham,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

George  Bement  Butler,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  Mellen  Chamberlain,  A.M Chelfea,  Mafs. 

William  Eaton  Chandler,  A.M Concord,  N.H. 

George  Bigelow  Chafe,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Clarence  H.  Clark,  Efq Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Gen.  John  S.  Clark, Auburn,  N.Y. 

Ethan  N.  Coburn,  Efq Charleftown,  Mafs. 

Jeremiah  Colburn,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 


I 


The  Prince  Society,  313 

Jofeph  J.  Cooke,  Efq Providence.  R.I. 

Ddoraine  P.  Corey,  Efq linflon,  Mais. 

Kraftus  Corning,  Efq Albany.  N.Y. 

Ellery  Bickncll  Crane,  Efq VVorcellcr,  Mafs. 

Abram  E.  Cutter,  Ef.i Charle(t,.vvn,  Mafs. 

'Ii>e  Rev.  Edwin  A.  Dalrymple,  S.T.D Baltimore,  Md. 

WiHiam  M.  Darlington,  Efq Pittfbup',  Pa. 

John  Ward  Dean,  A.M ijofton,  Mafs.' 

Charles  Deane,  LL.I) Cambridge,  Mafs. 

Edward  Denham,  Efq n^..^  Ij^dford,  Mafs. 

Prof.  Franklin  13.  Dexter,  A.M Now  Haven,  Ct. 

The  Rev.  Henry  Martyn  Dexter,  D.D Hoaon,  Mafs. 

Samuel  Adams  Drake,  Efq Melrofe,  Mafs. 

Henry  Thayer  Drowne,  Efq ^^w  York    N  Y 

Henry  H.  Edes,  Efq Charleflow'n,  Mafs. 

Jonathan  Edwards,  A.B.,  M.D New  Haven,  Ct. 

Janus  G.  Elder,  Efq Lewifton,  Me. 

Samuel  Eliot,  LL.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Alfred  Langdon  Elwyn,  M.D Philadelphia,  Pa. 

James  Emott,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  William  M.  Evarts,  LL.D New  York,  N.Y. 

Jofeph  Story  Fay,  Efq Woods  Ho'll,  Mafs. 

John  S.  H.  Fogg,  M.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Rev.  Henry  W.  Foote,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Samuel  P.  Fowler,  Efq Danvers,  Mafs. 

James  E.  Gale,  Efq Haverhill,  Mafs. 

Marcus  D.  Gilman,  Efq Montpelier,  Vt. 

The  Hon.  John  E.  Godfrey Bangor,  Me. 

Abner  C.  Goodell,  Jr.,  A.M Salem,  Mafs. 

Elbridge  H.  Gofs,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Chief  Juftice  Horace  Gray,  LL.D.     .    .  Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  W.  Greenough,  A.B Bofton,  Mafs. 

Ifaac  J.  Greenwood,  A.M New  York.  N.Y. 

Charles  H.  Guild,  Efq Somerville,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Robert  S.  Hale,  LL.D Elizabethtown,  N.Y. 

C  Fifke  Harris,  A.M Providence,  R.L 


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314  T/ie  Prince  Society, 

David  Greene  Haflcins,  Jr.,  A.M Cambridge,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Francis  B.  Hayes,  A.M Boflon,  Mafs. 

Thomas  Wentvvorth  Higginfon,  A.M Caml  ridge,  Mafs. 

VV.  Scott  Hill,  M.D Augufta,  Me. 

James  F.  Hunnewell,  Efq Charleftown,  Mafs. 

Theodore  Irwin,  Efq Ofwego,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  Clark  Jillfon Worcefter,  Mafs. 

Mr.  Sawyer  Junior Nalhua,  N.H. 

George  Lamb,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Edward  F.  de  Lancey,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

William  B.  Lapham,  M.D Augufla,  Me. 

Henry  Lee,  A.M Boiton,  Mafs. 

John  A.  Lewis,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Orfamus  H.  Marfhall,  Efq Buffalo,  N.Y. 

William  T.  R.  Marvin,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  F.  Matchett,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Frederic  W.  G.  May,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Rev.  James  H.  Means,  D.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

George  H.  Moore,  LL.D New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  Henry  C.  Murphy,  LL.D Brooklyn,  N.Y. 

The  Rev.  James  De  Normandie,  A.M Portfmouth,  N.H. 

The  Hon,  James  W.  North Augufta,  Me. 

Prof.  Charles  E.  Norton,  A.M Cambridge,  Mafs. 

John  H.  Oftiorne,  Efq Auburn,  N.Y. 

George  T.  Paine,  Efq Providence,  R.I. 

The  Hon.  John  Gorham  Palfrey,  LL.D Cambridge,  Mafs. 

Daniel  Parifli,  Jr.,  Efq .  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Francis  Parkman,  LL.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Auguftus  T.  Perkins,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  William  Stevens  Perry,  D.D.,  LL.D.  Davenport,  Iowa. 

William  Frederic  Poole,  A.M Chicago,  111. 

George  Prince,  Efq Bath,  Me. 

Capt.  William  Prince,  U.S. A New  Orleans,  La. 

Samuel  S.  Purple,  M.D New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  John  Phelps  Putnam,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Edward  Afhton  Rollins,  A.M Philadelphia,  Pa. 


IP 


The  Prince  Society.  315 

The  Hon.  Mark  Skinner Cliicago,  111. 

The  Rev.  Carlos  Slafcer,  A.M Dcdhani,  Mafs. 

The  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M Boaon,  Mais. 

Charles  C.  Smith,  Efq Bollon,  Mafs. 

Samuel   I'.  Snow,  Efq Bollon,  xMafs. 

Oliver  Blifs  Stebbins,  Efq Boflon,  Mafs. 

George  Stevens,  Efq Lowell,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Edwin  W.  Stoughton New  York,  N.Y, 

William  B.  Tralk,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  William  H.  Tuthill Tipton,  Iowa. 

Charles  W.  Tuttle,  Ph.D Bollon,'  Mafs. 

The  Rev.  Alexander  Hamilton  Vinton,  D.D.    .     .  Pomfret,  Ct. 

Jofeph  B.  Walker,  A.M Concord,  N.H. 

William  Henry  Wardwell,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Mifs  Rachel  Wetherill Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Henry  Wheatland,  A.M.,  M.D Sr^lcm,  Mafs. 

John  Gardner  White,  A.M Cambridge,  Mafs. 

William  Adee  Whitehead,  A.M Newark,  N.J. 

William  H.  Whitmore,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Henry  Auftin  Whitney,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Marftiall  P.  Wilder,  Ph.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Henry  Winfor,  Efq Philadelphia,  Pa. 

The  Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  LL.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Charles  Levi  Woodbury,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Aftibel  Woodward,  M.D Franklin,  Ct. 

J.  Otis  Woodward,  Efq Albany,  N.Y. 

LIBRARIES. 

American  Antiquarian  Society Worcefter,  Mafs. 

Amherft  College  Library Amherft,  Mafs. 

Aftor  Library New  York,  N.Y, 

Bofton  Athenaeum Bofton,  Mafs. 

Bofton  Library  Society Bofton,  Mafs. 

Britifti  Mufeum London,  Eng. 

Concord  Public  Library Concord,  Mafs. 


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316  The  Prince  Society, 

Eben  Dale  Sutton  Reference  Library Peabody,  Mafs. 

Free  Public  Library Worcefter,  Mafs. 

Grofvenor  Library Buffalo,  N.Y. 

Harvard  College  Library Cambridge,  Mafs. 

Hiftorical  Society  of  Pennfylvania Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Library  Company  of  Philadelphia Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Library  of  Parliament Ottawa,  Canada. 

Library  of  the  State  Department Wafliington,  D.C. 

Long  llland  Hiftorical  Society Brooklyn,  N.Y. 

Maine  Hiftorical  Society Brunfwick,  Me. 

Maryland  Hiftorical  Society Baltimore,  Md. 

Maffachufetts  Hiftorical  Society Bofton,  Mafs. 

Mercantile  Library New  York,  N.Y. 

Minnefota  Hiftorical  Society St.  Paul,  Minn. 

Newburyport  Public  Library,  Peabody  Fund    .     .  Newburyport,  Mafs. 

New  England  Hiftoric  Genealogical  Society     .     .  Bofton,  ISIafs. 

Newton  Free  Library Newton,  Mafs. 

New  York  Society  Library New  York,  N.Y. 

Plymouth  Public  Library Plymouth,  Mafs. 

Portfmouth  Athenaeum Portfmouth,  N.H. 

Public  Library  of  the  City  of  Bofton Bofton,  Mafs. 

Redwood  Library Newport,  R.L 

State  Library  of  Maffachufetts Bofton,  Mafs. 

State  Library  of  New  York Albany,  N.Y. 

State  Library  of  Rhode  Ifland Providence,  R.I. 

State  Library  of  Vermont Montpelier,  Vt. 

Williams  College  Library Williamftown,  Mafs. 

Yale  College  Library New  Haven,  Ct. 


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PUBLICATIONS    OF   THE   SOCIETY. 


New  England's  Prospect. 

Net'Tn;S'dff-r'""?J''i'''"'^'""  °'  *'^'  P^^'  °^  '^--•--  — ""ly  called 

come  ^S'p, 'n      "'"^  u'''  "'  ^'''  ''''""'"^'  '^'^"^  -  •'  «-ds  to  ou    new- 

come  £uj;/j/,  Planters;  and  to  the  old  Natiue  Inhabitants.    By  William  Wood 
London,  1634.    Preface  by  Charles  Deane,  LL.D.  i^y  William  Wood. 

The  Hutchinson  Papers. 

fett-Sv" r"  rint?JT"'  Papers  relative  to  the  Hiflory  of  the  Colony  of  Maffachu- 

AM    and  VViUiam  S   1    "I  .       fT  ''  ''^^-    ^'''^^  "^^  ^^''^^^  «•  ^Vhitmore. 
A.M.,  ana  VVilliam  S.  Appleton,  A.M.     2  vols. 

John  Dunton's  Letvers  from  New  England 

The  Andros  Tracts. 

Being  a  Collection  of  Pamphlet,  and  Official  Papers  idued  during  the  period  be- 
tween the  overthrow  of  the  Andros  Government  and  the  eftabliftmen    of  tl     feco'd 

Wl      :  Mem  f ott^Ed  '"''I'T'^  ''7   '''  ^'^''^   ^""-^  ^^^  --' ^'^  - 
3  vols.  """""^  '^"^'■°''  "^^^  '^'  ^^''°'-'  W'"*^-"  "•  Whitmore.  A.M. 

Sir  William  Alexander  and  American  Colonization. 

Including  three   Royal  Charters,  iffued  in   ifi"!     ifi-r    ,f,-,H     .  -r      . 
Encouragement  to  Colonies,  by  Si'r  William  A^xa  t r,     64'   a  Vllri^^ Z 

Mre^R:!/:;  Irt-irY  "°"^  inand.anda;artoVth?prnt'sZe'o 
Mane,  a  Roll  of  the  Knights  Baronets  of  New  Scotland;  with  a  Memoir  of  Sir 
W.lham  Alexander,  by  the  editor,  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.m! 

John  Wheelwright. 

Including  his  Faft-day  Sermon,  1637;  his  Mercurius  Americanus   164c   and  other 


i''i 


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3 1 8       Publications  of  the  Society, 

Voyages  of  the  Northmen  to  America. 

Including  extra6ts  from  Icelandic  Sagas  relating  to  weftern  voyages  by  North- 
men in  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries,  in  an  EngliOi  tranflation  by  North  Ludlow 
Beamifh;  with  a  Synopfis  of  the  hiftorical  evidence  and  the  opinion  of  Profeflfor 
Rafn  as  to  the  places  vifited  by  the  Scandinavians  on  the  coall  of  America.  Edited, 
with  an  Introduaion,  by  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M. 

The  Voyages  of  Samuel  de  Champlain. 

Including  the  Voyage  of  1603,  and  all  contained  in  the  edition  of  1613,  and  in  that 
of  1619 ;  tranflated  from  the  French  by  Charles  P.  Otis,  Ph.D.  Edited,  with  a  Memoir 
and  hiftorical  illuftrations,  by  the  Rev.  Edmund  F,  Slafter,  A.M. 

This  work  confifts  of  three  volumes.  Volumes  I.  and  II.  have  been  ilTued;  Vol.  III. 
will  follow  as  foon  as  pra6licable. 


VOLUMES   IN   PREPARATION. 


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1.  Captain  John  Mason,  the  founder  of  New  Hampdiire,  including  his  Traft  on 
Newfoundland,  1620,  and  the  feveral  American  Charters  in  which  he  was  a  Grantee ; 
with  a  Memoir  and  hiftorical  illuftrations  by  Charles  W.  Tuttle,  Ph.D. 

2.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  including  his  Tra6t  entitled  A  Brief  Narration,  1658, 
American  Charters  granted  to  him,  and  other  papers ;  with  hiftoricd  illuftrations  and 
a  Memoir  by  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M. 

3.  The  Voyages  of  Samuel  de  Champlain,  including  the  Voyage  of  1603,  and 
all  contained  in  the  edition  of  1613,  and  in  that  of  1619.  Tranflated  into  Englifli  by 
Charles  P.  Otis,  Ph.D.  Edited,  with  a  Memoir  and  hiftorical  illuftrations,  by  the 
Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M. 

Two  of  the  three  volumes,  of  which  this  work  will  confift,  have  already  been  iffued. 

4.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  including  his  Difcourfe  to  prove  a  Paflage  by  the 
North- Weft  to  Cathaia  and  the  Eaft  Indies ;  his  Letters  Patent  to  difcover  and 
pofiefs  lands  in  North  America,  granted  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  June  11,  1578;  with 
hiftorical  illuftrations  and  a  Memoir  by  Charles  W.  Tuttle,  Ph.D. 

It  is  the  intention  of  the  Council  to  iffue  at  leaft  one  volume  annually,  but  not 
neceffarily  in  the  order  in  which  they  are  placed  above. 

N.  B.  Communications  to  the  officers  of  the  Society  (hould  be  diredled  to  18  Som* 
erfet  Street,  Bofton,  Mafs. 


■1 


INDEX. 


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■ilili 


'III  II  i> 


INDEX. 


A. 


Abenaquis,  296. 

Abenaquiuoit,  296. 

Abercrombie,  Gen'l,  gr. 

Abnaki,  41,  46. 

Advocates'  Harbor,  298. 

Albany,  93. 

Alderney,  231. 

Alen^on,  253. 

Alexander,  Sir  William,  159,  160,  165, 
172,  174,  176,  177,  317. 

Alexander,  Sir  William,  Jr.,  161,  162. 

Alfonfe  or  Alphonfe,  Jean,  30,  -]-],  233. 

Algommequins,  La  Riui^re  des,  302. 
Algonquins,  90,  95,  96,  98,  99,  100,  108, 
115,  116,  121,  138,  139,  152,175,  187, 
192,  238,  241,  242,  255,  261,  268,  273, 
274,  275,  276.  278,  301. 
Algonquins,  River  of,  300. 
All  Devils'  Point,  335. 
Allen,  Ethan,  Gen'l,  91. 
Allen  River,  72. 
Allouettes,  Point  aux,  235,  294. 
Allumet  Illand,  118,  119,  121,  301. 
Almouchiquois,  286. 
America,  25,  28,  29,  31,  40,  54,  79,  94, 
109,  122,  155,  159,  177,  195,  206. 


America,  North,  27,  77,  78,  115,  157, 

159.  192. 
America,  South,  22,  23,  24. 
Amherrt  I  Hand,  128. 
Amherft,  Lord  Jeffrey,  91. 
Amiens,  17. 
Amyot,  220. 

Anadabijou,  236,  237,  291. 
Anaflbu.  56,  57. 
Andiatarode,  93. 
Andrews,  Sir  Jofeph,  161. 
Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  317. 
Angiers,  5.  17. 
Annapolis  Harbor,  or  Bafin,  39,  58,  62, 

63-  71.  l(\  79-  162.  176,  206. 
Annapolis.  Villas-e  of,  62,  72. 
Annotationes  Poftcriptae,  205. 
Anfe  aux  Bafques,  284. 
Anticofti,  32,  233. 
Anticofty,  233.  265. 
Antoine,  Riui6re.  St.,  294,  297, 
Antonio,  Prior  of  Crato,  26. 
Antouhonorons.  131,  301,  303,  304. 
Antouoronons,  303,  304. 
Antwerp,  8. 
Apoftles'  Creed,  246. 
Arcere,  3,  5. 
Archangel,  57. 


:     I 


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41 


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I     I    i. 


:i 


Archives  of  Foreign  Affairs,  181. 

Ardlic  Sea,  240. 

Ardres,  18. 

Argall,  Capt.  Samuel,  122,  160. 

Argentcnay,  297. 

Armouchicles,  277. 

Arms  of  France,  72. 

Arquelmfiers,  93. 

Arqucs,  16,  26. 

Arrowfwick,  46. 

Artichoke,  Jerufalem,  64. 

Arundel,  Lord  of,  57. 

Afcenfion,  ITe  of,  233. 

Afh,  264. 

Afia,  Northern,  239. 

Afpens,  264. 

AiTelini,  27. 

Affiftaqueronons,  303. 

Affumption,  Illand  of,  233. 

Aftrolabe,  118. 

AulMgnd,  D',  220. 

Auburn,  N.  Y.,  132. 

Augufta,  79. 

Aumont,  Marfhal  d',  16,  17,  19. 

Aunis,  3. 

Aurigny,  231. 

Auftralians,  240. 

Azores,  23,  26. 


B. 

Bacchus  Ifland,  48,  63. 

Bacchus,  Ifles  de,  299. 

Back  River,  46. 

Bahama,  23. 

Bale  la  Vallitre,  260. 

Baird,  Spenfer  F  ,  265. 

Baleine,  174,  i7S- 

Ballard,  Rev.  Edward,  42,  47. 

Baltimore,  Lord,  161. 


Index, 


Bangor,  42,  \  22,  209. 

Bannatyne  Club,  177. 

Bar  Harbor,  208. 

Barnab^,  Ifle,  S.,  294. 

Barnftable  Harbor,  65,  197. 

Bafque  Cove,  284. 

Bafques,  29,  38,  80,  83,  162,  163,  284. 

Bafs  River,  279. 

Batifquan,  Riuiire,  296. 

Batifcan,  255. 

Baturier,  Cap,  297. 

Baye  aux  Ifles,  299. 

Baye  des  Ifles,  293. 

Baye  des  TrefpalTez,  293. 

Baye  Franqoife,  297,  302. 

Baye  Longue,  299. 

Baye  Saine.  298. 

Bayfield,  Capt.  H.  W.,  253,  278,  282, 

283,  284. 
Bay  of  All  Ifles,  293. 

Bay  of  Fundy,  34,  39,  59-  75.  162,  206, 
222,  280,  298,  302. 

Bay  of  Mines,  39,  60,  76. 

Beamifli,  North  Ludlow,  318. 

Bear  Ifland,  260. 

Bears,  265,  278. 

Beauchamp,  Rev.  W.  M.,  132. 

Beaumont,  43. 

Beauport,  63. 

Bearers,  265. 

Bechourat,  Sagamore,  291. 

Bedabedec,  299. 

Beech,  264. 

Begourat,  Sagamore,  285. 

Belarmat,  3. 

Bell,  Charles  H.,  viii,  156,  317- 

Belle  Ifle,  Straits  of,  293. 

Belles  Prairies,  299. 

Bellin,  Atlas,  Maritime,  253,  268,  283, 

284. 


Index, 


323 


Bcphano,  3. 

Ikrgeroiinettes,  Les,  300. 

Berjon,  Jean,  216. 

Berkeley,  William,  l6l. 

Bermiula,  23. 

Berfimis  Point,  283. 

Biard,  I'ierrc,  29,  41,  46,  122. 

BibliothL-quc  Nationale,  213. 

liic,  32,  234,  294. 

Billingfgate,  54. 

Bircii,  15,  17,  27,239. 

BilTereni,  Lake  of,  302,  303,  304. 

BIlTerenis,  Lac  des,  304. 

Bhir'    Point,  47. 

Black-fltimmer,  58. 

Blafkowitz,  Plan  01  Plymouth,  207. 

Blavet,  15,  18,  20. 

Blaxton,  the  Rev.  William,  211. 

Blueljerry,  Canada,  295,  303. 

Bon  Temps,  L'ordre  de,  72. 

Bordeaux,  161. 

Bofton,  211,  293. 

Bofton  Athenaeum,  vii,  218. 

Bofton  Harbor,  52,  197,  199. 

Boulay,  44. 

Boulle,  Euftache,  147,  151,   152,   1C7, 

194,  205. 
Boulld,  Hdl6ne,  104,  105,  194,  266. 
Boulle,  Nicholas,  105. 
Boullon,  Duke  de,  27. 
Bowdoin  College,  79. 
Boyer,  294. 
B'lntome,  16,  18. 
Bras  d' Jr,  Grept,  175. 
Bras  d'Or,  T  Utie,  175. 
Brdbeuf,  Jean  de,  96,  178,  179,  180. 
Bred,  54. 
Breton,  Cap,  300. 
Breton,  Port,  300. 
Bretons,  29. 


Brevoort,  J.  C,  23. 

Brigard,  229. 

BriiTac,  ALaraihal  de,  16,  17,  20,  117. 

Brittany,  9,  11,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19,  20, 

26,  30,  227,  231. 
Brittany,  Upper,  16. 
Broadhead,  J.  R.,  207. 
Brouage,  i,  2,  4,  5,  6,  8,  9,  17,  103,  123, 

155,  225. 
Brown,  Mrs.  John  Carter,  vii,  215,  218. 
Briild,  fitienne,  126,  128,  143. 
BruflcS  Cap,  295. 
Buffalo,  132. 
BuilTon,  Saut  du,  270. 
Burgoyne,  Gen'l  John,  91. 
Burials,  Indian,  248. 
Bulk,  27. 
Buzzard's  Bay,  69. 


Cabin,  Indian,  239. 

Cabot,  John,  v,  29. 

Cabot,  Scbaftian,  77. 

Cadiz,  20,  21. 

Caen,  fimeric  de,    148,  149,   150,  152, 

154.  155.  169,  170,  178. 
Caen,  William  de,  148,  155,  r7o,  178. 
Cahiagud,  127,  137,  138. 
Calais,  43. 
Calefme,  293. 
Calice,  iS. 

California   Indians,  94. 
Calumet,  Sault  de=  Pierres  \  301. 
Calvin,  John,  12,  123. 
Camden,  16. 
Cameret,  Marie,  194. 
Camper,  Chateau  de,  16,  17. 
Campobello,  Ifland  of,  294. 
Campfeau,  Baye  de,  297. 


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324 


Index. 


!  IHtS 

I'' 

lis 


Canada,  34,  35,  36,  37,  95,  97,  145.  151, 

'S3.  156,  159.  '(J5.  '77,  189.  '94.  '96, 

200,  205,  213,  225,  227,  232,  265,  273, 

280,  301. 
Canada,  (ireat  Hay  of,  233. 
Canada,  River  of,  233,  234,  253,  257, 

258,  267,  289. 
Canaries,  21. 
Caniaderiguarunte,  93. 
Caniatagarontc,  93. 
Canoe,  Indian,  52,  239. 
Canfeau,  38,  39,  74,  75,  76,  11,  1 97, 

280,  289. 
Cap  Hlanc,  54. 
Cap  de  Levy,  293. 
Cap  de  I'outrincourt,  76. 
Cap  Roui,'e,  30. 
Cape  Dauphin,  175. 
Cape  Elizabeth,  47. 
Cape  livcque,  28 1. 
Cajje  Fendu,  76. 
Cape  Gafpc^  233. 
Cape  Henry,  211. 
Cape  Horn,  240. 
Capelle,  La,  18. 

Cape  Anne,  51,  52.  63,  197,  299. 
Cape  Breton,  31.  32.  36,  37,  61,  162, 

174.  175,  233.  2S0,  297. 
Cape  Charles,  211. 
Cape  Chifjneflou,  298. 
Cape   Cod,   54,   58,  63,  65,   78,    198, 

235- 
Cape  Cod  Bay,  54,  65. 
Cape  North,  233. 
Cape  Pine,  232. 
Cape  Porpoife,  50,  197. 
Cape  Race,  291. 
Cape  Ray.  32.  232,  233. 
Cape  Sable,  39,  61,  78. 
Cape  Salmon,  251. 


Cape  Split,  76. 

Cape  St.  Lawrence,  233,  300. 

Cape  St.  Mary,  232. 

Cape   Tourmcntc,   151,  153,  162,  163, 

104. 
Carantouan,  143. 
Carantonanis,  304. 
Carhagoulia,  127,  138. 
Caribbean  Sea,  22,  196. 
Carillon,  Fort,  91. 
Caron,  Joieph,  le,  124,   127,   138,  141, 

143.  '53- 
Carte  do  la  Nouvelle  F'rance,  210,  211. 
Carthagcna,  22.  23. 
Cartier,  Jacques,  29.  30,  95,   114,  199, 

220,  233,  234,  251,  252,  255,  257,  261, 

265,  268,  278,  279,  288. 
Cartier,  Jacques,  River,  296. 
Cafcades,  270. 
Cafco  Bay.  47,  299. 

Cafgrain.  L'Abbc,  H.  R,,  viii,  185,  186. 
Catamqui  Creek,  136. 
Catechifin,  178. 
Catelet,  le,  18. 
Cathay.  116. 
Catholic,  13,  14,  IS,  16,  112,  145,  151, 

154,  156,  187,  188,  192,  193. 
Cavalier,   133. 
Caymans,  22. 
Cedres,  270. 
Cerberus,  199. 

Cdfar.  Due  de  Vendome,  15,  105. 
Chalour,  Bay  of,  29,  3^  37,  279. 
Chaleurs,  Baye  de,  278,  279,  280. 
Chaleu,  Riuiere  de,  298. 
Chamberlain,  Jofhua  L.,  79. 
Chamlily,  262,  268. 
Chambly,  Falls  of,  90,  96, 
Champdord,  43. 
Champlain,  Antoine  de,  i. 


Index, 


325 


Champlain,    Samuel  de,    birth,    206 ; 
parentage    and    home    at    Hiouaije 
l-il  ;   quarter-mailer  in   the  army, 
I-19;    his  vilit  to  the  Welt  Indies, 
20-26;  his  lirll  vojML^c  to  Canada,  26- 
35 ;  iiis  fecond  voyage  and  three  years 
fojourii  on  the  Atlantic  co.iil  of  Amer- 
ica under    De  Monts,  35-78;   pre- 
pares for  a  voyage  to  Canada,  7S-.S0  ; 
fettles  difficulties  at  TadoulTac,   .:o, 
81  ;  fails  up  the  St.  Lawrence.  81,  82  ; 
he  lays  the  foundations  of  Quebec, 
82;  attempt  to    alTaffinate   him,  83- 
85  ;  his  firll  winter  at  (hiebec,  8^^-88 ; 
tour  of  exjjloration  and  difcovery  of 
Lake  Champlain,  89-91  ;    battle  at 
Ticonderoga,  91-96:    liis   return   to 
France,  96,  97  ;  returns  to  Canada, 
98  ;  battle  at  the  mouth  of  the  Riche- 
lieu, 9(>-i03  ;  he  hears  of  the  death 
of  Henry  IV.  and  returns  to  France, 
103,  io.|  ;  his  marriage,  105  ;  returns 
to  Canada,   105  ;  he  repairs  to  the 
Falls  of  St.   Louis,  the  rendezvous 
for  Indian  trade,  106-110  ;  returns  to 
France  and  reorganizes  the  company, 
ilo-n4;   returns   to    New   France, 
115  ;  explores  the  Ottawa,  11 5-1 21  ; 
returns  to  France  and  takes  miffion- 
aries  to  Canada,  122-124:  his  explo- 
ration of  the  upper  Ottawa,   Lake 
IMiMifling,  Lake  Huron,  Simcoe,  On- 
tario, penetrates  the  interior  of  Wert- 
ern  New  York  and  gives  battle  to 
the  Iroquois,  124-135;  n^oes  into  win- 
ter quarters  with  the  Hurons.   135- 
138;  explorations  during  the  winter, 
138-140;  returns  to  the  Falls  of  St. 
Louis,  141,  142:  voyages  to  France, 
143  ;  efforts  to  revive  the  company, 


144-147;  takes  his  wife  to  Canada, 
147  ;  repairs  the  buiUlings  at  Quebec. 
148-150;  in  France  two  years,  151  ; 
erects  a  farmiioufe  at  Cape  Tour- 
niente,   151  :  difficulty  with   Indians, 
152,  153;   the  peltry  and  I'ur  tr.ide, 
'54.   '55;     the    company    of     New 
France,    organi/.cd.    155,    157;    the 
EnglKh   attack    New  France.    15S- 
173;  receives  Capt.  Daniel's  account 
of  his  colony  planted  in  the  llland 
of  Cape   Breton,   173-175;    he  lays 
the  fubject    of    the   IJiitilh   invafion 
before  the  government  at  I'.iris,  175- 
177  ;  he  attends  to  the  publication  of 
his  works  at   Paris,  178;  returns  to 
Quebec,  and  enters  upon  feveral  new 
enterprifes,    i79-i,Si  ;    his    letter   to 
Richelieti,  181-183:    his  death,   184, 
185  ;  fumm.iry  of  his  character,  186- 
204:   i)ortrait  of   212;   titles  of  his 
publications.    215-219;    his   dedica- 
tion to  Charles  Montmorency. 

Champlain,  Lac  de,  297,  300. 

Champlain,  Lake,  93, 

Champlain,  Madame,  212. 

Champlain  Riviere  de,  70,  296. 

Chandler,  Peleg  W.,  156. 

Chantrey,  161. 

Chantilly.  146. 

Chaoufarou,  97. 

Chapel  of  M.  de  Champlain,  185. 

Chappeau  Rouge,  300. 

Charavay,  fitienne,  194.  205. 

Charente  Inferieure.  206. 

Charlefbourg  Royal,  30. 

Charles  I..  i6r,  169,  172,  176. 

Charles  II.,  193. 

Charles  VIII.,  2. 

Charles  IX.,  3,  14,  16,  186. 


if  II 


i    .J 


326 


Index, 


h. 


\ 


;.'  < 


diaries  Riui6re,  S.,  296. 

Cli.irles  River,  52. 

Charlevoix,  90,  123,  149,  158,  213,  252, 

253,  2fio,    268. 
Charlton,  Robert,   161. 
Charolois,  18. 
ClialTe  des  Ellans,  297. 
Challes,  Amyar  cle,  26,  27,  28.  32,  34, 

205. 
Cliatcau  do  Hlamly,  113. 
Cli'itcauneuf,  17.?. 
Chatham,  65,  ()6,  67,  69,  197. 
Chaudi^re  River,  296. 
Chaudicre  Falls,  120. 
Chaudicre,  Saidt  de,  300,  301. 
Chauvin,  de  Saint,  28,  31,  32,  35,  205. 
Chavin,  Capt.  I'ierre,  96,  98. 
Cherries,  264. 
Chefapeacq  Bay,  299. 
Chefapeake  Bay,  211, 
Chevalier,  74. 
Cheveux-Relevds,  139,  303. 
Cheftnuts,  264. 
Chinfchedec,  37. 
Chiltenango  Creek,  131,  13^.. 
Chouacoet,  299. 
Cibou,  175,  304. 
Clark,  General  John  S.,  132. 
Coafl;  Survey,  41.  47,  207,  208. 
Cobequid  Bay,  297. 
Cognac,  161. 
Cohaflet,  53. 
Collet,  Clavde,  216,  217. 
Colombo,  Don  Francifco,  21. 
Columbus,  F.,  240. 
Company  of    Merchant  Adventurers, 

161,  171. 
Company  of  New  France,  or  Hundred 

Aflbciates,  155.  156,    157,  158,  165, 

171,  174,  176,  178,  179.  184,187,  189. 


Condd,  Cap  de,  295. 

Condd,  Louis,  le  Grand,  113. 

CondtS  Prince  of,  4,  5,  14,  17,  105,  113, 

121,  146,  216. 
Confort,  I'oinclc,  299. 
Connedicut  Hillorical  Society,  42,  46, 

47.  52. 
Convent  de  Notre  Dame,  149. 
Convent,  rrfulinc,  194. 
Cooper,  James  Fenimore,  94. 
Copper  Inipkments,  I're-hiftoric,  276. 
Corpus  Chrilli,  93. 
Cofle-Briflac,  Charles,  17. 
CoiTe-Brinac.  J<  anne  de,  17. 
Cotcau  (lu  Lac.  Rapids  du,  270. 
Couciiirhiiig,  Lake,  127,  128. 
Coudre.  Ille  au,  251,  252,  294,  295. 
Coues,  240 

Couillard,  William,  171. 
Couranle,  Baye,  298. 
Courcelles,  17. 
Coutras,  17. 
Cowaflialon  Creek,  131. 
Cramoify,  Sebaltian,  155. 
Creuxius,  159,  174,  185,  189. 
Crofs,  James,  D.D.,  131. 
Cuba,  22,  196. 
Cumberland  Strait,  297. 
Currants,  264. 
Cutter,  Charles  A.,  vii. 
Cyprefs,  235,  264. 


D. 


Dale,  Sir  Thomas,  160. 

Daniel,  Capt.  Charles,  155,  173,  174, 

175- 
Darien,  Ifthmus  of,  25. 

D'Arontal,  141. 


Index* 


1^7 


'3. 


46, 


16. 


174, 


Daru,  M.,  16. 

Dauphiny,  1 12. 

D'Avezac,  233,  234,  251,  252,  257,  261, 
265,  26X. 

Davila,  Henrico  Caterino,  4,  5,  18. 

Deane,  Charles,  317. 

Dean,  John  Ward,  vii,  306. 

Dcchamlicau  Point,  256. 

Decr-frap,  136. 

Deffiat,  Marquis,  155. 

De  Laet,  Jean,  233. 

Delifle,  L.,  viii. 

De  Monts,  36.  37,  38,  39.  40,  43,  45, 
47»  SO,  52,  55.  56,  58.  59.  60.  61,  62, 
63.  72,  74.  75.  79.  80,  89,  97,  103, 
105,  106,  109.  no,  irr,  112,  r22,  123, 
158,  206,  208,  287. 
De  Monts'  Ifland,  39,  40,  43,  206, 
Denis,  27. 

Denys,  Nicholas,  39,  175,  265. 
Derby,  161. 

Defbarats,  Geo.  E.,  218. 
Defdames,  166. 
Defeada,  21,  196. 
Detroit  River,  271. 
Deux  Bayes,  Cap  des,  298,  302. 
De  Witt,  John,  9, 
Dexter,  H.  M.,  207. 
Diamonds,  253. 
Dieppe,  27,  29,  150,  161,  173,  r74,  179, 

219. 
Dijon,  112. 
Dog,  238,  240. 
Domingo,  St.,  22. 
Dominion  of  Canada,  29,  200,  301. 
Dorr,  S.  E.,  viii. 
Dourlens,  18. 
Dover,  Eng.,  171. 
Du  Guaft,  Pierre,  52. 
Du  Pare,  104,  106. 


Dutch,  r52. 

Du  Val,  Jean,  83.  84,  85. 
Duxhorough,  207. 
Duxbury  13each,  207. 


E. 

Eaft  Bofton,  52. 

Elizabeth.  Queen,  15,  27,  198. 

England   and   Englifli,   n,    13,  22,  27. 

54.  57.  '58.  159.   '60,  162.   164.  If. 6. 

if)7,  iM,  169.  170.  171,  173,  173.  174, 

•75.  17^'.  177.  179-  180.  182,  183,  198, 

205,  21 1,  231.  299. 
Englifli  Channel,  98. 
Kntouhnnorons.  143. 
Efpcrnon,  Duke  of,  18. 
Efpoir,  I,c  Cap  d',  300. 
Efprit,  Baye  du  Saincl,  300. 
Eftrdes.  Gabrielled',  15. 
Etechemins,  238,  242,  278. 
Etechemins,  Riui^re  des,  296,  299. 
Europe,  8,  58,  239. 


F. 

Falls  of  St.  Louis,  33,  106,  115,  119, 
141,  154.  251.  268,  294,  297,  300,  301, 
302,  304. 

Falls  of  St.  Mary,  298. 

Falmouth.  Eng.,  175. 

Faribault,  M.,  213. 

Fayall,  198. 

Fenner,  131. 

Fdret,  M.,  219. 

Ferryland,  161. 

I'^'''.  235. 

Fifli-hook  and  line,  53. 

Five  Nations,  128,  190,  191,  193. 


328 


Index, 


Flag,  or  lilies  of  France,  138. 

Flemings,  183. 

Flemifli,  231,  304. 

Fletcher's  Neck,  47. 

Florida,  95,   156,    159,  221,  261,  262, 

280,  299. 
Florida,  Gulf  of,  23. 
Fontainebleau,  97. 
Forillon,  300. 
Fort,  Iroquois,  in  Fenner,  N.  Y.,  130, 

131.  132. 

Fort  Saint  Louis,  148,  169,  179. 

Foacher,  163. 

Fougeray,  or  Foulger^  de  Vitre,  43. 

Fouques,  Captain,  38. 

Fourchu,  Port  du  Cap,  298,  304. 

Foxes,  26s. 

France,  French,  8,  [i,  12,  14,  15,  16, 
17,  i  8,  20,  27,  29,  31,  34,  40,  43.  45- 
52,  54,  58,  59,  61.  62,  63,  74,  75,  76, 
79,  80,  S"!,  90.  96.  98.  103,  104,  107, 
110,  113,  116,  121,  122,  141.  142,  143, 
144,  146,  151,  152,  155,  158,  160,  161, 
162,  163,  167,  168,  169,170,  171,  172, 
173,  174.175-  176,  177.  178,  180,181, 
182,  191,  192,  193,  196,  200,203,206, 
209,  211,  219,  236,  269,  291,  301,  304. 

Francis  I.,  9,  16. 
Francis  II.,  14,  16. 
Franqoife  de  Mercoeur,  15. 
Frederidton,  36. 
Frenchman's  Bay,  208. 
French  River,  126,  301. 
Freer,  16,  17,  27. 
Fyall,  78. 


Gachep^,  233. 
Gage,  Thomas,  22. 


Galops,  Rapids,  270. 

Garneau,  Francis  Xavier,  271. 

Gar-pike,  97. 

Gafpd,  29,  32,  33,  34,  36,  37,  45.  165, 

166,  167,  233,  234,  272,  277,  278,  291, 

297. 
Gafpey,  233. 
Gafpey,  Poin6le  de,  300. 
Gallon,  Duke  of  Orleans,  146. 
Gafton,  Sault  de,  298. 
Genefee  River,  274. 
Georgia,  235. 

Georgian  Bay,  126,  1.44,  199,  210. 
Germany,  13. 
Ciefures,  M.  de,  28. 
C]ibbs,  George,  194. 
Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  318. 
Giovanni  da  Verrazano,  23. 
Gloucefter  Harbor,  (^t,,  65,  197. 
Goat  Ifland.  59. 
Goat  River,  298. 
Gomez,  Eftevan,  77. 
Gookin,  Daniel,  52. 
Goroes,  Sir  Ferdinando,  318. 
Gofnold,  Bartholomew,  v,  54,  1^),  I97' 
Goudon,  Elizabeth,  161. 
GoufFre,  Baye  de,  294. 
Gougou,  2S9,  290. 
Grand  Banks,  34,  61,  105. 
Grand  Cibou,  I7S.  3o4- 
Grand  Sault,  297. 
Granfibou,  175. 
Grapes,  49,  264. 
Green  Ifland,  296. 
Green  Mountain,  208. 
Green  Mountains,  266. 
Greenwich,  234. 
Grenefey,  231. 
Grondines,  Les,  296, 
Guadaloupe,  22. 


Index, 


329 


Guaft,  Pierre  du,  Sieur  de  Monts,  35. 
Guerchville,  Marchionefs  de,  122,  123. 
Guernfey,  231. 
Guicciardino,  Ludovico,  8. 
Guienne,  8. 

Guizot,  M.  Francois  Pierre  Guillaume, 
214. 

Gurnet,  207,  208. 


H. 

Higue,  Royal  Archives  of,  207. 

Hakluyt,  Rich,    d,  30,  58,  233,  259. 

Hak-iuyt  Society,  23,  26,  27,  219. 

Hah  fax  Harbor,  298. 

Hamel,  Thomas,  213. 

Harding's  Beach  Point,  66. 

Hare  Ifland,  251,  252,  253,  275,  295. 

Hares,  263. 

Hariot,  Thomas,  58. 

Haute  Ifle,  70,  197. 

Hautes,  Ifles  Affez,  299. 

Havana,  23. 

Havre  du  GrAce,  34,  ^^y,  38,  231,  291. 

Hawkins,  John,  -j-j. 

Hazel-nuts,  264. 

HL<bert,  Madame,  153,  166,  171. 

Henry  II.,  16. 

Henrylll.,  4,  5,  14,  15,  16,17,26,27, 

112,  186. 
Henry  IV.,  II,  12,  14,  15,16,17,18,  23, 
26,29,34,35,36,62,79,97,103,105, 
"2,  113,  122,  158,  186,220. 
Henry  VIII.,  9. 
Herbert,  Lord,  of  Cherbury,  9. 
Herfaut,  Jacques,  194. 
Hinds,  265. 
Hifpaniola,  22. 
Hiftory,  Magazine  of  Am.,  132, 

42 


Hiftory,  Penn.  Magazine  of,  132 

Hochelaga,  29,  255,  26S. 

^lolland,  9,  22. 

Honfleur,  28,  32,  37,  80,  96,  98,   104, 
105,  114,  124,  142,  146,  147,231. 

Hontan,  Baron  La,  33.  265,  270. 

Hops,  264. 

Horican,  94. 

Horfefoot-crab,  58. 

Houel,  Louis,  123,  155. 

Hudfon,  Henry,  tj,  93,  n6,  211,  250. 

Hudfon  River,  93,  26-. 

Hudfon's  Bay,  211,  250  2''2. 

Hudfon's  Bay  Company,  193. 

Huguenots,  2,  3,  4.  5,  i,,  ,2,  13,  14,  ,5, 
27.  35.  145.  154,  156,  160,  187. 

Hurons,  90,  96.  98,  99,  102,  103,  108, 
124,  126,127,128,  137.138,  139,143, 
180,  187,  192,  261,  276,  301. 


I. 

Icebergs,  232,  233. 

Immeftan,  299. 

Indians,  32,  33.  35,  38,  39.  40,  46,  53, 
55,60.63,  64,66,  81,  88,  102,  103, 
ro6,  107,  109,  114,  !i5,  ,16,  124.  148, 
149,  153,  163,  166,  167,  192,  19:;,  222. 

Indian  Corn,  49,52,  55,  63,  66.  127, 
128,  129,  300,  303. 

Iroquois,  34,  88,  90,  91,  92,  93,  98,  99, 
100,  loi,  115,  120,  127,  131,  132, 
139,  140,  143.  152,  rS3,  1S4,  190,  191, 
193,  238,  258,  261,  26?,  274,  275,  276, 
280,  285,  286,  291. 

Iroquois,  Fort,  or  Fortrefs,  100,  lor, 
261. 

Troquois  River,  33,  261,  263,  266,  267, 
273,  285,  297. 


\ 


lil 


I'll 


!  1  li 


I 


Jfl'l 


H 


1 

i 


i!^  \ 


330  Index, 


I? 


Ifle  aux  Coudres,  275. 

Ille  aux  Lieures,  295. 

Ifle  de  Chafle,  296. 

Ifle  de  Grace,  260. 

Ifle  de  Safinon,  294. 

Ifle  de  St.  Eloy,  296, 

Ifle  d'Orleans,  252. 

Ifle  du  Pas,  260. 

Ifle  Haute,  302. 

Ifle  Jefus,  300. 

Ifle  Perrot,  267. 

Ifle  Plat,  263. 

Ifle  Royale,  297. 

Ifles  aux  Corneilles,  294. 

Ifles  de  Richelieu,  260. 

Ifles  of  Shoals,  51,  197,  299. 

Ifle  St.  Ignace,  260. 

Ifle  St.  Paul,  293. 

Ifle  Verte,  296. 

Ivry,  16,  26. 


J- 


Jacopolis.  2. 

Jacques  Cartier,  River,  255. 

Jamay,  Denis,  124,  142. 

James  I.,  158.  159. 

Jamefl:own,  160,  211,  299. 

Jaques,  Mafter.  a  Sclavonian,  60. 

Jean,  Cap  d'Ifle  Sainft,  298. 

Jean  d'Angely,  18. 

Jean  de  Beauuais,  Saint,  216. 

Jean,  Ifle  Sainft,  297.  302. 

Jeannin,    Prefident    Pierre,    112,    117, 

294. 
Jeannin,  Riui^re,  294. 
Jeffrie,  264. 
Jeremy  Ifland,  284. 
Jerremifquam  Ifland,  46. 


J^fuites,  94,  96,  122,  161,  175,  178,  I79» 

220,  234,  256,  296. 
Jeune,  P^re  le,  180,  184, 185,  234,  257, 

266. 
Jogues,  Ifaac,  93,  96. 
Jonas,  The,  61,  62,  74,  75,  77. 
Jonefport,  Me.,  294. 
Jofeph,  Lac  S.,  296. 
Jofl'elyn,  John,  303. 
Julian,  St.,  21. 
Jvet,  Robert,  93. 


K. 


Kadefquit,  42,  122 

Kenduflceag,  42 

Kennebec  River,  43,  46,  47,  56,  57,  58, 

197.  294,  396. 
Kingfton,  136. 
Kirke,  Sir  David,  161,  162,   163,   164, 

165,  1C6,  167,  168,  170,  171,  172. 
Kirke,  Gervafe.  161. 
Kirke,  Henry,  161. 
Kirke,  Lewis,  161,  168. 
Kirke,  Thomas,  161,  167,  168,  169, 1 70. 
Kirke,  Thurflon,  161. 


L. 


Labrador,  282. 

La  Cadie,  34,  36,  37,  52,  61,  63,  79, 

122,  208,  225,  280,  286,  287,  298. 
Lac  de  Nibachis,  300. 
Lac  du  St.  Sacrament,  93,  94. 
La  Chine  Rapids,  106,  117,  268,  2r:'. 
Lac  Petit,  300. 
Lac  St.  Charles,  296. 
Lafl^che.  236. 
La  H^ve,  38.  TJ,  122. 


I, 


I 


l 


\^' 


Index. 


331 


8, 


'9, 


Lake  Angouleme,  259. 

Lake  Champlain,  93,  97,  100,  102,  190, 
199,  261,  262,  280. 

Lake  Erie,  211,  271,  275. 

Lake  Georj^e,  93,  262,  300. 

Lake  Huron,  144,  159,  210,  271. 

Lake  Micliigan,  211,  271. 

Lake  Nipifung,  126,  199,  303. 

Lake  Ontario,  128,  130,   131,  135,  199, 
274,  275,  30 r,  302. 

Lake  of  Two  Mountains,  117,  126. 

Lake  Simcoe,  126,  127,  128. 

Lake  St.  Clair,  271. 

Lake  St.  Francis,  270. 

Lake  St.  John,  81,  99,  258. 

Lake  St.   Louis,   117,   270,   301,   302, 
304- 

Lake  St.  Peter,  33,  36,  259,  260,  273, 
296. 

Lake  Superior,  33,  99,  297. 

Lake  Winipeg,  265. 

Lalemant,  Father  Charles,  184. 

Lalemant,  Hierofme,    93,  95,  96,  124, 

154- 
Lamb,  George,  vii. 
Languedoc,  146. 
Laifple,  233. 
Lark  Point,  235. 
L    oulTe,  16,  206. 
Laud,  Archbifhop,  161. 
Lauclonni^re,  Capt,  v,  95,  269. 
Laurie's  Chart,  256,  263,  266. 
Laverdiere,  L'Abb^,  C.  H.,   150,  171, 
173.  185,  202,  212,  218,  219,  220,  233, 
234,  235,  236,  255,  256,  259,  267,  268, 
270,  28 r,  282,  283,  284,  293,  297. 
League,  14,  15,  16,  17,  20,  112. 
Ledyard,  L.  W.,  132. 
Leo  X.,  14. 
Le  Roy,  Marguerite,  i. 


Lefcarbot,  Marc,  n,  59,  61,  62,  71,  75, 
95,  97,  206;  his  writings,  206. 

Lefdiguieres,  Uuchcfs  of,  252. 

Lefquemin,  37,  294. 

Levi,  Henry  de,  150. 

Library,  National,  of  Paris,  218. 

Library  of  Harvard  College,  vii,  215, 
216,  217.  218. 

Little  Boar's  Head,  51,  299. 

Little  River,  50,  268. 

Little  Salmon  River,  129,  130. 

Liverpool,  38. 

London.  8,  23,  26,  160,  161,  165,  171, 
172,173,215. 

Long  Beach,  207. 

Long  Saut,  270. 

Loughborough,  Lake,  136. 

Louife,  Queen,  15. 

Louis  XII L,  20,  150,  160,  217. 

Louis  XIV.,  201. 

Lower  Granville,  59,  72,  206. 

Lucar  de  Barameda,  St.,  21,  23. 

Lucini,  207. 

M. 

Madifon,  County  of,  131. 

Magellan,  Straits  of,  25. 

Mahone  Bay,  298. 

Mailld   Brdz(5,  Claire   Clemence,    105, 

113. 
Maine,  41,  43,  44,  58,  71,  79,  122,  197, 

258. 
Maine,  Gulf  of,  78. 
Maine,  M.  du,  4. 
Maifonneuve  &  Co.,  219, 
Mai- Bay,  278. 
Mai  de  la  terre.  45,  60,  87. 
Mallebarre,  Port  de,  56. 
Malte-Brun.  \2. 


\ 


f 


332 


Index, 


(    ;, 


!  =   \ 


i, 


Manan,  Grand,  71. 

Manan,  Petit,  294. 

Mancenilla,  22. 

Manicouagan  River,  283. 

Mantelet,  or  (hield,  133 

Manthoumerme,  47. 

Maple,  264. 

Marais,  Des,  103. 

Maran,  9. 

Marennes,  5,  6,  206. 

Margaret,  River  St.,  282. 

Margarita,  22,  196. 

Margry,  Pierre,  150. 

Mariefort,  62. 

Marie,  Rapide  de  Ste.,  266. 

Marie,  Riviere  Ste.,  256. 

Marque,  Letters  of,  167. 

Marriage  of  Indians,  248. 

Marfliall,  O.  H.,  118,  132. 

Marflifield,  53. 

Marfli,  Geo.  P.,  25. 

Martens,  278. 

Ma.tha's  Vineyard,  69,  198,  299. 

Mafon,  Captain  John,  ''8. 

Maffachufetts,  56,  77,  197,  286. 

Maflachufetts  Bay,  51,  52,  156,  293. 

Mafiachufetts  Indians,  52. 

MafTachufetts  Hiftorical  Society,  207. 

Maffe,  Enemond,  122,  179. 

Maffion,  M.  D.,  3. 

Matane,  River,  234. 

Matapedia,  279. 

INIattawan  River,  126,  301. 

Mayenne,  Duke  of,  4,  112. 

May  Flower,  54. 

Meaux,  194. 

Mddicis,  Catherine  de,  14,  26. 

Mddicis,  Marie  de,  112,  113,  122. 

Membertou,  73. 

Mercoeur,  Duke  de,  15,  18,  20,  105. 


Mercure  Francois,  158. 

Mer  Douce,  271,  298,  301,  304. 

Merrimac  Bay,  299. 

Merrimac  River,  51. 

Merrymeeting  Bay,  46. 

Mefamichi,  yj. 

Meflamoiiet,  40. 

Metaberoutin,  257. 

Mexico,  22,  24,  25,  26,  27,  196. 

Mexico,  New  York,  131. 

Mezeray,  de,  15,  17. 

Micmacs,  42,  279,  286. 

Mill  Cove,  66. 

Mille  Vaches,  284. 

Mines,  Balin  of,  288,  289. 

Mines  Channel,  76. 

Mines,  Port  des,  29,  302. 

Mirabeau,  Monfieur  de,  4. 

Miramichi,  279. 

Mirth,  Rule  of,  72. 

Mifcou.  298,  304. 

Mitchell,  Prof.  Henry,  207,  208. 

Mitchell's  River,  66. 

Mohawks,  88,  93. 

Mohicans,  94. 

Moine,  Le,  viii,  233,  234,  264,  265. 

Moifie  Bay,  281. 

Moncornet,  Balthazar,  212,  213,  214. 

Monhegan,  43,  57. 

Monk  I  Hand,  260. 

Monomoy.  56,  66,  69,  70. 

Monfeag  Bay,  46. 

Montanne  River,  234,  279. 

Montbulin,  18. 

Mont  de  la  Roque,  59. 

Montluc,  Marfhal  de,  2. 

Monftr'oeil,  Clavde  de,  215,  225,  229. 

Montagnais,  89,  98,  99,  100,  152,  178, 

192,  233,  234,  236,  238,  242,  250,  261, 

278,  285,  291. 


i| 


wm 


Index, 


III 


\ 


r 


Montaigne,  220. 

Montmorency,    Admiral    Charles   de, 

226,  253. 
Montmorency,   Charlotte    Marguerite 

de,  113. 
Montmorency,  Henry,  Du'e  de,  113, 

146,  148,  150 
Montmorency,  Le  Saulte  de,  295. 
Montreal,  29,  33,96,  106,  107, 115,  117, 

120,  121,  124,  126,  135,  141, 186, 199, 

251,  255,  261,  266,  267,  268,  297. 
Mont-real,  Ifle  de,  294,  300. 
Montaut,  Sieur  de,  4. 
Montcalm,  Gen'l  Louis  Jos.,  91. 
Monts  Ddferts,   Ifle  de,  41,  209,  294, 

304- 
Monte  Chrifto,  22. 
Moofe,  265. 
Morel,  Captain,  37. 
Morlay,  12. 
Morris  Ifland,  66. 
Mofquitoes,  22. 
Motte  Bourioli,  La,  43. 
Mount  Defert,  41,  42,  78,  122,  123, 197, 

208,  238,  294. 
Mourt's  Relation,  207. 
Mouton,  Port  au,  297. 
Mufcovites,  181. 
Mvr,  Pierre  Le,  217. 
Mufliauwomuk,  52. 
Mufkrat,  266. 

Mufkrat  Lake,  118,  300,  301. 
Myftic  River,  52. 


N. 

Naigrd,  Port  du  Cap,  298,  304. 
Nantafket,  53. 
Nafhaway,  52. 


Natel,  Antoine,  83. 
Natifcotec,  233. 

Naufet  Harbor,  54,  56,  63,  65,  70,  197. 
Navarre,  4,  5,  12,  17,  217. 
Navigation,  Treatife  on,  178. 
Nepefiguit  River,  279. 
Neponfitt,  52. 
Neutral  Nation,  303,  304. 
Neutre,  La  Nation,  303. 
New  Brunlwick,  36,  39,  44,  159,  197. 
New  England,  46,  49,  54,  57,  64,  70,  71, 
n.  1^,  95.  197,  198,  207,  210,  239, 
303- 
New  England   Hiilorical  and  Genea- 
logical Regillor,  vii,  276. 
New  Foundland,  25,  29,  32,  159,  161, 

232,  293,  300. 
New  France,  36,  37,  62,  99,  104,  105, 
III,  113,  114,  116,  123.  146,  148,  149! 
151,  156,  157,  159,  171,  172,  177,173, 
180,  181,  183,  185,  187,  1S8, 195,  213, 
216,  225,  265,  278. 
New  Grenada,  22. 
Newport  Mountain,  209. 
New  Scotland,  159,  176,  177. 
New  York,  93,  136,  143,  152,  170,  199, 

200,  276,  302. 
New  York,  Documentary  Hift.  of,  207. 
New  York  Hi  ft.  Society,  93,  132. 
Niagara  Falls,  271,  274,  275,  301. 
Nicaragua,  Lake  of,  25. 
Nicholas,  St.,  22. 
Nichols  Pond,  131,  132. 
Nicolet  River,  297. 
Nicolette  River,  259. 
Nipiffing  Lake,  126,  199,  303. 
Nipiffings,  Indians,  138,  139. 
Nipmuck,  52. 
Noddle's  Ifland,  52. 
Nogent-le-Rotrou,  112. 


V 


334 


Index. 


ip 


Mi 


Nomdny,  15. 

NonameflTet,  70. 

Nonantam,  32. 

Normandy,  31,  112,  223,  231. 

Normans,  29. 

North  Carolina,  58. 

North  Point,  298. 

North  Sea,  301. 

Norton,  161. 

Norumbegue,  40,  41. 

Notre  Dame,  Church  of,  86. 

Notre  Dame  de  Recouvrance,  180. 

Notre  Dame  de  Quebec,  Parifh  Regis- 
ter, 185. 

Nouc,  Anne  de,  180. 

Nova  Scotia,  31,  39,  75,  76,  IT,  79,  95, 
159,  162,  197,  206,  279,  289,  293. 

Nuremburg,  15. 

O. 

Oaks,  264. 

Ochiltrie,  Lord,  174,  175. 

Olbeau,  Jean  d',  124,  150. 

Old  Orchard  Beach,  47,  197. 

Old  Point  Comfort,  299. 

Old  Stage  Harbor,  66. 

Oleron,  2,  5,9. 

Oneida  Lake,  129,  131,  132. 

Oneida  River,  129,  131. 

Onondaga,  Invafion  of,  132. 

Ontario,  Lake,  271. 

Opinion  Publique,  186. 

Oregon,  94. 

Orgny,  d',  231. 

Orignac,  153,  264,  265,  278. 

Orillia,  127. 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  74. 

Orleans,  Ifle  d',  295,  297. 

Orleans,  Ifland  of,  252,  273,  294. 


Orlogio,  Cavalier,  3. 

Orville,  D',  43. 

Ofwego  River,  274. 

Otis,  Dr.  Charles  P.,  vi,  vii,  213,  224, 

318. 
Otonabee,  128. 
Ottawa,  Citv  of,  120,  127. 
Ottawa  River,  90,  99,  100,  116,  120, 

125,  126,  199,238,265,270,300,301, 

303- 
Otter,  265. 

Otter  Cove  Cliffs,  209. 
Otter  Creek  Cove,  209. 
Oueffant,  231,  291, 
Outard  Bay,  283. 
Oyfter  Harbor,  65. 
Oyfler  Pond,  66. 


P. 


Pacific  Coaft,  95. 

Pacific  Ocean,  116,  172. 

Paliffy,  Bernard,  12. 

Panama,  Ifihmus  of,  22,  24,  25,  196. 

Panounias,  46. 

Paris,  12,  17,  18,  28,  61,  104,  no,  112, 

123,  I5S>  175.  181,  206,  212,213,225, 

229. 
Parkman.  Francis,  viii,  29.  95. 
Parmentier,  Jean,  29. 
Paffamaquoddy  Bay,  39,  41. 
Peltry,  154. 
Pemetegoet,  299. 
Pemetiq,  41. 

Penobfcot,  41,  42,  57,  78,  198,  208. 
Penobfcot  Bay,  43,  70,  294. 
Percde,  He,  37,  278,  279,  280,  281,  286, 

300. 
Perrault,  P^re,  175. 


Index, 


335 


f- 


:S» 


56, 


Peru,  25 . 

Petit  Paflage  de  I'Ifle  Longue,  298. 

Petun,  Gens  de,  303. 

Petuns,  139. 

Philadelphia,  36. 

Philip  II.,  15. 

Picardy,  18,  29. 

Pickering,    Dr.  Charles,  49,  235,  239, 
240,  264. 

Pieces  Juftificatives,  181. 

Piedmont,  146. 

Pierre,  Brool<,  107. 

Pigeon  La]<e,  128. 

Pilotoua,  247. 

Pinart,  M.,  219. 

Pine,  235. 

Pifcataqua,  78,  21  r. 

Placentia  Bay,  232,  293. 

Place  Royale,  La,  107. 

Pleflis,  Paciiique,  du,  124. 

Plymouth,  77,  207,  211. 

Plymouth,  Eng.,  171. 

Plymouth  Harbor,  54,  197,  206,  207, 
208. 

Point  k  Calli&re,  107. 

Point  Allerton,  53. 

Point  aux  Vaches,  235. 
Point  Cardinal,  270. 
Point  ChafK,  282. 
Point  Colombier,  284. 
Point  Comfort,  211. 
Point  Croix,  282. 
Point  de  Monts,  282. 
Point  Levi,  293, 
Point  Peter,  278. 
Point  Platon,  254, 
Point  St.  Nicholas,  283. 
Poitrincourt,  222. 
Pons,  35. 
Pons,  Jacques,  de,  2,  no. 


Pont  Gravd,  28,  31,  32,  33,  34.  t,!,  38, 
45.  58,  59.  61,  62,  70,  84,  86,  88,  96, 
98,  115,  141.  145.  146,  149,  164,  205, 
236,  237,  255,  267,  291. 

Pontiff,  Roman,  13,  15. 

Poplar,  264. 

Porcupines,  265. 

Portage  du  Fort,  120. 

Port  ?i  Lefquille,  295. 

Port  aux  Coquilles,  294. 

Port  aux  Huillres,  65. 

Port  aux  Saulmon,  295. 

Port  Dauphin.  175. 

Port  du  Cap  de  Raye,  293. 

Port  Fortuntf,  69. 

Portland,  47. 

Port  Louis,  20,  21. 

Port  Mouton,  38,  39, 
Porto-bello,  22,  21;. 

Porto  Platte,  22. 

Porto-rico,  San  Juan  de,  22. 

Port  Royal,  58,  60,  61,  62,  63,  76,  ^^, 

122,  123,  304. 
Port  St.  Louis,  207. 
Portfmouth,  211. 
Portugal,  26,  27. 
Poutrincourt,  40,  61,  62,  63,  64,  65^  67, 

68,  72,  75,  76,  122,  123. 
Powers,  Stephen,  94,  95. 
Prairies,  M.  Des,  10 1. 
Prefixe,  18. 
Prevert,  Sieur,  32,  222,  279,  286,  287, 

288,  289,  290,  291. 
Prince  Edward  Ifland,  288. 
Prince,  George,  viii. 
Prince,  The  Rev.  Thomas,  308. 
Prince  Society,  156,  159,  172,  177,207, 

305  ;  act  of  incorporaticn,  306;  con- 

llitution,  307,  308  ;  rules  and  regula- 
tions of  the  Council,  308-310 ;  ofiS- 


33^ 


Index, 


y.\ 


il 


cers,  311  ;  names  of  members,  312- 
316;  publications,  317,  318;  works  in 
preparation,  318. 

Prinj;,  Martin,  v,  77,  198. 

Protellants,  13,  14,  103,  Hi,  187,  188. 

Prout's  Neck,  47. 

ProvenCj-al  Cappitaine,  20. 

Puitailltf,  La  Riviere,  3. 

Pniikapaog,  52. 

Purciias,  his  Pilgrims,  215. 

Puritans,  156. 

Quaddy  Head,  78. 

Quarter-mafter,  16,  19. 

Quebec,  28,  29,  30,  33,  36,  82,  84,  85, 
87,  89,  90,  95,  96,  97,  98,  99,  103, 
104,  105,  no,  114,  115,  116,  123,  124, 
126,  141,  142,  143,  144,  146, 147, 149, 
150,  151,  153,  154,  160,  161,  162,  i64, 
165,  166,  167,  168.  169,  170,  171,  172, 
173,  174,  176,  178,  179.  180,  182,  183, 
184,  187,  189,  190, 194,  199,  205,  209, 
213,  2 1 8,  253,  254,  264,  273,  293,  294, 
29s,  296,  301,  304. 

Quebec,  Province  of,  159. 

Quentin,  Father,  122. 

Quinibequi,  Quinibequy,  Quinebequi, 
46,  296. 

Quintd,  Bay  of,  128,  130,  274,  302, 


R. 

Rafn,  Prof.  Charles  C,  318. 

Ralleau,  Sieur,  37,  40. 

Ramufio,  29. 

Ranges,  41. 

Ranke,  Leopold,  12,  14. 


Rafpberry,  264,  303. 

Raze,  Cap  de,  37. 

Razilly,    Commander    Ifaac    de,    155, 

174. 
Raymbault,  P6re  Charles,  185. 
Recollea  Chapel,  185. 
Recollefls,  Fathers,  123,  124,  138,  141, 

142,  147,  149,  220,  296,  298. 
Red  Cedar,  215. 
Ree,  9. 
Rel«    Jns  des  Jdfuites,  42,  46,  63,  73, 

90.  93.  '54,  I7S.  >8o,  185,  256,  257, 

264,  266. 
Religion  of  the  Savages,  243-247. 
Ribaut,  Cap  Jean,  v,  299. 
Rice  Lake,  128. 
Rchelieu,  Cap  de,  297. 
Richelieu,  Cardinal  de,  5,  105,  1 13,  155, 

156,  157,  160,  174,  175,  176,  181,  191, 

193,  217,  219. 
Riclielieu  Ifland,  256. 
Richelieu  River,  33,  36,  90,  93,  96,  100, 

loi,  199,  222,  260,  261,  262,  2S0,  297. 
Richemond,  Mefchinet  de,  viii,  206. 
Richmond's    Ifland,   47,   48,    49,    197, 

299. 
Rideau  River,  302. 
Rio  Chagres,  25. 
Rifl;igouche  River,  281,  298. 
River  du  Guaft,  52. 
River  LelTumen,  284. 
River  of  Canada,  273,  278. 
River  of  the  Algonquins,  270. 
River  Romaine,  284. 
River  St.  Lambert,  268. 
River  Trent,  128. 
Riuifere  de  Gafpey,  298. 
Riui^re  de  S  luuages,  296. 
Riui^re  des  Eflurgeons  &  Saulmons, 

296. 


Index. 


Ill 


Riviere  des  Prairies,  126,  300. 

RiiiiC:re  des  Puans,  297. 

Kiuitjre  du  Gait,  297. 

Rimi;:re  Platte,  295,  298. 

Riuicre  Saincle  Suzanne,  297. 

kivicre  du  Fouez,  257, 

Riviere  du  Loup,  297. 

Riviere  du  Slid,  294. 

Riviere  Noire,  283. 

Riviere  Petite,  252. 

Riviere  St.  Pierre,  268. 

Roanoke  Ifland,  58. 

Roljerval,  Jean  Francois,  v,  29,  30,  31. 

Robinllon,  43. 

Rochefort,  6. 

Roche,  Marquis  de  la,  30,  31. 

Rochelle,  2,  3,  4,  5,  9,  n,  35,  38,  no, 

117,  146,  148,  157,  160,  194,  206. 
Rock  River,  282. 
Rocky  Neck,  64. 

Roman  Church,  93,  122,  186,  188. 
Rome,  17. 
Ronjat,  E.,  2*  ^. 
Roque,  Francois  de  la,  29. 
Roquemont,  Claude  de,  155,  157,  165, 

166. 
Roflignol,  Captain,  38,  40,  298. 
Rouen,  28,  35,  114,  148,  155,  212. 
Round  Ifland,  267. 
Roy-Frangois,  30. 


Sable,  Baye  de  Cap,  298. 

Sable  Ifland,  31. 

Saco,  48,  49,  52,  56,  63,  66,  197,  238, 

286. 
Sagadahock,  46,  47. 
Sagamore,  34,  236,  243,  245. 


Sagard,  Gabriel,   150,    153,   235,  264, 

265. 
Saguenay,  33,  81,  99,    109,    124,   221, 

234,  235.  238,  249,  250,  252,  253,  257, 

258,  301. 
Saguenay,  Sault  de  RiuiiVe,  297. 
Saintt  Clcr,  Baie  dc,  37. 
Saint  Anne,  Bay  of,  175. 
Saint  Anne,  River,  255,  256. 
Saint  Bartholomew's,  186. 
Saint  Charles,  River,  29,  82,  149,  163. 
Saint  Clair,  Gen'l,  91. 
Saint  Croix,  in  Canada,  254,  255,  256, 

257,  296,  304. 
Saint  Croix,  Ifland  of,  39,  43,  56,  58, 

59,  60,  63,  75,  294,  304. 
Saint  Croix,  Ifland  in  Canada,  256. 
Saint  Croix,  River,  39,  40,  70,  159,  206, 

208,  299. 
Saint  Eloi,  Ifland  of,  256. 
Saint  Francis,  River,  259,  297. 
Saint  Gabriel,  127,  176,  177, 
Saint  Germain,  150. 
Saint  Hel6ne,  266,  267. 
Saint  Ignace,  Ifland  of,  100,  102. 
Saint  Jacques,  194. 
Saint  Jean  Baptifle,  127. 
Saint  Jean  d'Angely,  113. 
Saint  John,  Ifland  of,  288. 
Saint  John,  Ifles  of,  234. 
Saint  John,  Lake,  250. 
Saint  John,  New  Brunfvvick,  39, 60,  75, 

206,  238,  280,  287. 
Saint  John,  Newfoundland,  3c. 
Saint  John  on  the  Richelieu,  91. 
Saint  John,  River,  40. 
Saint  Lawrence,  Chronicles,  233,  234. 
Saint  Lawrence,  Gulf  of,  123,  161,  166, 

178,  199,  200,  210,  233,  298,  303. 
Saint  Lawrence,  Ifland  of,  280,  289. 


i 


338 


Index. 


% 

1 

\ 

f. 

!) 


J; 


Saint  Lawrence,  River  of,  28,  29,  30, 

32.  33.  36,  37,  39.  89,  96,  98.  100, 
loi,  106,  107,  no,  126,  127,  12.S,  130, 
135.  14S,  154,  IS9.  161,  166,  172,  180, 
187,  192,  199,  205,  234,  255,  261,  264, 
265,  272,  281,  295,  296,  300,  303. 

Saint  Louis,  Sault,  304. 

Saint  Luc,  dc,  4,  5,  16,  17, 

Saint  Malo,  28  -;i,  32,  74,  "j"],  114,  121, 
148,  237,  286,  290. 

Saint  ALittliew's  Point,  235,  236,  240. 

Saint  Maurice,  River,  99,  109,  257, 
258. 

Saint  Mary's  Bay,  39,  40. 

Saint  Mefmes,  5. 

Saintonge,  i,  3,  6,  8,  9,  11,  17,  15,  110. 

Saint  Paul's  Bay,  294. 

Saint  Paul,  Iflands  of,  :33,  267. 

Saint  Peter,  Iflands  o^,  232,  233. 

Saint  Peter,  Street  of,  86. 

Saint  Thcr^se,  266. 

Salem,  211,  290. 

Salt-works,  6-10. 

San  Juan  d'Ulloa,  22,  23. 

Saquifli,  207,  208. 

Safinoa,  294. 

Sauffaye,  Sieur  de  la,  122. 

Savage-Rock,  197,  198. 

Savages,  5 1 ,  66,  68. 

Scituate,  53. 

Scotland,  159. 

Scotch  Colony,  162. 

Scoudic  River,  299. 

Scurvy,  45,  60,  87. 

Secondon,  Indian  Chief,  60,  287. 

Seguin,  197. 

Se'. ridge,  Capt.,  25. 

S  ;pt  !/les,  Les,  299. 

jever  Iflands,  282. 

•=!e'  -n  Iflands  Bay,  282. 


Severn  River,  126,  127. 

Soveftre,  217. 

Seville,  21. 

ShaAHiut,  52,  211. 

Shaw  Norton,  26,  27. 

Shea,  John  Gilmary,  viii,  90,  93,  96, 

123,  132,  149,  158,  213. 
Shediac  Ifland,  279. 
Shcepfcot,  46,  47. 
Ship-canal,  24. 
Shrcwfbuiy,  Earl  of,  27. 
Simcoe,  126,  127,  141.  199. 
Simon,  Mr.,  39. 
Sillery,  Chancellor  de,  117. 
Slafter,  Edmund  F.,  306,  317,  318. 
Smith,  Captain  John,  v,  54,  77,  78,  198. 
Smith's  Cove,  64. 
Smith,  S.  D.,  131. 
Smyth,  R.  Brough,  240. 
Snow-lhoe,  248. 
Soiflbns,  Charles  de  Bourbon,  Count 

de,  112,  113,  294. 
SoiiTons,  Lac  de,  294. 
Soudis,  Madame  de.  122. 
Soupcjonneuse,  La,  69,  299. 
Souricoua,  279. 
Sourin,  44. 

Souriquois,  279,  286,  287. 
Sous  le  Fort,  Street  of,  86. 
Southampton,  Earl  of,  57. 
South  Sea,  277. 
Spain,  or  Spanilh,  10,  13,  15,  18,  20,21, 

22,  24,  26,27,  161,  195. 
Spain,  New,  22,  23,  25,  27. 
Spruce,  235. 

Stage  Harbor,  (i(-^,  68,  70,  197. 
Stags,  265. 

Stirling,  Earl  of,  176. 
Stony  Lake,  128. 
Stratton  Ifland,  47. 


Index, 


339 


6, 


|8. 


nt 


K 


21, 


Strawberry,  264. 
Stuart,  Sir  James,  174. 
Sturgeon  Lake,  128. 
Sully,  Duke  of,  4,  s,  16,   i8,  27,  36, 
112. 


T. 


Tabajie,  236,  237,  241,  286. 

Tabula  Nautica,  211. 

Tachd,  Dr.  J.  C,  127. 

TadoulTac,  32,  33,  36,  37,  80,  81,  83, 
84,  88,  89,  96,  9S.  104,  106,  1 10,  115, 
124,  147,  154,  162.  163,  164, 166,  168, 
169,  170,  J31,  234,  236,  238,  239,  249, 
250,  251,  258,  277,  278,  284,  285,  286, 
291,  295,  296,  297,  300,  304. 

Talon,  Lac  du,  126. 

Tanager,  Icarlet,  97. 

Tdldgraphe,  Compagnie  du,  54. 

Ten  Pound  Ifland,  84. 

Terra  Firma,  22. 

Tefouac,  La  Riui^re  de,  301. 

Tefouac,  Ifle  de,  3or. 

Tefroiiat,  chief,  118,  119. 

Thdmins,  Marefchal,  113. 

Thet,  Gilbert  du,  122. 

Thevet,  Andr^,  77,  233,  239. 

Thone,  Chairnte,  4. 

Thornton,  J.  Wingate,  306. 

Thorvald.  the  Northman,  56. 

Thou,  Jacque-Augufte,  de,  5,  16,  18. 

Thoufand  Iflands,  128. 

Three  Rivers,  zz,  36,  99,  152, 154,  255, 
257,  258,259,  273,301. 

Ticonderoga,  91,  93. 

Timothde,  Captain,  37. 

Tiny,  127. 

Tobacco,  49,  55,  63. 

Toleration,  Chriftian,  188. 


Tortue,  La  Riviere  de  la,  268. 

Touloufe,  146. 

Tourmente,  Cap  de,  295. 

Tours,  1 12,  146. 

Tour,  Claude  la,  160. 

Tour,  I'ort  la,  29S. 

Tour,  Sieur  de  l.i.  298. 

Tortue,  Lac  la,  126. 

Tracadie,  279. 

Trent,  River,  302. 

TrefpalVc/    I5aye  des,  300. 

Tribes,  American,  240. 

Trois,  153. 

Trou,  Catarafte  du,  270. 

Trumball,  J.  Hammond,  42,  46,  47,  52, 

Tuckerman,  Edward,  303. 
Turkey,  wild,  58. 
Tuttle,  Charles  VV.,  306,  318. 
Two  Mountains,  Lake  of,  294,  300. 


U. 

United  States,  54,  200. 
Univerfitd  Laval,  218. 
Univerfity  of  Paris,  229. 
Upper  Hell-gate,  46, 
Urbin,  Caftritio  d',  3. 


Vaudemont,  Nicholas,  Count  de,  15. 
Veillanc.  146. 

Ventadour,  Duke  de,  150,  154. 
Vera  Cruz,  22. 
Verch^res,  263,  265,  266. 
Vermont,  93,  200. 
Verneuil,  Madame  de,  122. 
Verte  River,  296. 


340 


Index, 


Vervlns,  n,  i8,  20,  ..;o6. 
V'ierges,  Lcs,  yxt, 
Vieuxpont,  Alexander  de,  175. 
Vigii;in,  Nicholas  de,   116,    '17,  119, 

121. 
Vimont,  BartlKjlcmy,  175,  i8j. 
Vineyard  I  (land,  198. 
Vineyard  Sound,  69,  71,  77,  '97,  222. 
Virginia,  58,  122,  160,  211,  299. 
Virginia  Companies,  158. 
Virgin  Mary,  246. 
Virgins,  22. 
Voltaire,  113. 


W. 

Wallace's  Sands,  50. 

Walnuts,  264. 

Weechagafkas,  52. 

Wellfleet,  197. 

Wells,  50. 

Weftport,  46. 

Weft  Indies,  10,  20,  21,  22,  23,  25,  26, 

27,  196,  200,  219. 
Weymouth,  Captain  George,  57,  77, 

198,  235. 


Wheelwright,  Rev,  John,  156,  3 1 7. 

Whitmorc.  William  H.,  317. 

Wigwam  or  Cabin,  Indian,  55,  239,  240. 

Williams,  Roger,  95, 

Winfor,  Juftin,  vii. 

Wilmere,  Alice,  26. 

Winipeg,  Lake,  265. 

Wifcanet,  46. 

Wifconfin,  I  lift.  Society,  276. 

Women,  Indian,  247. 

Wood's  Holl,  70. 

Wood,  William,  207,  317. 

Woolwich,  46. 

Wyct,  233. 

X. 

Xaintongeois,  215,  217. 
Xanftoigne,  30. 


Y. 

Yarmouth  Bay,  61. 
York  River,  278,  298. 
Yroquois,  222,  300,  304. 
Yuki,  95. 


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